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HISTORY 



SIEGE OF BOSTON, 



AND OF THE 



BATTLES OF LEXINGTON, CONCORD, 



BUNKEE HILL. 



ALSO, AN ACCOUNT OF THE 



BUNKER HILL MONUMENT. 



WITH ILLUSTRATIVE DOCUMENTS. 



# 



BY RICHARD FROTHINGHAM, Jr., 

AUTHOR OF A HISTORY OF CHARL'ESTOWN. 



SECOND EDITION. 

BOSTON: 

CHARLES C. LITTLE AND JAMES BROWN. 

1851. 



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Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1849, by 

RICHARD FROTHINGHAM, Jr. 

In the Clerk's Office of the District Court of Massachusetts. 



^f 



)6^ 



P H E P A C E . 



The preparation of a History of Charlestown led to 
large collections relative to the military transactions 
that occurred, in 1775 and 1776, in the vicinity of 
Boston. The greater part of them, hovrever, could 
not be properly used in a publication of so local a 
character ; and as no work had been issued containing 
a full narrative of these interesting events, it was con- 
cluded to prepare the present volume. It will be 
found to contain little of general history, and no more 
of the civil history of Boston than appeared to be 
necessary to show its relation to the patriot party at 
the commencement of hostilities. 

Time and labor have been freely spent in searching 
for original documents for this work. Hence, much of 
the narrative has been drawn from contemporary 
manuscripts, and nearly all of it from contemporary 
authorities. Less scepticism as to tradition, and the 
admission of a larger portion of personal anecdote, 
might have made it more amusing, but it would have 
been less reliable. No statement has been made 
without being warranted by authority believed to be 
good, and no opinion has been expressed which a 



IV PREFACE. 

careful scrutiny of evidence did not seem to authorize. 
Ample time, also, has been taken in the labor of 
arrangement, and hence haste will not be pleaded in 
extenuation of error. It will only be remarked, that 
while there has been diligent search for facts, a careful 
endeavor has been made to state them fairly and 
exactly. 

The author takes pleasure in expressing grateful 
acknowledgments to the many friends who have aided 
or encouraged his humble labors. He will always 
remember their courtesy and kindness. He is specially 
indebted to President Jared »Sparks, Hon. James Sav- 
age, and George Ticknor, Esquire, for valuable assist- 
ance. The librarians of various public institutions 
have rendered every facility in making researches. 
Such attention is alike cheering and gratifying to the 
inquirer. 

This volume has been written under sentiments of 
grateful veneration for the memory of the men who 
sacrificed so much, and who struggled so nobly, in be- 
half of American Liberty. May it contribute something 
to perpetuate the story of their heroism and suffer- 
ing, and to foster a desire to emulate their virtues and 
patriotism. 

December, 1849. 



The volume has been revised for this new edition, 
and a few corrections, mostly verbal, have been made. 
Charkstoivn, February, 1851. 



CONTENTS. 



CHAPTER I. — COLONIAL POLITICS. 



Date. Fa;e 

1774. 

Progress of New England, ... 1 
Jealousy of Great Britain, ... 2 
Taxation of the Colonies, .... 3 

Massachusetts Politics 4 

Mar. 31. Passage of the Port Bill, .... 6 
May 13. Arrival of General Gage, .... 5 

17. Lands in Boston, 6 

June. Orders Troops to Boston, .... 7 

The Regulating Acts, 8 

Aug. 6. Received by Gage, 9 

Committees of Correspondence, . 10 
26. Council at Faneuil Hall, . . . . 11 
30. Middlesex Count) Convention, . 12 

Sept. 1. Removal of Pov?der, 13 

Popular Excitement, 14 

4. Fortification of Boston Neck, .15 
Remonstrances, 16 



Date. 

1774. 
Sept. 



F««a 



26. 



Nov. 



Boston in 1774, 17 

Topography, 18 

Government, 18 

Population, 19 

Commerce, 20 

Patriots, 21 

Divines, 24 

Mechanics, 25 

Public Meetings, ... 26 

Committees, 27 

Clubs, 29 

Newspapers, 31 

Tories, 32 

Daily News, 35 

Suffering, 37 

Militia Organized, 41 

British Troops in Boston, ... 43 



CHAPTER n. — LEXINGTON AND CONCORD. 



1775. 
January. 



Feb. 



23. 
26. 



Mar. 30. 



April. 



19. 



Policy of the Patriots, 45 

of General Gage, . . . . 46 

Expedition to Marshfield, ... 46 

Expedition to Salem, 47 

Insults of the British Troops, . . 49 
Excursion into the Country, . . 51 
Hostile News from England, . . 52 

Spirit of the Patriots, 53 

Gage resolves to destroy theStores,55 
Suspicious Movements in Boston, 56 
Proceedings of British Officers, . 56 
Embarkation of Troops, . . . . 58 
The Town of Lexington, . . . . 59 
March of Colonel Smith, ... 60 
Skirmish at Lexington, .... 62 

Concord in 1775, 64 

Retreat of the Militia, . . . . • 66 
The British in Concord, .... 67 
The Militia and Minute-men, . 67 
Skirmish at the North Bridge, . 69 
A* 



1775. 
April 19. 



Gathering of the Minute-men, . 71 
The British leave Concord, ... 72 
Skirmish at Merriam's Corner, . 72 

in Lincoln 73 

in Lexington, .... 74 

Disorder of the British, . . . . 74 

Lord Percy's March, 76 

Doctor Warren and Gen. Heath, 76 
Events in West Cambridge, . . 77 

Fire at Prospect Hill, 78 

Events in Charlestown, .... 79 

Killed and Wounded, 80 

Monuments, 82 

Character of the Battle, . . . . 83 

Effect in the Colonies 84 

Narrative sent to England, ... 85 

Effect in England, 86 

Ministerial Card, 87 

British Comments, 69 

Greatness of the Day, 90 



VI 



CONTENTS. 



CHAPTER III. — THE SIEGE OF BOSTON. 



Date. 

1775. 

April 20. 



Page 



May 1. 



Circulars of the Committee 

Safety, 

Assembling of an Army, 
The People of Boston, 
Agreement with Gage, 
Delivery of Arms, . . 
Violation of the Agreement, 
The People of Charlestown, 
Action of Massachusetts, . 

of New Hampshire, 

of Connecticut, . . 

of Rhode Island, . . 

Organization of the Army, 

Its Character, 

Its Officers, 

Embassy of Connecticut, . 
Fortifications at Cambridge 



of 



. 91 
. 92 
. 93 
. 94 
. 95 
. 96 
. 97 
. 98 
. 99 
. 100 
. 100 
. 101 
. 102 
. 103 
. 104 
. 106 



Date. 




Pag« 


1775. 






May 3. 


Letter %o the Continental Con- 








106 


4. 


Letter tthConnecticut, . . . 


106 


5. 


Vote against Governor Gage, 


107 


9. 


Alarm 'in the Camp, .... 


107 


13. 


March to Charlestown, . . . 


107 


17. 


A British Barge fired upon, . 


108 


21. 


Fight at Grape Island, . . . 


108 


27. 


at Noddle's Island, . . 


109 


June. 


Debates on Armed Vessels, . 


. 110 


6. 


Exchange of Prisoners, . . . 


. Ill 


12. 


Proclamation of Gage, . . . 


. 113 




The British Army, 


. 114 




Report on Fortifications, . . 


. 115 


15. 


Resolve to occupy Bunker Hill 


, 116 


16. 


Position of the Americans, . 


. 117 




Description of Charlestown, . 


. 119 



CHAPTER IV.- 



June 16. Detachment ordered to Bunker 

Hill, 121 

Prescott's Orders, 122 

March to Charlestown, .... 122 
Consultation of Officers, . . .123 
Proceedings during the Night, . 124 
17. Cannonade of the British, . . .125 
Prescott's Coolness, 126 



BUNKER HILL BATTLE, 

June 17, 



Suflferings of the Men, . . . . 126 

British Council of War 127 

Prescott and Reinforcements, . 123 
Putnam and the Intrenching 

Tools, 129 

Preparations of the British, . .130 
Landing at Charlestown, . . . 131 
Alarm in Cambridge, 132 



CHAPTER V. — BUNKER HILL BATTLE. 



June 17. Anxiety at Breed's Hill, . . . 133 
Putnam. Warren. Pomeroy, 133 
The Rail-fence Breastwork, . .134 
The New Hampshire Troops, . 134 
The American Defences, . . . 135 
Positions of the Regiments, . .136 
Howe's Speech to his Men, . . 137 
Walker's Reconnoitre Service, . 138 
Advance of the British, . . . .139 
Fire of the Artillery. Plate. .139 

First Attack 140 

Putnam and Prescott, 142 



June 17. Second Attack, 143 

Burning of Charlestown, . . .144 
Retreat of the British, . . . . 145 
The American Reinforcements, 146 
Scenes on Bunker Hill, .... 147 
Prescott at the Redoubt, . . . 147 
Second British Reinforcement, 148 

The Third Attack, 149 

The Redoubt Stormed, . . . .150 

Retreat of Prescott, 151 

Putnam on Bunker Hill, . . . 152 
Prescott at Cambridge, .... 153 



June 17. Character of the Battle, .... 154 

lis Object 155 

Its Consequences, 156 

Its Confusion, 158 

Question of Command l.'jg 

Evidence respecting Pre.scolt, 159 



CHAPTER VI. — BUNKER HILL BATTLE. 
June 17. 



Evidence respecting Putnam, . 163. 

Conclusion, 166 

William Prescott 166 

Israel Putnam, 163 

Joseph Warren, 170 

Seth Pomeroy, 173 



CONTENTS. 



VII 



CHAPTER \1I. — BUNKER HILL BATTLE. 



Date. 

1775. 
June 17. 



Page 

The American Regiments, . . 175 

Prescoit's. Frye'a 175 

Bridge's. Mosea Parker, . . . 176 

Little's. Doolillle's, 177 

Willard Moore. Gerrisli's, . . 178 

Samuel Gerrish, 179 

Christian Febiger, 179 

Gardner's. Thomas Gardner, . ISO 
Tlie Charlestown Company, . . 181 
Brewer's. Wm. Buckminster, 182 
Woodbridge's. Whitcomb's, . 183 

Richard Gridley, 184 

Scarborough Gridley, 185 

John Callender, 185 

Stark's. John Stark, 186 



Date. 

1775. 

June 17. 



Puga 



Andrew McClary, 186 

Reed's Regiment, 187 

The Connecticut Troops, . . . 188 

Webb's Letter 189 

Thomas Knowlton, 190 

Numbers engaged, 190 

Killed and Wounded, 192 

Major Pitcaim, 195 

Major Spendlove, 193 

British Comments, 196 

The Redoubt, 197 

General Howe 199 

British Criticism, . . • .... 199 
Destruction of Charlestown, . . 201 
Characteristics of the Battle, . 204 



CHAPl'ER' Vin. — THE SIEGE OF BOSTON. 



Juno 13. Alarm in the Country, .... 207 

Distress in Boston, 207 

Scenes in Charlestown, .... 208 
General Ward reinforced, . . . 209 
Appeal of the Provincial Con- 
gress, 210 

Prospect Hill fortified, .... 210 
Winter Hill " .... 211 

Works at Roxbury, 212 

Skirmishes and Cannonade, . . 213 
Congress adopt the Army, . . .213 



June 15. Washington made Commander, 214 
His Journey to the Camp, . . .214 

July 3. Assumes the Command, .... 214 
Addresses to him and his Rcplie3,215 
Descriptlin of the Lines, . . .216 
Character of the Army, . . . .217 

9. Council of War, 218 

Organization of the Army, . .219 

The Environs of Boston, . . . 220 

Description of the Camp, . . . 221 

of Washington, . .222 



CEIAPTER IX. — THE SIEGE OF BOSTON. 



July. Generals Lee and Burgoyne, . . 223 

8. Skirmishes on Boston Neck, . . 224 

12. Expedition to Long Island, . . 225 

18. Declaration of Congress, .... 226 

20. Expedition to Nantasket, . . . 227 

29. Skirmish at Charlestown Neck, 228 

30. Skirmishes and Cannonade, . . 230 

31. Expedition to the Light- house, 230 
Aug. 3. Council of War, 231 



Aug. 26. Ploughed HiU fortified, .... 233 

State of Boston, 234 

Distresses of the British Army, 235 
Hardships of the Inhabitants, .236 
Destruction of Liberty Tree, . . 237 

Enlistment of Tories, 239 

Treatment of Prisoners, .... 240 

Sept. Cannonade, 242 

Attack on Boston proposed, . . 244 



CHAPTER X. — THE SIEGE OF BOSTON. 



Oct. 1. 



Gage resolves to Winter in Bos- 
ton, 246 

His Recall 247 

Addresses to him, 218 

General Howe assumes the Com- 
mand, 249 



Oct. 10. His Character and Policy, ... 250 

Bunker Hill and Boston Neck, 251 

28. Howe's Proclamations, .... 252 

Skirmishes in October, .... 253 

The Roxbury Lines, 254 

Views of Washington, .... 255 



vni 



CONTENTS. 



Date. Page 

1775. 

October. Committee from Congress, . . 256 

Attack on Boston proposed, . . 257 

Correspondence of Dr. Church, 258 

His Arrest 253 



Date. 

1775. 

October. 



His Trial and Punishment, . . 259 
Armed Vessels fitted out, . . . 2C0 
Action of Massachusetts, . . . 261 
The Pine-tree Flag, 262 



CHAPTER XI. — THE SIEGE OF BOSTON. 



Nov. 



29. 
Dec. 17. 



177G. 
Jan. 1. 



Independence advocated in the 

Camp 263 

Success of the Americans, . . .204 
Efforts of New England, .... 264 

of Massachusetts, . . . 265 

Jealousy of New England, . . . 266 
New Arrangement of Officers, .266 
Skirmish at Lechmere's Point, 267 

Cobble Hill fortified 268 

Success of the Armed Cruisers, 269 
The Stores of the Nancy, . . . 270 
Battery at Lechmere's Point, . 270 
Lechmere's Point fortified, . . 271 
Manly 's Captures, 272 



Mar. 



March. 



Dec. Conduct of Connecticut Troops, 273 
Requisition for Militia, .... 273 
Description of the Camp, . . .274 
Proceedings in England, . . . 276 
The Supplies sent to Boston, . 277 
Instructions to General Howe, . 277 
Howe's Apprehensions of Scarc- 
ity 278 

He enlists Loyalists, 279 

His Proclamation, 279 

Sufferings of the Army, . . . .280 

Plundering, 281 

Demolition of Buildings, . . . 281 
Description of Boston, . . . .282 



CHAPTER XII. — THE SIEGE OF BOSTON. 



The Union Flag, 283 

Effect of the King's Speech, . . 284 
Weakness of the Americans, . 284 
An Assault recommended, . . . 2S6 
Enterprise to Charlestown, . . 287 

Skirmishes, 2S9 

Council of War, .... ... 290 

Washington's Views, 292 

Expedition from Boston, . . . 292 
Howe's Views of the Campaign, 293 

Arrival of Supplies, 293 

Habits of the Troops, 294 

Cheerful Aspect of Things, . .295 
Washington receives Supplies, 295 
Prepares to occupy Dorchester, 297 

Cannonade of Boston 297 

Dorchester Heights occupied, . 297 



1776. 
Mar. 6. 



June 14. 



Howe resolves upon an Attack, 

Effects of a Storm 

Howe's Critical Situation, . . 
Resolves to evacuate Boston, . 
Astonishment of the Tories, . . 

Boston threatened, 

The Selectmen and Washington, 
Attempt to occupy Nook's Hill, 

Howe's Proclamation 

Plundering in Boston,, . . . ■ . 

Streets barricaded, 

Nook's Hill occupied, 

The British evacuate Boston, . 
The Americans lake Possession, 
They march to New York, . . 
Captain Mugford's Engagement, 
The British leave the Harbor, . 



298 
300 
301 
301 
302 
303 
303 
305 
306 
307 
303 
309 
309 
310 
312 
313 
314 



CHAPTER Xni.— THE SIEGE OF BOSTON. 



Joy in tlie Colonies, 316 

Address of Boston Selectmen, . 316 

Reply of Washington, 317 

Address of Mas.sachusetts, . . .318 

Letter of Congress, 318 

The Medal ordered by Congress,319 
Letter of Elbridge Gerry, ... 320 
The Intelligence in England, . 320 
Debates in House of Commons, 321 
—— in House of Lords, . . 322 



March. Approval of the Ministry, . . . 324 
Criticism on General Howe, . . 325 
Washington's Policy approved, 326 
Description of Boston, . . . .327 
The Old South Church, .... 328 

Public Buildings, • 328 

The Fortifications, 329 

Description of Charlestown, . . 330 

Fort on Bunker Hill 331 

Concluding Remarks, 332 



CONTENTS. 



IX 



THE BUNKER HILL MONUMENT. 



Monument to Warren proposed, 337 

The Celebration of Bunker Hill Battle, . . 338 

Monument on Breed's Hill, 338 

Description of it 339 

Early Celebrations 339 

Origin of the Bunker Hill Monument, . . 340 

Act of Incorporation, 341 

Subscriptions solicited, 342 

Celebration of the Fiftieth Anniversary, . 342 

The Form of the Monument, 343 

Description of the Celebration, 344 

Solomon Willard, 346 

Commencement of the Work, 346 

The Mechanic Association, 347 



Paflfe 

Meeting in Faneuil Hall, 348 

Debt of the Monument Association, . . .348 

Recommencement of the Work, 348 

Its Suspension, 349 

Amos Lawrence and Judah Truro, .... 349 

The Ladies' Fair, 350 

Contract with James S. Sarage, 351 

Completion of the Monument, 351 

Celebration of 1843, 351 

Receipts, 352 

Expenditures. Services of Individuals, .353 

Officers of the Association, 354 

Economy of the Work, 355 

Description of the Monument, 355 



APPENDIX. 



Colonial Politics. 

1. Call of a Meeting, Aug. 26, 1774, . . .361 

2. Proceedings of the Meeting, 361 

3. Extracts from the Diary of T. Newell, 363 

Lexington and Concord. 

1. Publications on the Events of the 19th 

of April, 365 

2. Deposition relative to Events in Lex- 

ington, , 367 

3. Deposition relative to Events in Con- 

cord, 367 

4. Petition of William Tay 368 

5. of Martha Mcullon, 369 

6. of Jacob Rogers, ....... 371 

Bdnker Hill Battle. 

1. Reviewof the Authorities on the Battle, 37C 

2. Narrative prepared by Order of the 

Committee of Safety, 381 



3. General Gage's Official Account, 

4. Letter of John Chester, .... 
5. 
6. 
7. 



.... 389 

Letter of Peter Brown, 392 

Letter of Samuel Gray, 393 

Letter of William Prescott, and Ex- 
tracts from Letters of Wm. Tudor, 
Wm. Heath, and Artemas Ward, . 395 

8. Account in Rivington's Gazette, . . . 397 

9. Criticism printed in the London 

Chronicle 398 

10. List of the Regiments, 401 



SiEOE OF Boston. 
Return of the Army, March 2, 1776, 



404 



Returns of the Army during the 
Siege, 406 

Account of Stores, Ordnance and Ves- 
sels, left in Boston, 406 

Account of the Forts around Boston, 
erected during the Siege, 409 



ILLUSTRATIONS. 



Plan of Boston, to face Title-page, ... 3 
An Attempt to land a Bishop in America, 24 

Plan of Concord 70 

Monument at Lexington, 90 

Boston and its Environs, 91 

TheResolveof Committee of Safety, . . .116 

Monument at Concord, 120 

View of Charlestown, 

Plan of Bunker Hill Battle, . • . . 



Cannonade in Bunker Hill Battle, .... 139 

Prescott's Letter, 466 

British Plan of the Redoubt, 198 

Pine-tree Flag 262 

Lines c^ Boston Neck, 31.'5 

Fort on Bunker Hill, 331 

Viewof Bunker Hill Monument, . . . . 337 

121 ^ Section of the Monument, 3.'57 

133 I First Monument on Breed's Hill, .... 359 



MAPS AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 

The Plan op Boston, by Lieut. Page, was published in England, in 1777. It is the only 
plan of Boston, of much value, of the publications of 1775. It contains many names not on 
the last edition of Price's plan, which is entitled, " A New Plan of the Great Town of Boa. 
ton, in New England, in America; with the many Additional Buildings and New Streets, to 
the year 1769." Page's plan is curious, as it shows the streets and principal places in the 
last year Boston was under British authority, and the intronchments erected by the British 
troops. This is the first American engraving of this plan. It is of the same size as the 
engraving of 1777, and as nearly as possible a fac-simile of it. 

The Plan op Bunker Hill Battle is by the same person — the groundwork being from 
an actual survey by the celebrated British engineer, Capt. Montresor. It is the only plan of 
Charlestown of so early a date. It is on the same scale as that published by Felton and Par- 
ker, in 1848, and the plans will be found to agree as to Main-street, Bunker Hill-street and 
other streets. The engraving for this work is the first American engraving. It is of the same 
size as the British engraving, and as to the outlines — streets, houses, trees, fences, line of fire 
and lettering — is an exact copy. It will be observed that the hills are not named correctly — 
Bunker Hill should be Breed's Hill. This plan was first published in 1776 or 1777, and the 
plate of it, with a few alterations in the lettering, was used by Stedman, in 1794, — without, 
however, any credit being given either to Montresor or Page. A plan was also made by Henry 
D'Berniere, a British officer. This was first engraved in this country, in 1818, for the Analec- 
lic Magazine. The ground plan is not so correct as Page's. I have seen an old MS. copy of 
this, slightly varying in the streets from the engraving. This plan forms the basis of Colonel 
Swett's plan of the battle. 

The Plan of Boston and its Environs was prepared from several plans. Various maps 
of this vicinity were published during the Revolution. A curious one appeared in England, in 
1775, entitled, "The Seat of War in New England, by an American Volunteer, with the Marches 
of several Corps sent by the Colonies towards Boston." It is on one sheet of imperial paper 
and was published by R. Sayer and J. Bennett, Sept. 2, 1775. This map contains a plan of 
Boston and of Boston harbor; also, a picture of the battle of Bunker Hill. It represents the 
town on fire, and the British columns, with colors, marching to the attack. The map repre- 
sents the New Hampshire troops coming by the way of Andover, Wilmington and Woburn ; 
the Connecticut troops, by way of Providence ; and Washington and " the New York Grena- 
diers" (!) by the way of Worcester. It is more curious than valuable. The Philadelphia Ledger 
(Aug. 19, 1775) contains an advertisement of a map taken " by the most skilful draughtsman in 
all America." This was Roman's Map of the Seat of Civil War in America. It is inscribed to 
John Hancock. It has a rude view of the lines on Boston Neck, and a " Plan of Boston and 
its Environs." A curious map of Boston and its environs was published, in 1776, at Paris, 
by " Ch. de Beaurain, Geographer to his Majesty." It purports to be copied from a 
British plan, — probably from a plan drawn by an engineer in Boston, in October, 1775, and 
(March, 1776) published "by a nobleman." This plan also is curious, but not correct. 
Other smaller plans also appeared, in various publications. Lieut. Page prepared a map 
of 'Boston, its Environs and Harbor, with the Rebels' Works," &c., from his own observations 
and the plans of Capt. Montresor. This was published in England, by William Faden, in 1777. 
It is valuable as to the harbor, but incorrect as to the country. Henry Pelham published, in 
1777, a large map of Boston and its environs, dedicated to Lord George Germaine, which is by 
far the most accurate of the maps of the environs. The plan in Dr. Gordon's History was 
evidently compiled from Page's for the harbor, and from Pelham's for the country. This was 
copied by Marshall. 

The View op Charlestown is c^ied from an original MS. of 1775, and communicated by 
Henry Stevens, Esq. 

The View op the Lines on Boston Neck is taken from one of the British prints of 1777. 

The Plan op the Fort on Bunker Hill is taken from Lieut. Carter's letters, written 
mostly from Charlestown Heights, during the siege, and published in England, in I7S1. 

The Representation op the Pine-tree Flag is from the French map of Boston and 
environs. 

The Stamps on the covers are representations of the devices on the gold medal (see p. 319) 
struck, by order of Congress, in honor of Washington. 



THE SIEGE QE BOSTON. 



CHAPTER L 

Colonial Politics. Taxation of America. The Boston Port Bill. Acis 
altering the Massachusetts Charter. Resisted by the People. Hostile 
Preparations. Boston in 1774. 

The New England colonists always claimed the liberties of 
Englishmen. They brought with them the principles that the 
people are the fountain of political power, and that there can 
be no just taxation without representation ; and contended 
for the right of applying these principles according to their 
wants. They brought with them, also, that republican spirit 
which animated the English Puritans, and* their early ideal 
was the establishment of civil commonwealths on the basis of 
Christian principles. To their vision, this form was a divine 
institution, the government of angels in heaven, and which 
ought to be that of men upon earth. It was instituted by God 
himself in the Holy Scriptures, whereby any nation might 
enjoy all the ends of government in the best manner.' Hence 
the New England communities became republican in form, 
while they had for their "quickening spirit, equal rights, free- 
dom of thought and action, and personal independence." ^ 

It was this spirit, and the bold application of these prin- 
ciples, that made the colonists, so far as their internal policy 
was concerned, virtually independent; while, so far as their 
external politics were concerned, their allegiance to the crown 
did not include an admission of the supremacy of Parliament. 
In fact, they regarded themselves as capable of organizing 

'Eliot's Christian Commonwealth, Preface, 1650. '^John Q. Adams, in 
Mass. Hist. Coll., vol. 29, p. 210. 



2 C()IX)NIAI, roI.ITICS. 

local governments, contracting alliances with each other, coin- 
ing money, making war, and concluding peace. The institu- 
tions that grow up, shaped in a great measure as experience 
dictated, were admirably adapted to strengthen and develop 
a love of liberty united to a respect for law. The almost con- 
tinual strugt^los with the aborigines and the French served 
as ini iuvahiable school in which to hiaru iIk; discipline, and 
to become inured to the dangers, of a military life ; while 
schools, and colleges, and churches, maintained with wonder- 
ful i)erscveranc(!, nurtured an equally invaluable intelligence 
and public virtue. Persons and property were secure, and 
labor was Iqss burdened with restriction, and more free to reap 
a fair reward, than it was in any country in the world. In a 
word, there grew up a system of local administration well 
suited to the condition of a rising people, united to a general 
organization, cai)able, in any emergency, of allbrding it pro- 
tectioji. 'VUo. colonists, in the enjoyment of so large a measure 
of individual freedom, developed in a remarkable degree the 
resources of the country, and increased surprisingly its com- 
mensal and political importance. 

This progress, which ought to have been regarded in Great 
I^ritain with pridfrand pleasure, was beheld with jealousy and 
aj^preheusion ; — with jealousy, lest the industrial enterprise 
of the colonists should compete too successfully with that of 
the mother country ; and with apprehension, lest their rising 
importance should invite them to assert political independence. 
These feelings were strengthened by the representations made 
of their condition by agents of the ministry and by royal 
governors. Quarry's memorial in 1703 alfords a striking 
illustration of these reports. "Commonwealth notions," he 
wrote, " improve daily ; and if it be not checked, in time the 
rights and privileges of British subjects will be thought by 
them to be too narrow."' Various measures were recommend- 
ed to check these ideas. Sagacious royalists saw the republi- 
can tendencies of the prevailing system of local government, — 
the Congregationalism in the churches, the town organizations, 
the local assemblies, — whose influence reached the roots and 
fibres of the social system ; and it is worthy of remark, that 
their recommendations reached the foundation of this tendency. 



JEALOUSY OF GHKAT B/ilTAIN, 3 

Randolph in 1G85, Quarry in 1703, lliitcliinson in 1773,' 
advised an interference with the towns, and the adoption of 
the policy of centralization. Other recommendations were 
made, and commercial reg^ulations were established, which 
bore with monstrous injustice on their rising manufactures and 
trade. The colonists, however, had enjoyed tlieir social and 
pohtical advantages too long to relinquish them without a 
stri]ggle. They determined to retain their admirable system 
of local government, and to keep free from foreign taxation. 
They claimed the right to go on in the path of freedom and 
progress they with so much toil and treasure had laid open. 
Why should a country, clotlied by the God of nature with all 
his highest forms of magnificence and grandeur, be governed 
by an island of the Old World? Why should it be impeded in 
its career by manacles thrown about its giant limbs by the 
selfishness of its parent'/'' The tyrannical revenue laws 
were never fully submitted to ; and if they were not openly 
opposed, it was because they were not rigidly enforced. 

The British ministry, dissatisfied with so easy an allegiance, 
resolved, after the conclusion of the treaty of Aix La Chapelle, 
(1748,) to adopt a more stringent policy with respect to the 
colonies, by enforcing the revenue laws, and asserting the prin- 
ciple of British supremacy. They introduced into Parliament 
a bill which proposed to sweep away the colonial charters 
without the form of legal judgment, and which authorized the 
king's instructions to be enforced as law. This bill excited 
great alarm, and was successfully resisted by the agents of 
the colonies.^ War again broke out with France, and William 
Pitt, who was opposed to this policy, became prime minister. 
This great statesman resigned in 17G1, and the Grenville min- 
istry subsequently renewed it. In conse^paence of this, politics 
became the chief concern of almost every local community. 

* Hutchinfion, March 10, 1773, wrote, " Ls there any way of compelling 
Boston to be a corporation, by depriving th'^m of their prcBcnt privihiges, 
and not Buffering any actK of the town ? The chartf^r of New York city 
might lie a good pattern. Can no restraint be laid on trie other towns, from 
acting in any other afiairs than such as immediately concern them TdnixxXr 
irely?" * .Smyth's Lectures, vol, n., p. 357. ^ Minot's Massachusetts, 
vol. I., p. 117. 

I 



4 COLONIAL POLITICS. 

In opposition to this policy, and in behalf of commercial free- 
dom, James Otis made (1761) his memorable speech on writs 
of assistance. The idea was entertained, at this period, that 
an American empire was close at hand. It was deduced from 
the ratio of the increase of population in the colonies, their 
great natural resources, free spirit, deliverance from danger 
from the French, and the adoption of the restrictive policy of 
the ministry. It is not the purpose of these pages, however, 
to dwell on political events further than as they were the im- 
mediate occasion of the commencement of hostilities. In 1765 
the ministry determined to enforce the supremacy of Parlia- 
ment by a system of internal taxation. Hence the stamp act, 
and the opposition to it; its repeal, and the wild joy of the 
colonists. But the claim was still asserted, that Parliament 
had the right to bind the colonies in all cases whatsoever ; and, 
to enforce it, other acts were passed, bearing upon all of them, 
and calling forth in all general opposition and counteracting 
measures. 

In Massachusetts, for nearly a century and a half, there had 
been a steady and healthy development of free principles. 
The people manifested it in the early struggles for their char- 
ters, in their resistance to the greedy tyranny of Andros, and 
in the subsequent political controversies between the liberty- 
men and the prerogative-men. Hence, during the ten years 
of strong reasoning, and firm resolve, and eloquent appeal — 
from 1764 to 1774 — the acts judged unconstitutional, and 
contrary to natural and chartered rights, met in this colony 
with the most determined opposition. It was carried on by 
men of the Puritan stock, who had in them the earnestness, 
singleness of heart, and ready devotion, of the olden time, and 
who believed that Divine Providence had appointed them to 
develop and defend a rational liberty. There was no com- 
promise, by such men, with duty. Hence, in dealing with 
the small tax on tea, when no other course remained, they 
did not hesitate to destroy the obnoxious herb. Hutchinson 
writes, " This was the boldest stroke that had been struck in 
America." It was done after deliberate council, was the work 
of no common mob, was welcomed through the colonics by 
the ringing of bells and other signs of joy, and was defended 



GENERAL GAGE, 5 

as a measure of political necessity. Ministerial wisdom de- 
vised as a punishment the Boston Port Bill, which was signed 
March 31, 1774, and went into effect on the first day of June. 
The execution of this measure devolved on Thomas Gage, 
who arrived at Boston May 13, 1774, as Captain General and 
Governor of Massachusetts. He was not a stranger in the 
colonies. He had exhibited gallantry in Braddock's defeat, 
and aided in carrying the ill-fated general from the field. He 
had married in one of the most respectable families in New 
York, and had partaken of the hospitalities of the people of 
Boston. His manners were pleasing. Hence he entered upon 
his public duties with a large measure of popularity. But he 
took a narrow view of men and things about him. He had 
no sympathy with the popular ideas, and no respect for those 
who advocated them. In his eyes, the mass of the people 
were "a despicable rabble," without the ability to plan or the 
courage to fight, and their leaders were oily demagogues gov- 
erned by a selfish ambition ; and it was beyond his compre- 
hension, how, in a time of prosperity, when trade was good, 
when food was cheap and taxes were light, such a community 
could run the chance of ruin out of devotion to principle. 
His instructions required him to compel "a full and absolute 
submission" to the rigorous laws of Parliament; and to this 
end he was, if it should be considered necessary, authorized to 
employ with effect the king's troops.' This was a harsh duty 

'The Earl of Dartmouth, in a letter to Governor Gage, dated April 9, 
1774, after urging the duty of " mild and gentle persuasion," says : " At the 
same time, the sovereignty of the king, in this Parliament, over the colonies, 
requires a full and absolute submission ; and his majesty's dignity demands, 
that until that submission be made, the town of Boston, where so much an- 
archy and confusion have prevailed, should cease to be the place of the resi- 
dence of his governor, or of any other officer of government who is not 
obliged by law to perform his functions there." After dwelling on the 
" criminality" of those who aided in the proceedings in Boston during ihe 
months of November and December, 1773, the letter says : " The king con- 
siders the punishment of these offenders as a very necessary and essential 
example to others of the ill consequences that must follow from such open 
and arbitrary usurpations as tend to the subversion of all government," &c. 
The instructions of the Treasury Board, dated March 31, are equally rigorous, 
and looked to a complete prostration of the commerce of Boston. 



b COLONIAL POLITICS. 

to perform ; but, making every allowance for its character, 
General Gage proved as a civilian and a soldier unfit for his 
position. He was arrogant in the discharge of his office, and 
to downright incapacity he added gross insincerity in his inter- 
course with the people. 

General Gage, on the seventeenth of May, landed at the 
Long Wharf, and was received with much parade. Members 
of tlie Council and House of Representatives, and some of the 
principal inhabitants of the town, with the company of cadets, 
escorted him to the Council Chamber, amid salutes from the 
batteries of the town and of the shipping;' In King-street, the 
troop of horse, the artillery company, the grenadiers, and sev- 
eral companies of militia, saluted him as he passed. About 
noon his commission was proclaimed in form, and a procla- 
mation was read by the high sheriff, continuing all officers in 
their places. It was answered by three huzzas from the 
concourse of people, by three vollies of small arms, and a 
discharge of cannon by the artillery. The governor then re- 
ceived the compliments of his friends, reviewed the militia, 
and was escorted to Faneuil Hall, where " an elegant dinner," 
loyal toasts, and animating festivity, closed the ceremonies. 
He then repaired to the Province House, the place of his resi- 
dence.^ 

General Gage held a consultation with Governor Hutchin- 
son, the admiral, and the commissioners of the customs, in 
relation to putting the Port Bill in force. All agreed in the 
manner of doing it. The officials left the town, the admiral 
stationed his ships, and on the first day of June the act went 
into effect. It met with no opposition from the people, and 
hence there was no difficulty in carrying it into rigorous exe- 
cution. "I hear from many," the governor writes, "that the 
act has staggered the most presumptuous ;" " the violent party 
men seem to break, and people fall off from them." Hence 
he looked for submission ; but Boston asked assistance from 
the other colonies, and the General Court requested him to 
appoint a day of fasting and prayer. The loyalists felt uneasy 
at the absence of the army.^ "Many are impatient," Gen- 

' Journals of the day. ^ j^ 1767^ an addition was first made to the num- 
ber of men who commonly formed the garrison of Castle William. On the 



THE BOSTON PORT BILL. 7 

eral Gage writes, May 31, " for the arrival of the troops ; and 
I am told that people will then speak and act openly, which 
they now dare not do." Hence a respectable force was soon 
concentrated in Boston. On the 14th June, the 4th or king's 
own regiment, and on the 15th, the 43d regiment, landed at 
the Long Wharf, and encamped on the common. Additional 
transports with troops soon arrived in the harbor, and on the 
4th and 5th of Jnly, the 5th and 38th regiments landed at the 
Long Wharf Lord Percy was among the officers of this ar- 
rival. At this time the governor had a country seat at Dan- 
vers. On the 6th of August the 59th regiment arrived from 
Halifax, and during the following week landed at Salem, and 
there encamped.' Additional troops were ordered from New 
York, the Jerseys, and Quebec. These measures. General 
Gage writes, give spirits to one side, and throw a damp on 
the other. " Your lordship will observe, that there is now an 
open opposition to the faction, carried on with a warmth and 
spirit unknown before, which it is highly proper and necessary 
to cherish, and support by every means ; and I hope it will not 
be very long before it produces very salutary effects." ^ 

The Boston Port Bill went into operation amid the tolling 
of bells, fasting and prayer, the exhibition of mourning em- 
blems, and every expression of general and deep sympathy. 
It bore severely upon two towns, Boston and Charlestown, 
which had been long connected by a common patriotism. 
Their laborers were thrown out of employment, their poor 
were deprived of bread, and gloom pervaded their streets. 
But they were cheered and sustained by the large contribu- 
tions sent from every quarter for their relief, and by the noble 
words that accompanied them. The mission of this law, how- 

Ist of October, 1768, a body of seven hundred, covered by the fleet, landed 
in Boston, and with charged muskets marched to the common, amid the 
sullen silence of the people. In November following, parts of the 64th and 
65th regiments joined them. Collisions with the inhabitants followed, and 
then the tragedy of the fifth of March, 1770. This occasioned the removal 
to the castle. Here they remained until the ministry resolved to subdue 
Massachusetts by arms. 

' NewelFs Diary. ^ The letters of Lord Dartmouth and General Gage, or 
rather extracts from them, were published in the Parliamentary Register of 
1775. 

1* 



8 COLONIAL POLITICS. 

ever, was rather to develop an intense fraternal feeling, to 
promote concert of action and a union of the colonies, than to 
create a state of open war. The excitement of the public 
mind was intense ; and the months of June, July, and August, 
were characterized by varied political activity. Multitudes 
signed a solemn league and covenant against the use of British 
goods. The breach between the whigs and loyalists daily 
became wider. Patriotic donations from every colony were on 
their way to the suffering towns. Supplies for the British 
troops were refused ; and essays demonstrated that the royal 
authority had ceased, and that the people, being in a state of 
nature, were at liberty to incorporate themselves into an inde- 
pendent community. It was while the public mind was in 
this state of excitement, that other acts arrived, which Gen- 
eral Gage was instructed to carry into effect. 

The British Parliament had passed two acts,^ virtually re- 
pealing the charter of Massachusetts, entitled " An Act for the 
better regulating the government of the Province of Massachu- 
setts Bay," and "An Act for the more impartial administra- 
tion of justice in said Province." The first law provided that 
the councillors, which were chosen by the representatives 
annually, should be appointed by the king, and should serve 
according to his majesty's pleasure ; that the judges, sheriffs, 
and other civil officers, should be appointed by the governor, 
or, in his absence, the lieutenant-governor; that juries should 
be summoned by the sheriffs ; and that town-meetings, except 
the annual ones of March and May, and othei: public meet- 
ings, should not be held without the permission of the governor. 
The other act provided that offenders against the laws might 
be carried to other colonies or to England for trial. These 
arbitrary acts went to the root of the political system that had 
grown with the growth and had strengthened with the strength 
of Massachusetts. They undermined those fundamental prin- 
ciples which formed its basis. They struck down customs, 

^ The bill for regulating the government passed the House of Commons 
May 2, 1774, yeas 239, nays 64 ; the House of Lords,May 11, yeas 92, nays 
20. The bill for the administration of justice passed the House of Commons 
May 6, 1774, yeas 127, nays 24 ; the House of Lords, May 18, yeas 43, nays 
12 Both bills were approved May 20. 



THE REGULATING ACT. 9 

which, ill a century and a half's practice, had grown into 
rights. They invaded the trial by jury ; and what was 
scarcely less dear to the colonists, they prohibited public meet- 
ings, and thus, it was said, ''cut away the scaffolding of 
English freedom." The issue, no longer one of mere taxation, 
involved the gravest questions as to personal rights. The 
freeman was required to become a slave. It was the attempt- 
ed execution of these laws that became the immediate occasion 
of the commencement of hostilities between the American 
colonists and Great Britain. 

Copies of these acts were received early in June,^ and were 
immediately circulated through the colonies. General Gage 
did not receive them officially until the 6th of August, and with 
them a letter of instructions from the government. Lord Dart- 
mouth hoped these new laws would have " the good effect" to 
give vigor to the civil authority, " to prevent those unwarrant- 
able assemblings of the people for factious purposes, which had 
been the source of so m.uch mischief." and to secure an impar- 
tial administration of justice ; and he instructed the governor, 
at all hazards, to put them in force. Not only the dignity and 
reputation of the empire, but the power and the very existence 
of the empire, depended upon the issue ; for if the ideas of inde- 
pendence once took root, the colonial relation would be sev- 
ered, and destruction would follow disunion. It was actual 
disobedience, and open resistance, that had compelled coercive 
measures. With this imperative order there came a nomi- 
nation of thirty-six councillors. General Gage lost no time 
in attempting to carry these laws into execution. Twenty- 
four of the council immediately accepted. The first meeting 
of such of the members as could be collected was held on the 
8th; and a meeting of the whole was called on the 16th. 
Judges, also, proceeded immediately to hold courts, and sheriffs 
to summon juries, under the authority of the new acts. The 
momentous question of obedience now came up. Should 
Massachusetts submit to the nevv'- acts? Would the other 
colonies see, without increased alarm, the humiUation of Mas- 
sachusetts ? 

' June 2, Captain Williamson, in 36 days from Bristol, (arrived) with copy 
of another cruel act of Parliament. — Newell's Ms. Diary. 



10 



COLONIAL POLITICS. 



This was the turning point of the Revolution. It did not 
find the patriots unprepared. They had an organization 
beyond the reach ahke of proclamations from the governors, 
or of circulars from the ministry. This Avas the committees 
of correspondence, chosen in most of the towns in legal town- 
meetings, or by the various colonial assemblies, and extending 
throughout the colonies. Their value was appreciated by the 
patriots, while their influence was dreaded by the crown. His 
majesty had formally signified his disapprobation of their 
appointment;' but the ministers of state corresponded with 
their colonial officials and friends; and why should it be 
thought unreasonable or improper for the agents of the colo- 
nists to correspond with each other 1 The crisis called for all 
the wisdom of these committees. A remarkable circular from 
Boston, addressed to the towns, (July, 1774,) dwelt upon the 
duty of opposing the new laws : the towns, in their answers, 
were bold, spirited, and firm, and echoed the necessity of 
resistance. Nor was this all. The people promptly thwarted 
the first attempts to exercise authority under them. Such 
councillors as accepted their appointments were compelled to 
resign, or, to avoid compulsion, retired into Boston. At Great 
Barrington, (August, 1774,) the judges, on attempting to hold 
courts, were driven from the bench, and the Boston people 
were gravely advised to imitate the example. '^ At length the 
committee of Worcester suggested a meeting of various com- 
mittees, to conclude upon a plan of operation to be adopted 
through the province,^ and requested the Boston committee to 
call it. Accordingly, a meeting of delegates from the commit- 
tees of the counties of Worcester, Essex, and Middlesex, and of 
the committee of correspondence of Suffolk, was held on the 
26th of August, 1774, at Faneuil Hall. It was first resolved that 

' Governor Hutchinson, in his message to the General Court, January 26, 
1774, said : " I am required to signify to you his majesty's disapprobation of 
the appointment of committees of correspondence, in various instances, which 
sit and act during the' recess of the General Court." '^ A paper, in stating 
this fact, says : Here is novsr an example for you, inhabitants of Suffolk ! An 
infant county, hardly organized, has prevented the session of a court on the 
new system of despotism. ^ " A county congress " was suggested at a Bos- 
ton town-meeting, August 9, and the committee of correspondence authorized 
to appoint delegates to it. — Records. 



COUNCIL IN FANEUIL HALL. 11 

certain officers of the crown, — such as judges, and justices, 
and officers of courts, — were, by the act for the better regu- 
lation of the government, rendered unconstitutional officers ; 
and then a committee was raised, to report resohitions proper 
to be adopted on so alarming an occasion. The meeting then 
adjourned to the next day. On the 27th, this meeting con- 
sidered the report of its committee, and adopted it. Its pre- 
amble declares that the new policy of the ministry formed 
a complete system of tyranny ; that no power on earth had 
a right, without the consent of this province, to alter the 
minutest tittle of its charter ; that they were entitled to life, 
liberty, and the means of sustenance, by the grace of Heaven, 
and without the king's leave ; and that the late act had robbed 
them of the most essential rights of British subjects. Its 
resolves declare : 1. That a Provincial Congress is necessary 
to counteract the systems of despotism, and to substitute referee 
committees in place of the unconstitutional courts ; and that 
each county will act wisely in choosing members, and reso- 
lutely executing its measures. 2. That, previous to the meet- 
ing of such congress, the courts ought to be opposed. 3. That 
officers attempting to hold them, or any others attempting to 
execute the late act, would be traitors cloaked with a pretext 
of law. 4. That all persons ought to separate from them. — 
laborers ought to shun their vineyards, and merchants ought 
to refuse to supply them with goods. 5. That every defender 
of the rights of the province, or of the continent, ought to be 
supported by the whole county, and, if need be, by the prov- 
ince. 6. That, as a necessary means to secure the rights of 
the people, the military art, according to the Norfolk plan, 
ought to be attentively practised. Such was the bold deter- 
mination of what may not be inaptly termed the executive of 
the patriot party. I know of no more important consultation 
of this period,* or one that was followed by more momentous 
action. These resolves, reflecting as they did the deep convic- 
tions of the majority of the people, were carried out to the 

' This meeting does not appear to have been public. I have not met with 
a single allusion to it in print, either in the newspapers or in the histories. 
The proceedings, from Mss. in the rich cabinet of the Mass. Hist. Society, 
with the call, are in the Appendix. 



12 COLONIAL POLITICS. 

letter. The result was, a Provincial Congress, hostile prepa- 
ration, a clash of arms, and a general rising of the people. 

To the people of Middlesex County belongs the honor of 
taking the lead in carrying out the bold plan resolved upon in 
Faneuil Hall. A convention, consisting of delegates from every 
town and district in it, chosen at legal town-meetings, assem- 
bled at Concord on the 30th of August. It numbered one hun- 
dred and fifty, and constituted a noble representation of the 
character and intelligence of this large county. The mem- 
bers felt that they were dealing with "great and profound 
questions," — their own words, — at a stage when judicious 
revolutionary action, rather than exciting language, was re- 
quired. Their report and resolves are pervaded by the deep 
religious feeling that runs through the revolutionary docu- 
ments of New England, and are remarkable for their firmness, 
moderation, and strength. After reviewing the late acts, they 
say, " To obey them would be to annihilate the last vestiges 
of liberty in this province, and therefore we must be justified 
by God and the world in never submitting to them." Actu- 
ated by " a sense of their duty as men, as freemen, and as 
Christian freemen," they resolved that every civil officer, act- 
ing under the new acts, "was not an officer agreeable to the 
charter, therefore unconstitutional, and ought to be opposed." 
They concluded in the following lofty strain: "No danger 
shall affright, no difficulties shall intimidate us ; and if, in 
support of our rights, we are called to encounter even death, 
we are yet undaunted, sensible that he can never die too soon 
who lays down his hfe in support of the laws and liberties of 
his country." Memorable words for men to utter, who led at 
Lexington, Concord, and Bunker Hill ! Proceedings worthy 
to have emanated from these world-renowned battle-grounds.' 

The governor, meantime, kept a watchful eye on these 
movements. He resolved to use his troops to disperse public 
meetings, and to protect the courts ; and made his first attempt 
at Salem. A meeting was called in this town, August 20, by 
printed handbills from the committee of correspondence, and 

' These proceedings were published at length in the journals of the time. 
A copy was officially sent to Congress, then in session at Philadelphia, where 
they were much applauded. 



THE SALEM MEETING 13 

the object was to elect delegates to a county convention to be 
holden at Ipswich. On the 23d of August, General Gage 
issued a proclamation, forbidding all persons from attending 
this meeting, "or any other not warranted by law," as they 
would be chargeable with all the ill consequences that might 
follow, and must " answer them at their utmost peril." The 
inhabitants, however, assembled on the 24th, according to the 
notice. By request, the committee waited on General Gage, 
who ordered them, to dissolve the meeting. The committee 
began to argue the legality of the assembly. " I came to exe- 
cute the laws, not to dispute them," replied Gage. A detach- 
ment of troops was ordered to disperse the meeting ; but while 
the committee were in consultation, the people transacted their 
business and adjourned, and the discomfited governor grati- 
fied his resentment by arresting those who called the unlawful 
assembly. 

The next attempt of General Gage indicated his intention 
to secure the cannon and powder of the province, and thus 
disarm the people. In Charlestown, on Quarry Hill, was a 
magazine, — the powder-house, — where it was customary to 
store powder belonging to the towns and the province. Owing 
to the lowering aspect of public affairs, the towns, in August, 
withdrew their stock, which left only that belonging to the 
province. This fact was communicated to General Gage by 
William Brattle, of Cambridge, when it was determined to 
remove the remainder of the powder to Castle William. Ac- 
cordingly, on the first day of September, in the morning about 
sunrise, Lieutenant-Colonel Maddison, and two hundred and 
sixty troops, embarked in thirteen boats at Long Wharf, Bos- 
ton, landed at Temple's Farm, (The Ten Hills,) crossed over 
Winter Hill to the powder-house, and carried the powder, two 
hundred and fifty half-barrels, on board the boats. Meantime 
a detachment went to Cambridge, and carried away two field- 
pieces, lately procured for the regiment of that place. The 
party then proceeded to Castle William. 

The report of this affair, spreading rapidly, excited great 
indignation. The people collected in large numbers, and many 
were in favor of attempting to recapture the powder and can- 
non. Influential patriots, however, succeeded in turning their 



14 COLONIAL POLITICS. 

attention in another direction. They were persuaded to remain 
quiet on this day, and on the next day, September 2, to carry 
into effect the resolves of the convention of Middlesex County, 
so far as related to officers who were exercising authority 
under the new acts. Accordingly, under the sanction and 
direction of members of the committees of correspondence of 
Boston, Charlestown, and Cambridge, the people repaired in a 
body to the residence of Lieutenant-Governor Oliver, and 
obliged him to resign his office. The resignation of other 
important officers, who had accepted appointments or executed 
processes, was procured. General Gage was wisely advised 
by his adherents not to use force to disperse this meeting, and 
thus, unmolested, it acted in a revolutionary manner almost 
within gun-shot of his batteries. Meantime the fact of the 
removal of the powder became magnified into a report that 
the British had cannonaded Boston, when the bells rang, 
beacon-fires blazed on the hills, the neighbor Colonies were 
alarmed, and the roads were filled with armed men hastening 
to the point of supposed danger. 

These demonstrations opened the eyes of the governor to 
the extent of the popular movement, and convinced him of 
the futility of endeavoring to protect the courts by his troops. 
He left Salem for Boston, to attend the Superior Court, Aug. 
30th, and with the intention of sending a detachment to pro- 
tect the judges in holding a court at W orcester ; but his coun- 
cil hesitated as to the propriety of weakening his forces by 
division. It would be to tempt tlieir destruction. " The 
flames of sedition," he writes, September 2, " had spread uni- 
versally throughout the country beyond conception;" and he 
assured Lord Dartmouth that "civil government was near its 
end;" that the time for "conciliation, moderation, reasoning, 
was over," and that nothing could be done but by forcible 
means ; that Connecticut and Rhode Island were as furious as 
Massachusetts ; that the only thing to be done was to secure 
the friends of government in Boston, to reinforce the troops, 
and act as circumstances might require. "I mean, my lord," 
he adds, " to secure all I can by degrees; to avoid any bloody 
crisis as long as possible, unless forced into it by themselves, 
which may happen." But as it was resolved " to stem the 



BOSTON NECK FORTIFIED. 15 

torrent, not yield to it," he frankly told the minister " that a 
very respectable force should take the field." 

This was the period of transition from moral suasion to 
physical force. General Gage saw no hope of procuring obe- 
dience but by the power of arms ; and the patriot party saw 
no safety in anything short "of mihtary preparation. Resist- 
ance to the acts continued to be manifested in every form. 
On the ninth of September the memorable Suffolk resolves 
were adopted, going to the same length with those of Middle- 
sex ; and these were succeeded by others in other counties 
equally bold and spirited. These resolves were approved by 
the Continental Congress, then in session. Everywhere the 
people either compelled the unconstitutional officers to resign, 
or opposed every attempt to exercise authority, whether by the 
governor or by a constable.' They also made every effort to 
transport ammunition and stores to places of security. Can- 
non and muskets were carried secretly out of Boston." The 
guns were taken from an old battery at Charlestown, where 
the navy yard is. This was difficult to accomplish, for any 
unusual noise in the battery might be heard on board of a ship 
of war whiich lay opposite to it. But a party of patriots, 
mostly of Charlestown, removed the guns silently at night, 
secreted them in the town for a few days, and eluding a strict 
search made for them by British officers, carried them into the 
country. 

General Gage immediately began to fortify Boston Neck. 

' A letter from Boston states .-"The distress occasioned to the town by that 
indiscriminating act which, by shutting up the port of Boston, involves the 
innocent equally with the guilty, seems to be entirely absorbed by what is 
thought a greater evil, the act for regulating, or rather altering, the consti- 
tution and government of the province, regardless of their long-enjoyed char- 
ter privileges. As this affects the whole province, and deprives them of what 
they hold most dear, the temper of the people is raised to the highest pitch 
of enthusiasm, and their behavior borders upon distraction." 

2 Newell writes, September 15 :"Last night all the cannon in the North 
Battery were spiked up. It is said to be done by about one hundred men, 
who came in boats, from the men of war in the harbor. September 17 : Last 
night the town's people took four cannon from the gun-house very near the 
common. September 20 : Some cannon removed by the men-of-war's men 
from the mill-pond." 

2 



16 COLONIAL POLITICS. 

This added intensity to the excitement. The inhabitants 
became alarmed at so ominous a movement ; and, on the 5th 
of September, the selectmen waited on the general, represented 
the public feeling, and requested him to explain his object. 
The governor stated in reply, that his object was to protect 
his majesty's troops and his majesty's subjects ; and that he 
had no intention to stop up the avenue, or to obstruct the free 
passage over it, or to do anything hostile against the inhab- 
itants. He went on with the works, and soon mounted on 
them two twenty-four pounders and eight nine pounders. 
Again, on the 9th, the selectmen called on him, and repre- 
sented the growing apprehension of the inhabitants. The 
fortress at the entrance of the town, they said, indicated a 
design to reduce the metropolis to the state of a garrison. In 
a written reply, General Gage repeated his former assurances, 
and characteristically remarked, that as it was his duty, so it 
should be his endeavor, to preserve the peace and promote the 
happiness of every individual, and recommended the inhab- 
itants to cultivate the same spirit. On the next day a com- 
mittee from the Suffolk convention waited on him. They 
represented that the prevailing ferment was caused by his 
seizing the powder at Charlestown, by his withholding the 
stock in the Boston magazine from its legal proprietors, by his 
new fortification, and by the insults of his troops to the people. 
General Gage's reply is dated September 12. He admits 
instances of disorder in the troops, but appeals to their general 
good behavior, and concludes : " I would ask what occasion 
there is for such numbers going armed in and out of town, 
and through the country in a hostile manner ? Or why were 
the guns removed privately in the night from the battery at 
Charlestown ? The refusing submission to the late acts of 
Parliament I find general throughout the province, and I shall 
lay the same before his majesty." The patriots were never 
at a loss for words ; and on receiving this, they promptly pre- 
sented an address to the governor, recapitulating his hostile 
acts, and requesting him, in his purposed representation, to 
assure his majesty, " That no wish of independency, no 
adverse sentiments or designs towards his majesty or his 
troops now here, actuate his good subjects in this colony ; but 



BOSTON IN 1774. 17 

that their sole mtention is to preserve pure and inviolate those 
rights to which, as men, and Enghsh Americans, they are 
justly entitled, and which have been guaranteed to them by 
his majesty's royal predecessors." Dr. Warren, in presenting 
to General Gage this address, remarked, " That no person had, 
so far as he had been informed, taken any steps that indicated 
any hostile intention, until the seizing and carrying off the 
powder from the magazine in the County of Middlesex." ' 

All eyes now centred on Boston. It was filled with the 
spirit of the olden time, — the spirit of the indomitable men, 
pure in life and strong in faith, who founded it, and who 
reared it for the abode of civil independence as well as for 
religious liberty. In every period of its history it had been 
jealous of its rights. It had grown up in the habitual exer- 
cise of them, and had been quick to discern their infringe- 
ment. It had dared to depose Andros for his tyranny, and 
it was early and decided in its opposition to the claim of par- 
liamentary supremacy. For years it had been alive with the 
kindling pohtics of the age, and stood boldly prominent as 
the advocate of the patriot cause. It was regarded by the 
Whigs as the great representative of liberty. It was regarded 
by the Tories as the grand focus of rebellion.'^ Hence the 
British administration made it feel the full weight of British 
power, and expected by crushing the spirit of Boston to crush 
the spirit of disobedience in the colonies. 

The great natural features of the metropolis of Massachu- 
setts, at this time, were almost unchanged. The original 

' The General Congress remonstrated on these fortifications. General 
Gage, October 20, in his reply, says: "Two works of earth have been 
raised at some distance from the town, wide of the road, and guns put in 
them. The remains of old works, going out of the town, have been strength- 
ened, and guns placed there likewise." The documents are in the news- 
papers of this period. 

^ General Gage, Aug. 27, 1774, wrote to Lord Dartmouth : — It is agreed 
that popular fury was never greater in this province than at present, and it 
has taken its rise from the old source at Boston, though it has appeared first 
at a distance. Those demagogues trust their safety in the long forbearance 
of government, and an assurance that they cannot be punished. They chicane, 
elude, openly violate, or passively resist the laws, as opportunity serves ; and 
opposition to authority is of so long standing, that it is become habitual. 



18 COLONIAL POLITICS. 

peninsula, with its one broad avenue by land to connect it 
with the beautiful country by which it was surrounded, had 
sufficiently accommodated its population, without much alter- 
ation of the land, or without much encroachment on the sea. 
Beacon Hill, and its neighboring eminences, now so crowded 
with splendid mansions, were then pasture grounds, over 
which grew the wild rose and the barberry. Copp's Hill, 
one of the earliest spots visited by the Pilgrims, and Fort 
Hill, memorable as the place where Andros and his associ- 
ates were imprisoned, were also of their original height. 
Much of Boston, now covered by piles of brick and busy 
streets, was then overflowed by the tide, or was parceled out 
in gardens and fields. It would require, however, too much 
space to dwell on its topography, or its municipal affairs, or 
to describe the change that enterprise and wealth, under the 
benign influence of freedom, have wrought in its appearance. 
Its government, however, exercised too powerful a political 
influence to be passed over without remark. Its form was 
simple, and peculiar to New England. No common law orig- 
inally authorized it ; and so widely did it differ from that of 
the municipal corporations of England, that Andros (1686) 
declared there was no such thing as a town in all the coun- 
try. At first the inhabitants of the towns managed their 
affairs in general meeting, but soon chose "the seven men," 
or " the selectmen," to act as an executive body. The Gen- 
eral Court in 1636 recognized the towns, and defined their 
powers. Such was their origin. In Boston the selectmen 
were at first chosen for six months ; but after a few elections, 
for a year. The general town affairs were decided in general 
meetings of the citizens. So important were these little local 
assemblies regarded, that the absentee from them was fined ; 
so free were they, that in them — the General Court ordered, 
1641 — any man, whether inhabitant or foreigner, might 
make any motion or present any petition ; so wide was the 
range of subjects discussed by them, that the debates ran 
from a simple question of local finance to general questions 
of provincial law and human rights ; so great was their po- 
litical effect, that the credit has been assigned them of having 
commenced the American Revolution. The hand votes of the 



POPULATION OF BOSTON, 19 

citizens in them were equal, and "this apparent equality in 
the decisions of questions taught every man, practically, the 
greatest principle of a republic, that the majority must gov- 
ern." * " The people," Tudor well remarks, " were the sub- 
jects of a distant monarch, but royalty was merely in theory 
with them." ^ 

The population of Boston was about seventeen thousand. 
A marked peculiarity of it was its homogeneous character. It 
was almost wholly of English extraction ; and, during the pre- 
ceding century, it had gradually increased from its own stock. 
It had few foreigners — few even of English, Irish, or Scotch. 
It was an early remark in relation to it, that it wore so much 
the aspect of an English town, that a Londoner would almost 
think himself at home at Boston. Strangers praised its gen- 
erous hospitality. " I am arrived," a traveller^ writes, 
" among the most social, polite, and sensible people under 
heaven, — to strangers, friendly and kind, — to Englishmen, 
most generously so." Its inhabitants, by their industry, en- 
terprise and frugality, generally had acquired a competence. 
There was no hopeless poverty ; there were few of large 
wealth ; and none were separated by privileges from the rest 
of the community. The common school^ had made deep its 

^ Tudor's Otis, p. 446. ^ lb., p. 444. ^ A physician, November 8, 1774, 
describes Boston as follows : —"In this land of bustling am I safe arrived, 
among the most social, polite and sensible people under heaven, — to stran- 
gers, friendly and kind, — to Englishmen, most generously so. Much have 
I travelled, and much have I been pleased with my excursions. This is a 
fine country, for everything that caa gratify the man or please the fancy. 
War, that evil, looks all around us ; the country expect it, and are prepared 
to die freemen, rather than live what they call slaves. The patriots here 
are, in general, men of good sense, and high in the cause. I have been 
introduced to General Gage and the Tories — to Hancock and the Whigs. I 
find myself a high son — that is the strongest side at present. How long I 
shall stay here is uncertain. Much have I been entreated to settle here as 
physician ; and was peace and unanimity once more established, I should 
prefer this place to any I ever saw. The town is finely situated, very con- 
siderable, and well worth preserving. If hostile measures take place, I be- 
lieve it will fall a sacrifice." * In May, 1773, the South Grammar School 
had 130 scholars ; North, 59 ; South Writing, 220 ; North Writing, 250 ; 
Writing School, Queen-street, 264. 
2* 



20 COLONIAL POLITICS. 

mark of common brotherhood ; and in the pubUc meeting, in 
the social circle, in the varied walks of life, men met as equals 
in the race of enterprise or of ambition. The Province 
House — still standing — was the centre of fashion ; and the 
polished circle that moved in it shed abroad the influence of 
manners characterized by the urbanity of the olden time. 
The attention paid to education and religion, and the activity 
of the printing presses, indicate the value placed on the higher 
interests of a community. The general thrift was shown in 
the air of comfort spread over the dwellings, the elegance of 
many private mansions, and the number of public buildings. 
One fact is worthy of remark. Notwithstanding the political 
excitement that continued for ten years, with hardly an inter- 
mission ; notwithstanding the hot zeal of the sons of liberty, 
the bitter opposition of as zealous loyalists, the presence of 
the military, the firing upon the people, the individual col- 
lisions with the soldiers, " throughout this whole period of 
ferment and revolution, not a shigle human life was taken by 
the inhabitants, either by assassination, popular tumult, or 
public execution."^ 

The prosperity of Massachusetts never had been greater, 
and it never had felt less the ordinary burdens of society. It 
was, as to commerce, the envy of the other colonies. " In no 
independent state in the world," Hutchinson writes, " could 
the people have been more happy."^ Boston, more than any 
other town, represented this prosperity. Its relative impor- 
tance, when compared with the cities and towns of the other 
colonies, was far greater than it is at the present day ; and it 
was pronounced the most flourishing town in all British 
America. A glance at the ship-yards marked on the map 
will indicate the direction of a large portion of its industry ; 
a thousand vessels, cleared in a single year from its port,' will 
indicate the activity of its trade. It was not only the metrop- 
olis of Massachusetts and the pride of New England, but it 
was the commercial emporium of the colonies. It could 
assert, without much exaggeration, that its trade had been an 

1 Tudor's Life of Otis, p. 451. ^ Hutchinson, vol. 3, p. 351. ^ Price's 
Map, 176[). 



BOSTON PATRIOTS. 21 

essential link in that vast chain of commerce which had 
raised New England to be what it was, the southern prov- 
inces to be what they were, the West India Islands to their 
wealth, and the British empire to its height of opulence, 
power, pride and splendor.^ 

To enumerate the services and to sketch the characters of 
the patriots who won for Boston a world-wide renown, would 
require a volume. I can do little more than indicate their 
fields of labor. The foremost of them, James Otis, so vehe- 
ment and wild in his support of liberty that the British called 
him mad, of such pure patriotism and spirit-stirring eloquence 
that the people hung upon his words with delight, had accom- 
plished his great pioneer work ; and his fine genius, by a 
savage blow from an enemy, had become a wreck. Samuel 
Adams, the giant reformer, who best represents the sternness, 
the energy, the puritan ism of the Revolution, was commenc- 
ing his career as a member of the Continental Congress, and 
had begun to manage its factions, by the simple wand of 
integrity of purpose, with the same success with which he 
gathered about him the strong men of Boston. " All good 
men," George Clymer writes in 1773, "should erect a statue 
to him in their hearts." Jolm Adams, ardent, eloquent, 
learned in the law,^ready with his tongue or his pen to defend 
the boldest measures as necessary, whether the destruction 
of the tea or the obstruction of a court, was in the same 
Congress continuing a brilliant service. There, too, was John 
'Hancock, whose mercantile connections, social position, lav- 
ish hospitality and large wealth, made up an influence in 
favor of the Whig cause, when influence was invaluable. 
Joseph Warren^ skilful as a physician, of a chivalrous spirit 
and of fascinating social qualities, beloved as a friend and of 
judgment beyond his years, seeing as clearly as any other 
the great principles of the contest, and representing as fully as 
any other the fresh enthusiasm of the Revolution, was work- 
ing laboriously in the committee of correspondence, in the 

* Vote of Boston, May 18, 1774. Town Records. The population of 
New York was about 21,000 ; the population of Massachusetts, in 1775, 
was estimated at .352,000 ; that of the colony of New York at 238,000. 



22 COLONIAL POLITICS. 

Boston committee of safety, in the committee on donations, in 
the provincial committee of safety, and in the Provincial Con- 
gress. Josiah Quincy, jr., the Boston Cicero, devoted to the 
patriot canse, profound in the conviction that his countrymen 
would be required to seal their labors with their blood, was 
on a confidential mission to England, — being destined, on his 
return, to yield up his pure spirit in sight of the native land 
which he loved so much and for which he labored so well. 
Thomas Cushing, of high standing as a merchant, of great 
amenity of manner, of large personal influence, was a dele- 
gate to the Continental Congress. So widely was his name 
known in England, from its being affixed to public docu- 
ments, that Dr. Johnson remarked, in his ministerial pamphlet, 
that one object of the Americans was to adorn Cushing's 
brows with a diadem. James Bowdoin, as early as 1754 one 
of the members of the General Court, was still of such fresh 
public spirit as to be one of the leading politicians ; and though 
not so ardent as some of his associates, yet his sterling char- 
acter gave him great influence, while he was none the less 
attached to the Whig cause, and none the less obnoxious to 
the royal governor. Benjamin Church, a respectable physi- 
cian, of genius and taste, who had made one of the best 
of the "massacre" orations, was working in full confidence 
with the patriots, though his sim was destined to set in a 
cloud. Nathaniel Appleton was active on various boards, and 
his name is affixed to some of the most patriotic letters that 
went from the donation committee. William Phillips, one of 
the merchant princes, irreproachable as a man, for thirty 
years deacon of the Old South, was serving on various boards, 
and contributed money in aid of the cause with the same 
liberality with which, subsequently, he contributed to aid 
the cause of education. Oliver Wendell, of liberal educa- 
tion, of uncommon urbanity of manner and integrity of char- 
acter, at this time in mercantile life, though subsequently a 
judge, was one of the selectmen and one of the committee of 
correspondence. John Pitts, of large wealth and of large 
influence, was a zealous patriot, one of the Provincial Con- 
gress, and on other boards. James liovel, the schoolmaster, 
of fair reputation as a scholar, was an efficient patriot and 



BOSTON PATRIOTS. 23 

was destined to severe suffering on account of his political 
course. WilJiani.Cjaoper, the town-clerk forty-nine years, the 
brother of Dr. Cooper, who lived a long and useful life, was 
one of the most fearless and active of the Whigs. William 
Moliueaux, a distinguished merchant, an ardent friend to the 
country, whose labors had proved too much for his constitu- 
tion, had just died. Pa.ul Revere, an ingenious goldsmith, as 
ready to engrave a lampoon as to rally a caucus, was the 
great confidential messenger of the patriots and the great 
leader of the mechanics. Benjamin Austin, a long time in 
public life and in responsible offices ; Nathaniel Barber, an 
influential citizen ; Gibbens Sharpe, a deacon of Dr. Eliot's 
church, one of the zealous and influential mechanics ; David 
Jeffries, the town treasurer, a useful citizen and active pat- 
riot ; Henry Hill, wealthy, of great kindness of heart, and 
greatly beloved ; Henderson Inches, afterwards filling offices 
of high trust with great fidelity ; Jonathan Mason, a deacon 
of one of the churches, one of the opulent merchants, of solid 
character and great influence ; Timothy Newell, one of the 
deacons of the Brattle-street church ; William Powell, of 
large wealth and of great usefulness ; John Rowe, also rich, 
enterprising and influential ; John Scollay, of much publio 
spirit, energetic and firm, — all these, and others equally 
deserving, were actively employed on various committees and 
in important and hazardous service: They were not the men 
to engage in a work of anarchy or of revolution. In fact, 
strictly speaking, their work was not revolutionary. There 
were no deep-seated political evils to root out. There was no 
nobility taking care of the masses, no inferior order hating a 
nobility ; no proud hierarchy in the church, no grinding mo- 
nopoly in the state. But. there was a social system based on 
human equality, new in the world, with its value tested by- 
new results. Hence the patriots did not aim to overturn, but/ 
to preserve. They asked for the old paths. They claimed,! 
for their town its ancient rights — for the colony its ancient^ 
liberties. To them Tfeedonri did not appear as the mstigatoif 
of license, but as the protector of social order and as the guar- 
dian genius of commercial enterprise and of moral progress. 



24 COLONIAL POLITICS. 

/ To their praise be it said, that they counted ease and hixury 
I and competence as nothing, so long as were denied to them 
\the rights enjoyed by their ancestors. 

Tlie labors of the Boston divines deserve a grateful remem- 
brance. Some of them, distinguished by their learning and 
eloquence, were no less distinguished by their hearty oppo- 
sition to the designs of the British administration. This 
opposition had been quickened into intense life by the attempts 
made from time to time to create a hierarchy in the colonies. 
The Episcopal form of worship was always disagreeable to the 
Congregationalists ; but it was the power that endeavored to 
impose it on which their eyes were most steadily fixed. If 
, Parliament could create dioceses and appoint bishops, it could 
I introduce tithes and crush heresy. The ministry entertained 
the design of sending over a bishop to the colonies ; and con- 
troversy, for years, ran high on this subject. So resolute, 
however, was the opposition to this project, that it was aban- 
doned. This controversy, John Adams' says, contributed as 
much as any other cause to arouse attention to the claims of 
Parliament. The provisions of the Quebec act were quoted 
with great effect ; and what had been done for Canada might 
be done for the other colonies. Hence, few of the Congrega- 
tional clergy took sides with the government, while many were 
zealous Whigs ; and thus the pulpit was often brought in aid 
of the town-meeting and the press. Of the Boston divines, 
none had been more ardent and decided than Jonathan May- 
hew, one of the ablest theologians of his day ; but he died in 
1766. Dr. Charles Chauncy, Dr. Samuel Cooper, Dr. Andrew 
Eliot, Dr. Ebenezer Pemberton, Reverends John Lathrop, John 
Bacon, Simeon Howard, Samuel Stilhnan, were of those who 
took the popular side. They were the familiar associates and 
the confidential advisers of the leading patriots ; but by 
virtue of their ofiice, they were not less familiar or less con- 
fidential with wide circles of every calling in life, who were 
playing actively and well an important part, and without 
whose hearty cooperation the labors of even leading patriots 

' Letter, December 2, 1815. The spirit of the time is well represented in 
a plate in the Political Register of 1769. 




i''.ngi'avod for fi'ollunphan;.. IhsLury 



BOSTON MECHANICS. 25 

would have been of little avail. At a time when the pristine 
reverence for the ministers had hardly declined into respect, 
who shall undervalue the influence such men threw into the 
scale, in giving intensity to zeal and firmness to resolution, and 
thus strengthening the tone of public opinion? They gave 
the sanction of religion — the highest sanction that can fill 
the human breast — to the cause of freedom, the holiest cause 
that can prompt human effort. They nurtured the idea in the 
people that God was on their side ; and that power, however 
great, would be arrayed in vain against them. No wonder 
that, in the day of Lexington, there were men who went to 
the field of slaughter with the same solemn sense of duty 
with which they entered the house of worship.^ 

No description of Boston will be just, that does not make 
honored mention of Boston mechanics. It was freedom of 
labor that lay at the bottom of a century's controversy, and 
none saw it more clearly, or felt it more deeply ; for it was 
the exercise of this freedom, — the industry, skill, and success 
of the American mechanics, — that occasioned the acts of the 
British Parliament, framed to crush the infant colonial manu- 
factures. The Boston mechanics, as a general thing, were 
the early and steady supporters of the patriot cause. No 
temptation could allure them, no threats could terrify them, no 
Tory argument could reach them. In vain did the loyalists 
endeavor to tamper with them. "They certainly carryall 
before them," a letter says. As the troops thickened in Bos- 
ton, some living in town, and some from the country, without 
much thought, accepted the chance to work on barracks for 
their accommodation. It did not, however, last long. " This 
morning," Newell v/rites, September 26, 1774, " all the car- 
penters of the town and country that were employed in build- 
ing barracks for the soldiery left off work at the barracks." 

' A Tory letter, dated Boston, September 2, 1774, says :"Some of the min- 
isters are continually in their sermons stirring up the people to resistance ; 
an instance of which lately happened in this neighborhood, where the minis- 
ter, to get his hearers to sign some inflammatory papers, advanced that the 
signing of them was a material circumstance to their salvation ; on which 
they flew to the pen with an eagerness that sufiaciently testified their belief 
in their pastor." 



26 COLONIAL POLITICS. 

British gold could not buy Boston labor. "New England 
holds out wonderfully," a letter in September says, "notwith- 
standing hundreds are already ruined, and thousands half 
starved." Loyalists from abroad were astonished at such 
obstinacy. Gage was disappointed and perplexed by this 
refusal. It was one of the disappointments that met him at 
every turn. "I was premature," he writes Lord Dartmouth, 
October 3, 1774, "in telling your lordship that the Boston 
artificers would work for us. This refusal has thrown us into 
difficulties." He sent to New York for workmen. The Boston 
mechanics, through their committee, sent a letter expressing 
their confidence "that the tradesmen of New York would 
treat the application as it deserved." The governor at length 
was successful in getting mechanics from New York and other 
places, to work for him. The patriotic mechanics of Boston 
were doomed to a long season of trial and suffering. 

The patriots carried on their political action by public meet- 
ings, by committees, by social clubs, and through the press. 

The right of public meeting was always dear to New Eng- 
land ; and the local assemblies of the towns were used with 
immense efficiency by the patriots of the Revolution. Here 
dangerous political measures were presented to the minds of 
the citizens. Here public opinion was concentrated, sternly 
set against oppression, and safely directed in organized resist- 
ance. Great town-meetings were those in Boston, where 
Samuel Adams was the moderator ; where James Otis, John 
Adams, and Josiah Quincy, jr., were the orators ; where lib- 
erty was the grand inspiration theme; and where those to 
respond to the burning words were substantial, intelligent 
men, in earnest about their rights ! The government' had long 

' Governor Gage summoned the selectmen to meet at the Province House, 
August 13, when he abruptly handed them the clause about town-meetings, 
and read it to them. He was going out of town ; and if a meeting was 
wanted, he would allow one to be called, if he should judge it expedient. The 
selectmen told him they had no occasion for calling a meeting — they had one 
alive. The governor looked .serious, and said " He must think of that. By 
thus doing they could keep the meetings alive for ten years." The select- 
men replied that the provincial law would be the rule of their conduct ; when 
the governor stated that he was determined to enforce the act of Parliament, 
and they must be answerable for any bad consequences. — Boston Records ; 



BOSTON MEETINGS. 27 

felt their effect, and dreaded their influence. This was the 
reason why the regulating act prohibited them after the first 
of August, and why Governor Gage summoned the selectmen 
to the Province House to tell them that he should enforce the 
act. The selectmen remarked that they should be governed 
by the law of the province. Now, the clause framed to 
strangle free speech was clear enough as to prohibition, but 
was silent as to adjournment. Hence, the source of the sedi- 
tious mischief, which the British ministry expected this clause 
would dry up, continued as prolific as ever. Hence, meetings 
called before the first of August were kept alive for weeks 
and months ; and they might be kept alive, remarked Gage, 
for years. The governor and his advisers were puzzled. 
They dared not order the troops to kill them ; and to their 
infinite annoyance, the patriots continued to thunder in the 
forum. The people flocked in crowds to Faneuil Hall, a place 
redolent with the blossoming of young America. When this 
overflowed, the resort was to the Old South Church, which 
hence has not inaptly-been called the Sanctuary of Freedom. 
But in case an obnoxious office was to be resigned, or a patriotic 
agreement was to be entered into, or a public measure was to 
be lampooned, the concourse flocked to Liberty Tree, where, 
agreeably to previous notice, the invisible genius of the place 
had displayed the satirical emblems, or procured table, paper, 
and pens. It was a fine large old elm, near the Boylston 
Market. A staff ran through it, reaching above it, on which 
a flag was displayed, and an inscription was put on it, stating 
that it was pruned by order of the Sons of Liberty in 1766. 
All processions saluted it as an emblem of the popular cause. 
No wonder it put the royal governors in mind of Jack Cade's 
Oak of Reformation.' 

The labors of the town-officers and of the committees, at 
this time, were arduous and important. The selectmen con- 
fined their labors chiefly to municipal concerns, though they 
often met with the committee of correspondence. At a crisis 
when so much depended on the good order of the town, their 

Boston Gazette, August 15. General Gage, September 2, writes of this 
clause in the act : No persons I have advised with can tell what to do with it. 
' Governor Bernard's letter, June 16, 1773. 

3 



28 COLONIAL POLITICS. 

services were required to be unusually energetic and judicious. 
A committee of safety was chosen, to devise measures for the 
alarming emergency. A large and respectable committee was 
appointed to receive the contributions sent from abroad, and 
distribute them among the citizens. This was called the 
Donation Committee, which was in commnnication with pat- 
riots from every colony from Canada to Georgia, and even 
from the western parts of Virginia ; and the letters, in reply 
to those they received, contain descriptions of the sufferings 
of the inhabitants, and express gratitude for the relief The 
committee of correspondence, however, was the great execu- 
tive of the patriot party, — the mainspring of its movements. 
It had long acted the part of a faithful sentinel on the watch- 
tower. It promptly framed important news from abroad, or 
important action at home, into hand-bills, and despatched them 
to local committees, to be laid before the town-meetings of a 
hundred communities. It was the great counsellor of the 
Whigs. Besides meeting with the selectmen, it often sum- 
moned the committees of the neighboi^ng towns' for consul- 
tation. In this way this admirable machinery was kept in 
constant play. Thus measures that might startle the timid 
by their boldness were carefully weighed in their inception, 
and concert of action with other towns was secured.^ 

' One of the notices is as follows : 

"Gentlemen, — Our enemies proceed with such rapidity, and execute 
their measures so successfully, by the assistance of enemies in this and the 
neig'hboring towns, that we are constrained to request your presence and 
advice immediately. Matters of such extreme importance now claim your 
attention, that the least delay may prove fatal. We therefore entreat your 
company at Fanueil Hall, at five o'clock this afternoon, with such com- 
mittees in your neighborhood as you can influence to attend on so short a 
notice. We are your friends and fellow-countrymen, 

" Nath'l Appleton, 
" Per order of the Committee of Correspondence. 
" Boston, Tuesday, September 27, 17T4. 
" The Committee of Correspondence of Charlestown." 

■■^The Committee of Safety chosen July 26, 1774, were : James Bowdoin, 
Samuel Adams, John Adams, John Hancock, William Phillips, Joseph War- 
ren, Josiah Quincy. 

The Selectmen chosen March, 1774, were : John Scollay, John Hancock, 



BOSTON CLUBS. 29 

Boston was literally full of clubs and caucuses, which were 
used with great effect to secure unity of action. Here town 
politics were freely talked over, and political measures were 
determined upon. A club of leading patriots, mostly lawyers 
and merchants — such as Adams, Otis, and Molineaux — were 
accustomed to meet at private dwellings, often at William 
Cooper's house in Brattle-square. John Adams has given a 
good idea of the conviviality as well as of the gravity of their 
meetings. The mechanics had their clubs. One of them 
often met at the Green Dragon Tavern. One of their import- 
ant duties at this time was to watch the movements of the 
troops and the Tories. "We were so careful," Paul Revere 
writes, " that our meetings should be kept secret, that every 
time we met every person swore upon the Bible that he would 
not discover any of our transactions but to Messrs. Hancock, 
Adams, Doctors Warren, Church, and one or two more." The 
engine companies were larger clubs, some of which had writ- 
ten agreements to "aid and assist" the town "to the utmost 
of their powers" in opposing the acts of Parliament. The most 
celebrated of these clubs, however, were three caucuses, — the 
North End Caucus, the South End Caucus, and the Middle 
District Caucus. They were rather societies than the public 
meetings understood by this term at the present time. They 
agreed whom they would support for town officers, whom they 
would name on committees, what instructions they would pass, 
what im.portant measures they would carry out. Thus the 

Timothy Newell, Thomas Marshall, Samuel Austin, Oliver Wendell, John 
Pitts ; Town Clerk, William Cooper ; Town Treasurer, David Jeffries. 

The Donation Committee were : Samuel Adams, John Rowe, Thomas 
Boylston, William Phillips, Joseph Warren, John Adams, Josiah Quincy, jr., 
Thomas Cushing, Henderson Inches, William Molineaux, Nathaniel Apple- 
ton, Fortesque Vernon, Edward Proctor, John White, Gibbins Sharpe, Wil- 
liam Mackay, Thomas Greenough, Samuel Partidge, Benjamin Austin, 
Jonathan Mason, John Brown, James Richardson, Thomas Crafts, jr., Henry 
Hill, Joshua Henshaw, jr., David Jeffries. 

The Committee of Correspondence chosen 1772 were : James Otis, Sam 
iiel Adams, Joseph Warren, Dr. Benjamin Church, William Dennie. William 
Greenleaf, Joseph Greenleaf, Thomas Young, William Powell, Nathaniel 
Appleton, Oliver Wendell, John Sweetser, Josiah Quincy, jr., John Brad- 
ford, Richard Boynton, William Mackay, Nathaniel Barber, Caleb Davis, 
Alexander Hill, William Molineaux, Robert Pierpont. 



30 COLONIAL POLITICS. 

North End Caucus — the original records of which are before 
me — voted, October 23, 1773, that they "would oppose with 
their lives and fortunes the vending of any tea" that might 
be sent by the East India Company. Again, on the 2d of 
November, after appointing a committee of three to wait on 
the committee of correspondence and desire their attendance, 
and another committee of three to invite John Hancock to 
meet with them, the caucus voted that the tea shipped by 
the East India Company should not be landed. A good under- 
standing was kept up with the other two caucuses, and com- 
mittees of conference were often appointed to communicate 
their proceedings and desire a concurrence/ 

' The records of the North End " caucos " extend from March 23, 1772, 
to May 17, 1774. On the first leaf is the memorandum, "Began 17G7 — 
records lost." On the cover, under the date of March 23, there is a list of 
sixty persons, probably the members of the caucus. The Adamses, Warren, 
Church and Molineaux, were members : but the names of Hancock, Bow- 
doin, or Gushing, are not on the list. On the 3d of November, a commit- 
tee was chosen to get a flag for Liberty Tree. 

The clubs, however, were of earlier date than 1767. I am indebted to 
Hon. C. F. Adams for the following extracts from the diary of his grand- 
father, John Adams, in relation to their meetings : 

"Boston, Feb. 1, 1763. — This day learned that the Caucus Club meets at 
certain times in the garret of Tom Dawes, the adjutant of the Boston regi- 
ment. He has a large house, and he has a movable partition in his garrett, 
which he takes down, and the whole club meet in one room. There they 
smoke tobacco till you cannot see from one end of the garret to the other. 
There they drink flip, I suppose, and there they choose a moderator, who puts 
questions to the vote regularly ; and selectmen, assessors, collectors, war- 
dens, firewards, and representatives, are regularly chosen before they are 
chosen in the town. Uncle Fairfield, Story, Ruddock, Adams, Cooper, and 
a rudis indigestaque moles of others, are members. They send committees 
to wait on the Merchant's Club, and to propose and join in the choice of men 
and measures. Captain Cunningham says they have often solicited him to go 
to these caucuses, — they have assured him benefit in his business, &e. 

Dec. 23, 1765. — Went into Mr. Dudley's, Mr. Dana's, Mr. Otis's office, 
and then to Mr. Adams's, and went with him to the Monday night club. 
There I found Otis, Cushing, Wells, Pemberton, Gray, Austin, two Waldos, 
Inches, (Dr. Parker?) and spent the evening very agreeably. Politicians all 
at this club. 

Jany. 15, 1766. — Spent the evening with the Sons of Liberty at their 
own apartment in Hanover-square, near the Tree of Liberty. It is a compt- 
ing room in Chase and Speakman's distillery — a very small room it is. 



THE BOSTON PRESS. 31 

The press was used by the patriots with great activity and 
effect. The Boston Gazette and the Massachusetts Spy were 
the principal Whig journals, of the five weekly newspapers 
printed this year in Boston. The Gazette had for a long time 
been the main organ of the popular party ; and it was through 
its columns that Otis, the Adamses, Quincy, and Warren, 
addressed the public. In fact, no paper on the continent took 
a more active part in politics, or more ably supported the 
rights of the colonies. Its tone was generally dignified, and 
its articles were often elaborate. The Massachusetts Spy was 
more spicy, more in the partisan spirit, less scrupulous in 
matter, and aimed less at elegance of composition than at 
clear, direct, and efficient appeal. In two years after its estab- 
lishment it had the largest circulation of any paper in New 
England. Its pungent paragraphs annoyed the loyalists. 
The soldiers at home threatened its editor with tar and feath- 
ers, — the Tories abroad burnt him in effigy. The boldness, 
firmness, and ability of these journals did invaluable service 
to the cause of freedom. The Tories acknowledged the effect 
of them. "The changes," says the Tory Massachusettensis, 
"have been rung so often upon oppression, tyranny, and 
slavery, that, whether sleeping or waking, they are contin- 
ually vibrating in our ears." They are yet vibrating in the 
world/ 

John Avery, distiller or merchant, of a liberal education ; John Smith, the 
brazier ; Thomas Crafts, the painter ; Edes, the printer ; Stephen Cleverly, 
the brazier ; Chase, the distiller ; Joseph Field, master of a vessel ; Henry 
Bass, George Trott, jeweller, were present. I was invited by Crafts and 
Trott to go and spend an evening with them and some others. Avery was 
mentioned to me as one. I went, and was very civilly and respectfully treated 
by all present. We had punch, wine, pipes and tobacco, biscuit and cheese, 
&c. I heard nothing but such conversation as passes at all clubs among gen- 
tlemen about the times. No plots, no machinations. They chose a com- 
mittee to make preparations for grand rejoicings upon the arrival of the news 
of the repeal of the Stamp Act." 

' The five newspapers printed in Boston, in 1774, were as follows : The 
Boston Evening Post, on Monday mornings. It was first an evening paper. 
It was printed by Thomas and John Fleet. This journal contained many 
articles from the pens of the Whigs, but it appears also to have been 
employed by the government. The Boston News-Letter was published by 
Margaret Draper, widow of Richard Draper, and her partner, Robert Boyle, 

3* 



32 COLONIAL POLITICS. 

The patriots did not carry their measures without oppo- 
sition. The Revokition was no unanimous work ; and the 
closer it is studied, the more difficult and more hazardous it 
will be found to have been. In Boston, the opposition, the 
Tories, were respectable in number, and strong in character 
and ability. General Gage expected much from them ; ' for 
though they were comparatively inactive when he arrived, 
yet he was assured that, after his troops were concentrated so 
as to afford them protection, many would come out boldly for 
the government who had been intimidated by "the faction." 
One of the last rallies of the Tory party — one of their 
strongest contests with the Whigs — was at a town-meeting 
held in June, when one of their number made a motion to 
censure and annihilate the committee of correspondence. 
They were patiently heard in support of it, — Samuel Adams 
leaving the chair, and mingling in the debate. No reports of 
town-meeting speeches are extant ; but the Tory speaker 
would be bold and vehement against this busy committee. 
" This is the foulest, subtlest, and most venomous serpent that 
ever issued from the eggs of sedition. It is the source of the 
rebellion. I saw the small seed when it was implanted ; it 
was as a grain of mustard. I have watched the plant until it 
has become a great tree ; the vilest reptiles that crawl upon 
the earth are concealed at the root ; the fou]est birds of the 
air rest upon its branches. I now would induce you to go to 
work immediately with axes and hatchets, and cut it down, 
for a two-fold reason : — because it is a pest to society, and lest 
it be felled suddenly by a stronger arm, and crush its thou- 



in Newbury-street. They separated before the commencement of hostilities, 
when John Howe became her partner, and remained in business with her 
until the British troops left Boston, when the News-Letter ended. It was 
the only paper printed in Boston during the siege. The chief organ of 
the government party was the Massachusetts Gazette and Boston Post-Boy 
and Advertiser, published by Mills and Hicks. It was patronized by tlie 
officers of the crown, and attracted the most notice from the Whigs. The 
Boston Gazette and Country Journal was printed by Benjamin Edes and John 
Gill. The Massachusetts Spy was printed by Isaiah Thomas. — Thomas' 
History of Printing. 

• See Gage's Letter, on page 7. 



BOSTON LOYALISTS. 33 

sands in the fall." ' And great must have been the patriot, 
Samuel Adams, in reply to such a strain. He was not only 
the father, but he was the soul, of this committee ; and his 
deepest feelings would be aroused to defend it. "On such 
occasions," John Adams writes, "he erected himself, or rather 
nature seemed to erect him, without the smallest symptom of 
affectation, into an upright dignity of figure and gesture, and 
gave a harmony to his voice, which made a strong impression 
on spectators and auditors, — the more lasting for the purity, 
correctness, and nervous elegance of his style." The meeting 
began in Faneuil Hall, and it ended in the Old South. The 
committee, instead of being annihilated, were thanked for 
their patriotic action. One hundred and twenty-nine of the 
citizens made their protest against the proceedings. An oppo- 
sition that could muster so strong was one not to be despised. 
"A number of the better sort of people," General Gage writes, 
July 5, "attended town-meeting in Boston with a design to 
make a push to pay for the tea, and annihilate the committee 
of correspondence, but they were outvoted by a great number 
of the lower class." 

The Tories were severe in their condemnation of the pat- 
riot cause, and confident of the power of Great Britain to 
crush it. " The annals of the world," Massachusettensis 
says, " have not yet been deformed with a single instance of 
so unnatural, so causeless, so wanton, so wicked a rebellion." 
Should hostilities commence, "New England would stand 
recorded a singular monument of human folly and wicked- 
ness." Then nothing short of a miracle could gain the patri- 

' Massachusettensis. Edition 1819, pp. 159, 165. 

This was by far the ablest of the Tory writers. Trumbull says it was the 
last combined effort of Tory wit and argument to write down the Revolution. 
Hence in McFingal the poet writes : 

Did not our Massachusettensis 

For your conviction strain his senses ; 

Scrawl every moment he could spare 

From cards and barbers and the fair ; 

Show, clear as sun in noon-day heavens, 

You did not feel a single grievance ; 

Demonstrate all your opposition 

Sprung from the eggs of foul sedition ? 



34 COLONIAL POLITICS. 

ots one battle, and hence there was but one step between them 
and nun. The Tory descriptions of the men "whose ambi- 
tion wantonly opened the sources of civil discord " were 
equally severe. They were called "the faction," consisting 
of "calves, knaves, and fools," and not numbering "a fourth 
part of the inhabitants." Their motives were described as 
the most selfish and unworthy. The majority were "an 
ignorant mob, led on and inflamed by self-interested and 
profligate men." " The town-meeting was the hot-bed of 
sedition." Incessant were the sneers in the British journals and 
pamphlets against " the Boston saints." " The venerable 
forefathers of the loyal saints of Boston" were rebels when 
they deposed Andros, and "their hopeful progeny" were reb- 
els against George III. Long had the Bostonians cherished 
a desire of independence : " Many years' observation has con- 
vinced me," one in 1774 writes, " that the Bostonians wanted 
to throw ofl" the authority of Great Britain." The merchants 
were characterized as smugglers, and " the smugglers were the 
main body of the patriots." " The merchants," a Boston let- 
ter says, "form a part of those seditious herds of fools and 
knaves which assemble on all important occasions in Faneuil 
Hall, in the House of Representatives, or in the Council 
Chamber, at Boston ; in which places, with the most sanctified 
countenances, they preface their wise and learned harangues, 
and their treasonable votes and resolves, with humbly beseech- 
ing the Almighty to stand forth the champion of rebellion." 
" The generality of young Bostonians are bred up hypocrites 
in religion, and pettifoggers in law." In a word, Boston was 
represented as the seat of all the opposition to the ministry ; 
and this opposition was represented as confined to "the fac- 
tion" in Boston. "The demons of folly, falsehood, madness, 
and rebellion, seem to have entered into the Boston saints, 
along with their chief, the angel of darkness." These phrases 
may be thought unworthy to be introduced here. But it was 
the information that was sent to England concerning the 
character, motives, and extent of the patriot party ; and it was 
the information on which the British ministry chose to rely.' 

* These phrases are taken from the newspapers, and a sharply written 
pamphlet, entitled " Letters, &c.," " Humbly inscribed to the very loyal and 



BOSTON DAILY NEWS. 35 

How vivid would be the picture of Boston in this eventful 
period, — of its hopes and fears, of its intense mental hfe, — 
could the daily news be given as it was spoken in groups in 
the streets, or in the social gathering ; and could the feelings 
with which it was received be realized ! Eagerly would the 
inhabitants devour up each new report. "Samuel Adams 
writes that things go on in the Continental Congress, without 
any motion of our members, as perfectly to his liking as if he 
were sole director." "John Adams writes, there is a gieat 
spirit in the Congress, and that we must furnish ourselves 
with artillery, and arms, and ammunition, but avoid war if 
possible — if possible." " The members of our General Court, 
though Gage dissolved them, mean to stick to the charter, and 
have resolved themselves into a Provincial Congress." "Their 
proceedings are carried on in secret ; but Dr. Warren says, the 
debates are worthy of an assembly of Spartans or ancient 
Romans, and their votes are worthy of a people determined to 
be free." "Our friends abroad say that Great Britain is 
determined to force the regulating act down our throats, and 
that the people have too generally got the idea thjLj; Americans 
are all cowards and poltroons." '^Josiah Quincy, jr., writes 
for us to prepare for the worst, for it is a serious truth in 
which our friends there are all agreed, that our countrymen 
must seal their cause with their blood." "Our old Louis- 
burg soldiers laugh at the newly erected fortifications, and 
say they are mud walls in comparison with what they have 
subdued ; and that, if necessary, they would regard them no 
more than a beaver dam." "Our woollen manufactory is 
getting along finely, and has just turned out a large quantity 

truly pious Doctor Samuel Cooper, pastor of the Congregational Church in 
Brattle-street." "Boston: Printed by order of the selectmen, and sold at 
Donation Hail, for the benefit of the distressed patriots, 1775." 

The London Chronicle, 1774, thus describes the patriots, after the Port 
Bill had arrived : " The faction of Boston are now in the same condition that 
all people feel themselves in after having committed some signal outrage 
against the laws ; at first they support one another by talking over tiieir 
spirited exertions, and praising each other's bravery ; but these vain notions 
soon evaporate, and the dread of punishment taKes possession of their minds, 
upon which they become as low-spirited and dastardly as they were before 
outrageous and overbearing." 



36 COLONIAL POLITICS. 

of baizes, and we see that we can make any kind of linens 
or woollens." " Mrs. Gushing says she hopes there are none 
of us but would sooner wrap ourselves in sheep-skins and 
goat-skins than buy English goods of a people who have in- 
suhed us in such a scandalous manner." ^ " Two of the great- 
est military characters of the age are visiting this distressed 
town, — General Gharles Lee, who has served in Poland, 
and Golonel Israel Putnam, whose bravery and character need 
no description." " The collectors have begun to pay the pub- 
lic moneys to the people's treasurer ; and the king's treasurer, 
Gray, gives notice (October 31) that he shall soon issue his 
distress warrant to collect the taxes from the constables and 
collectors." "Peters, the Tory minister, writes (September 
28) that six regiments, with men-of-war, are coming over ; 
and as soon as they come hanging work will go on, and that 
destruction will begin at the seaport towns, and that the 
lintel sprinkled on the side-posts will preserve the faithful." 
"Last week, at the field-day at Marblehead, the regiment 
did not fire a single volley, nor waste a kernel of powder." 
"Another regiment of red-coats marched proudly up King- 
street to-day, music playing, colors flying, bayonets gleaming, 
and encamped on the common." " John Adams says that the 
great Virginia orator, Patrick Henry, on being told that it was 
Major Hawley's opinion that ' We must fight, and make prep- 
aration for it,' solemnly averred, ' I am of that man's mind.' " 
Such phrases now are mere words. Then they were things. 
And as they went into happy homes, they made the father 

' This expression is taken from a Ms. letter written by the wife of Thomas 
Cashing, then in Congress, dated Boston, September 21, 1774. She writes : 
" My spirits were very good until one Saturday, riding into town, I found the 
Neck beset with soldiers, the cannon hoisted, — many Tories on the Neck, 
and many more going up to see the encampment with the greatest pleasure 
in their countenances, which, I must confess, gave a damp to my spirits which 
I had not before felt. But I hope the rod of the wicked wont always rest 
upon us, and that the triumph will be but short. None of our friends think 
of moving themselves or house furniture at present. When it is necessary, 
I doubt not I shall have many good friends to advise and ;issist me. I hope 
there are none of us but wMfet would sooner wrap themselves in sheep and 
goat-skins than buy English goods of a people who have insulted them in 
such a scandalous manner." 



BOSTON SUFFERING. 37 

thoughtful and solemn, and the mother's heart throb with 
intenser anxiety. It was felt that the shadows in the horizon 
were not to pass away as the summer cloud, but were length- 
ening and deepening, and gathering with angry portent. 
They heralded the coming of that terrible calamity, civil war. 
While such was the mental life of Boston, how changed 
had become its material aspect ! How still its streets, how 
deserted its wharves, how dull its marts ! The Port Bill not 
only cut off its foreign trade, but the whole of its domestic 
trade by water. Did a lighter attempt to land hay from the 
islands, or a boat to bring in sand from the neighboring hills, 
or a scow to freight to it lumber or iron, or a float to land 
sheep, or a farmer to carry marketing over in the ferry-boats, 
the argus-eyed fleet was ready to see it, and prompt to cap- 
ture or destroy.* Not a raft or a keel was allowed to approach 
the town with merchandise. Many of the stores, especially 
all those on Long Wharf, were closed. In a word, Boston 
had fairly entered on its season of suffering. Did its inhab- 
itants expostulate on the severity with which the law was 
carried out, the insulting reply was, that to distress them 
was the very object of the bill. As though the deeper the 
iron entered into the soul, the sooner and the more complete 
would be the submission. Citizens of competence were 
reduced to want ; the ever hard lot of the poor became harder. 
To maintain order and preserve life, at so trying a season, 
called for nerve and firmness. Work was to be provided 
when there was no demand for the products of labor, and 
relief was to be distributed according to the circumstances of 
the applicants. The donation committee sat every day, Sun- 
days excepted, to distribute the supplies. An arrangement 
was made with the selectmen, by which a large number were 
employed to repair and pave the streets, and hundreds were 
employed in brick-yards laid out on the Neck.*^ Manufactories 

^ Boston Gazette, October 17, 1774. ^ Report of the donation committee. 
One seventh of all the contributions were assigned to Charlestown. The 
letters of this committee are among the Mss. in the cabinet of the Mass. Hist. 
Society. Contributions continued to be received in Boston until the com 
mencement of hostilities ; they were also made for the poor of Boston a long 
time afterwards. 



38 COLONIAL POLITICS. 

of various kinds were established ; the building of vessels and 
of houses and setting up blacksmith-shops were among the 
projects started. The means to carry on all this business 
were derived from the contributions. This forced labor, how- 
ever, ill compared with that voluntary activity which had so 
long characterized the metropolis ; and a visiter to it, during 
the gloomy winter of 1774 — 5, would have seen little of that 
commerce which had raised "the great town" to its high 
prosperity. 

All eyes then were fixed on Boston ; and until its evacu- 
ation, it continued to be regarded with warm sympathy, with 
intense interest, and at times with fearful apprehension. A 
hostile fleet surrounded it without, a formidable military were 
assembling within. Tents covered its fields, cannon were 
planted on its eminences, and troops daily paraded in its 
streets. Thus, in addition to the destruction of its trade, it 
wore the aspect, and became subject to the vexations, of a 
garrisoned place. It was cheerful only to the adherents of 
the British ministry, for it was the only spot in Massachusetts 
where the governor was in authority, and where the laws of 
Parliament were in force. Hence, those repaired to it for pro- 
tection who had become obnoxious to the people by their 
zeal in behalf of the government. Hence, General Gage, his 
crown-appointed councillors, and the official functionaries, 
were obliged to live in a town in which the dignity of his 
Britannic majesty required that not one of them should reside.^ 
Hence, the custom-house was of necessity located in a port 
from which the British Parliament had proscribed all trade. 
Boston received from every quarter assurances of support. 
Salem spurned the idea of rising on the ruins of its neighbor ; 
Marblehead generously offered the inhabitants the use of its 
wharves ; the Provincial Congress and the Continental Con- 
gress recommended contributions for its relief; donations of 
money, clothing, and provisions, continued to pour into it; 
while visions of the better days in store for it cheered patriot 
hearts. "I view it," Mrs. Adams writes, "with much the 
same sensations that I should the body of a departed friend ; — 
as having only put off its present glory to rise finally to a more 

■ See Dartmouth's letter to Gage, p. 5. 



BOSTON AND THE COUNTRY. 39 

happy state." * Boston, on its part, did not falter in its course, 
nor did it relax its efforts. Its committees, in replies to let- 
ters that tendered aid and sympathy from abroad, sent out 
words full of reliance on the right, and of confidence in an 
ultimate triumph ; and its town-meetings continued their pat- 
riotic action. Boston (September 22, 1774) instructed its 
representatives to adhere to the old charter, — "to do nothing 
that could possibly be construed into an acknowledgement" 
of the regulating act ; and if the legislature should be dis- 
solved, to joih in a Provincial Congress, and act in such man- 
ner as "most likely to preserve the liberties of all America."'^ 
It pursued steadily the course laid out for it,' that of patient 
suffering. Hence it became so quiet, that the royal officers 

1 Mrs. Adams dates this letter, Boston Garrison, 22d September, 1774. — 
Letters, p. 19. ^ Boston Records. 

^ The patriots were occasionally cheered by a song. The following is 
copied from the Essex Gazette of October 25, 1774 : — 

LIBERTY SONG. 
Tune — Smile Britannia. 

I. IV. 

Ye sons of freedom, smile ! Tho' troops upon our ground 

America unites ; Have strong entrenchments made, 

And friends in Britain's isle Tho' ships the town surround, 

Will vindicate our rights ; With all their guns displayed, 

In spite of Ga — s hostile train, 'T will not the free-born spirit tame, 

We will our liberties maintain. Or force us to renounce our claim. 

II. V. 

Boston, be not dismayed. Our Charter-Rights we claim, 

Tho' tyrants now oppress ; Granted in ancient times, 

Tho' fleets and troops invade, Since our Forefathers came 

You soon will have redress : First to these western climes : 

The resolutions of the brave Nor will their sons degenerate. 

Will injured Massachusetts save. They freedom love — oppression hate. 

III. VI. 

The delegates have met ; If Ga — e should strike the blow. 

For wisdom all renowned ; We must for Freedom fight. 

Freedom we may expect Undaunted courage show, 

From politics profound. While we defend our right ; 

Illustrious Congress, may each name In spite of the oppressive band. 

Be crowned with immortal fame ! Maintain the freedom of the Land. 
4 



40 COLONIAL POLITICS. 

ascribed it to fear and to submission.' But the patriots saw 
in this calmness, this forbearance, this absence of tumult, a 
high and necessary duty. It was such moderation and firm- 
ness that made the cause of Boston the cause of the other 
colonies. Its praise was in the midst of every village, and 
in the mouth of every patriot. "We think it happy for 
America," Charlestown, with prophetic accuracy, wrote to 
Boston, " that you are placed in the front rank of the conflict; 
and with gratitude acknowledge your vigilance, activity, and 
firmness in the common cause, which will be admired by gen- 
erations yet unborn.'"^ 

The Boston patriots had warned their fellow-countrymen 
that the new acts could not fail to "bring on a most import- 
ant and decisive trial." ^ Though the day of this trial had 
come, though it had been resolved to resist at all hazards the 
execution of these acts, yet they were anxious to postpone, 
until it was absolutely necessary, a collision with the British 
troops, and had agreed upon a plan for this purpose.^ Before 
a contest took place, they hoped to receive the assurance that 
other colonies would make common cause with Massachusetts. 
In this hope they were not disappointed. Governor Gage was 
astonished to witness the spread of the union spirit, — that so 
many " should interest themselves so much in behalf of Mas- 
sachusetts." "I find," he writes September 20, 1774, "they 
have some warm friends in New York and Philadelphia," 
and "that the people of Charleston (S. C.) are as mad as they 
are here." Again, on the 25th, he writes : " This province is 
supported and abetted by others beyond the conception of most 
people, and foreseen by none. The disease was believed to 
have been confined to the town of Boston, from whence it 
might have been eradicated, no doubt, without a great deal of 

' An officer, November 3, 1774, says -."The faction in Boston is now very 
low. Believe me, all ranks of people are heartily tired of disorder and con- 
fusion ; and as soon as the determination of Great Britain to despise their 
resolves and petitions is known, all will be very quiet." 

^Hist. Charlestown, 300. ^ See the remarkable letter of Boston, dated 
July 26, 1774, written when these acts were "every day expected." 

* Dr. Warren, August 27, 1774, writes : " As yet we have been preserved 
fi-om action with the soldiery, and we shall endeavor to avoid it until we see 
that it is necessary, and a settled plan is fixed on for that purpose." 



THE MILTTIA ORGANIZED. 41 

trouble, and it might have been the case some time ago ; but 
now it is universal, — there is no knowing where to apply a 
remedy." 

Governor Gage issued writs, dated September 1, convening 
the General Court at Salem on the 5th of October, but dis- 
solved it by a proclamation dated September 28, 1774. The 
members elected to it, pursuant to the course agreed upon 
resolved themselves into a Provincial Congress. This body, 
on the 26th of October, adopted a plan for organizing the 
militia, maintaining it, and calling it out when circumstances 
should render it necessary. It provided that one quarter of 
the number enrolled should be held in readiness to muster at 
the shortest notice, who were called by the popular name of 
minute-men. An executive authority — the Committee of 
Safety — was created, clothed with large discretionary pow- 
ers ; and another, called the Committee of Supplies. On the 
27th Jedediah Preble, (who did not accept,) Artemas Ward, 
and Seth Pomeroy, were chosen general officers ; and on the 
28th, Henry Gardner was chosen treasurer of the colony, 
under the title of Receiver-General. Among the energetic 
acts of this memorable Congress, was one authorizing the col- 
lection of military stores. It dissolved December 10. The- 
committee of safety, as early as November, authorized the 
purchase of materials for an army, and ordered them to be 
deposited at Concord and Worcester. These proceedings were 
denounced by General Gage, in a proclamation dated Novem- 
ber 10, as treasonable, and a compliance with them was for- 
bidden. In a short time the king's speech and the action of 
Parliament were received, which manifested a firm determin- 
ation to produce submission to the late acts, and to maintain 
"the supreme authority" of Great Britain over the colonies. 
General Gage regarded this intelligence as having "cast a 
damp upon the faction," and as having produced a happy 
effect upon the royalist cause. However, a second Provincial 
Congress (February 1 to 16, 1775) renewed the measures of 
its predecessor ; and gave definiteness to the duties of the 
committee of safety, by "empowering and directing" them 
(on the 9th of February) to assemble the militia whenever it 
was required to resist the execution of the two acts, for alter- 



42 COLONIAL POLITICS. 

ing the government and the administration of justice. At the 
same time it appointed two additional generals, John Thomas 
and William Heath, and made it the duty of the five general 
officers to take charge of the militia when called out by the 
committee of safety, and to "effectually oppose and resist 
such attempt or attempts as shall be made for carrying into 
execution by force " the two acts. In a spirited address, Con- 
gress appealed to the towns for support. It urged that, when 
invaded by oppression, resistance became " the Christian and 
social duty of each individual;" and it enjoined the people 
never to yield, but, with a proper sense of dependence on God, 
defend those rights which Heaven gave them, and no one 
ought to take from them. ' 

The conviction was fast becoming general that force only 
could decide the contest. Stimulated and sustained by such a 
public opinion, the committees of safety and supplies were 
diligent, through the gloomy months of winter, in collecting 
and storing at Concord and Worcester materials for the main- 
tenance of an army. The towns, which had done so fear- 
lessly and so thoroughly the necessary preparatory work of 
forming and concentrating political sentiment, came forward 
now to complete their patriotic action by voting money freely 
to arm, equip, and discipline " Alarm List^Companies." Cit- 
izens of every calling appeared in their ranks. To be a pri- 
vate in them was proclaimed by the journals to be an honor ; 
to be chosen to office in them, to be a mark of the highest 
distinction. In Danvers the deacon of the parish was elected 
captain of the minute-men, and the minister his lieutenant. 
These minute-men were trained often — the towns paying the 
expense ; when the company, after its field exercises, would 
sometimes repair to the meeting-house to hear a patriotic ser- 
mon, or partake of an entertainment at the town-house, where 
zealous "Sons of Liberty" would exhort them to prepare to 
fight bravely for God and their country. Such was the dis- 

' Journals of the Provincial Congress. Of this Congress Joseph Warren 
wrote, November 21, 1774 — " About two hundred and sixty members were 
present. You would have thought yourself in an assembly of Spartans, or 
ancient Romans, had you been a witness to the ardor which inspired those 
who spoke upon the important business they were transacting." 



THE BRITISH ARMY. 43 

cipline, — so free from a mercenary spirit — so full of inspiring 
influences, — of the early American soldiery. And thus an 
army, in fact, was in existence, ready, at a moment's call, for 
defensive purposes, to wheel its isolated platoons into solid 
phalanxes ; while it presented to an enemy only the opportu- 
nity of an inglorious foray upon its stores.' 

In the mean time troops continued to arrive in Boston. On 
the 17th of November the whole force consisted of eleven 
regiments, and the artillery. In December five hundred 
marines landed from the Asia. At this time nearly all the 
regiments which had been ordered from Quebec, Nev/ York, 
and the Jerseys, had arrived. Mechanics had been brought 
from abroad to build barracks for their accommodation during 
the winter, and they Avere all under cover. "Our army," a 
British officer writes, December 26, 1774, "is in high spirits; 
and at present this town is pretty quiet. We get plenty of pro- 
visions, cheap and good in their kind ; we only regret that 
necessity obliges us to enrich, by purchasing from a set of 
people we would wish to deprive of so great an advantage. 
Our parade is a very handsome one ; three hundred and seven- 
ty men mount daily, and more are expected soon ; a field 
officer's guard of one hundred and fifty men, at the lines on 
the Neck. The army is brigaded. The first brigadier-gen- 
eral. Earl Percy ; major of brigade, Moncreiff" ; second brig- 
adier, Pigott ; major of brigade. Small ; third brigade, Jones ; 

'Many paragraphs of similar character to the following appear in the 
journals : 

"On the 2d of this instant the minute-company of the town of Lunenburg, 
consisting of fifty-seven able-bodied men, appeared in arms on the parade, at 
10 o'clock, A. M., and after going through the several miUtary manoeuvres, 
they marched to a public-house, where the officers had provided an elegant 
dinner for the company, a number of the respectable inhabitants of the town, 
and patriotic ministers of the towns adjacent. At two o'clock, p. m., they 
marched in military procession to the meeting-house, where the Rev. Mr. 
Adams delivered an excellent sermon, suitable to the occasion, from Psalm 
xxvii. 3. The whole business of the day was performed with decency, 
order, and to the satisfaction of a very large number of spectators. On the 
day following, the freeholders ^nd other inhabitants of the town assembled in 
legal town-meeting, and voted £100, L. m., for the purpose of purchasing 
fire-arms with bayonets, and other implements of war, agreeable to the ad- 
vice of the late Provincial Congress."— Essex Gazette, January 17, 1775. 
4* 



44 COLONIAL POLITICS. 

major of brigade, Hutchinson." Another officer, in a letter 
written a month previous, shows what the army thought of 
their antagonists. " As to what you hear of their taking arms 
to resist the force of England, it is mere bullying, and will go 
no further than words ; whenever it comes to blows, he that 
can run the fastest will think himself best off: believe me, 
any two regiments here ought to be decimated if they did not 
beat, in the field, the whole force of the Massachusetts prov- 
ince ; for though they are numerous, they are but a mere mob, 
without order or discipline, and very awkward at handling 
their arms." 



POLICY OF GENERAL GAGE. 45 



CHAPTER II. 

Firmness of the Patriots. Policy of General Gage. Movements of the 
British Troops. Expedition to Concord. Gathering of the Minute-men. 
Retreat of the British Troops. 

The Massachusetts patriots were never more determined to 
resist the new acts of ParUament, and were never more con- 
fident in their abihty to maintain their ground, than on the 
commencement of the new year. The north and the south 
had coimsehed and acted together in the memorable First 
Continental Congress, and it had been demonstrated that one 
purpose animated the colonies. This Congress, also, had 
approved of the stand which Massachusetts had resolved to 
make against Great Britain. Still, up to this time, a vast 
majority of the patriots of the other colonies looked rather to 
non-importation and non-consumption, than to a resort to arms, 
as a means of obtaining redress. And the fear was enter- 
tained and expressed, that Massachusetts, smarting under 
accumulated wrong, might break the line of a prudent oppo- 
sition, and rashly plunge into civil war. Hence the leading 
patriots of this colony were so desirous, that when a collision 
did take place, the British troops should be clearly the aggres- 
sors. Besides, delay would enable them to increase their 
means to carry on so great a contest ; while every new act of 
aggression, every attempt to compel submission, would tend to 
unite all in a common cause. By such a policy, they hoped, 
in the trial which they felt was coming, to secure the coopera- 
tion of the other colonies. 

General Gage, for more than three months, put this policy 
to a severe test. He had tried every means " to spirit up 
every friend to the government," and yet his plans had been 
most adroitly thwarted, and he could see no other course to 
take but to disarm the colonists. This policy had been sug- 
gested by Lord Dartmouth,' but General Gage frankly informed 

' Gage's letter, December 15, 1774. He writes, — " Your lordship's idea 



46 LEXINGTON AND CONCORD. 

the minister that it was not practicable without a resort to 
force, and without being master of the country. As early as 
November 2, 1774, Gage wrote that he was confident, to begin 
with an army twenty thousand strong would, in the end, 
save Great Britain blood and treasure. * He had now — Jan- 
uary, 1775 — only a force of about thirty-five hundred. Yet, 
as the excitement of the preceding summer had passed away, 
he regarded the aspect of affairs as favorable for the work of 
disarming and of intimidating. Hence, on the 18th of Jan- 
uary, 1775, he wrote to Lord Dartmouth that it was the 
opinion of most people, " If a respectable force is seen in the 
field, the most obnoxious of the leaders seized, and a pardon 
proclaimed for all others, government will come off victorious, 
and with less opposition than was expected a few months 
ago."^ And this was the policy — to be followed by such 
momentous results — that General Gage now proceeded to 
carry out. 

He felt a gleam of hope from an application he received, 
about this time, from Marshfield. General Timothy Ruggles, 
the great leader of the loyalists, proposed the formation of 
associations throughout the colony, with constitutions binding 
those who signed them to oppose, at the risk of life, the acts 
of all unconstitutional assemblies, such as committees and 
congresses. In January, a large number of the people of 
Marshfield signed one of these constitutions, and thus formed 
a " Loyal Association." It was reported that the patriots of 
Plymouth had determined to make them recant, and hence the 
associators applied to General Gage for protection. He was 
gratified with this request, and accordingly, January 23, 1775, 
he sent Captain Balfour, with about a hundred men and three 
hundred stand of arms, to Marshfield. The troops were joy- 
fully received by the loyalists, and were comfortably accom- 

of disarming certain provinces would doubtless be consistent with prudence and 
safety, but it neither is or has been practicable without having recourse to 
force, and being master of the country." 

' This phrase will not be found in the Parliamentary Register of 1775. It 
was copied by President Sparks, from the original. — Sparks' Washington, 
vol. HI., p. 506. 

''Sparks' Washington, vol. iii., p. 507. 



LESLIE AT SALEM. 47 

modated. They preserved exact discipline, found none to 
attack them, and did not molest the inhabitants. The Marsh- 
field associators. and their friends, made formal addresses of 
acknowledgment to General Gage and Admiral Graves, for 
the timely protection that had been granted, and received from 
both, in return, sufficiently gracious rephes. General Gage 
was satisfied with the good efiect of this movement, and hoped 
that similar apphcations would be made fi-om other places. 
The patriot journals, with better judgment, regarded such 
expeditions as having a tendency to irritate and alarm the 
people.^ The detachment remained at Marshfield imtil the 
memorable nineteenth of April. 

The next attempt of the troops was made at Salem, where a 
few brass cannon and gun-carriages were deposited. Colonel 
Leshe, with a detachment of the army, on Sunday. February 

^ General Ga^e made this aSarr the subject of a letter to Lord Dartmouth, 
dated Jannarv 27, which was read in Parliament, March 6. He assured the 
ministiy that he often had infoimation from the country that the people of 
the towns were becoming more dirided. 

The following xersion of this aflair, extracted from Rivington's New York 
Gazette of February 9, 1T75, weD shows the tone in which the Tories were 
acctistomed to write of the patriots. It is in a letter from Marshfield. " Two 
himdred of the principal inhabitants of this loyal town, insulted and intimi- 
dated by the lieectioas spirit that unhappily has been preralent amongst the 
lower ranks of people in the Mass. goremment, having applied to the gov- 
ernor for a detachment of ias majesty's troops, to assist in preserving the peace, 
and to check the insupportable insolence of the disaffected and turbulent, were 
happily relieved by the ^pearance of Capt. Balfour's party, consisting of one 
hundred soldiers, who were joyfiilly received by the loyalists. Upon their 
arrival, the valor of the minute-men was called fiirth by Adam's aew ; they 
were accordingly mustered, and, to the unqieakable ccMifnsioo of the enemies 
of our happy constitDtioo, no more than twelve persons jneaeated themsebres 
to bear aims against the Lord's anointed. It was necessary that some 
apology ^ould be made fiir the scanty appearance of tbrar volunteers, and 
they colored it over with a dedaratioo, that ' had the party sent to Marsh- 
field coi^sted of half a doz^i battalions, it might have been worth their atten- 
tkm to meet and engage them ; but a day would come, what the eooiage of 
their minute host would be aUe to dear the eoantrjirf'all their enemies, how- 
soerer fimnidaHe in nnmbeis.' The king's troops are v^y eomfortaUy ae- 
eommodaled, and pieaerre tbe most exact discipline ; and now, erray fiithfiil 
aol^eet to his king dare fiedy utter his thoogfals, drink his tea, and kill his 
sheep , as jaaSaadt as he pleases." 



48 LEXINGTON AND CONCORD. 

26, 1775, was sent to seize them. He landed at Marblehead 
in the afternoon, while the people were at meeting. His 
object being suspected, intelligence was immediately sent to 
Salem. The warlike materials were on the north side of the 
North Bridge, which was built with a draw to let vessels pass, 
and which, before Colonel Leslie reached it, had been hoisted. 
He ordered it to be lowered ; but the people refused, saying, 
"It is a private way, and you have no authority to demand a 
passage this way." Colonel Leslie then determined to pass 
the river in two large gondolas that lay near. But their owners 
jumped in and began to scuttle them. A few of the soldiers 
tried to prevent this ; a scuffle ensued, some were pricked with 
bayonets, and thus blood was shed. Things were proceeding 
to extremities, when the Rev. Mr. Barnard, a clergyman of 
Salem, interfered, and a compromise was effected. The people 
consented to lower the bridge, and Colonel Leslie pledged his 
honor not to march more than thirty rods beyond it. The 
troops, having done this, returned unmolested ; but the alarm 
spread ; the minute-men began to assemble ; and one company 
from Danvers arrived just as the British were leaving town. 
Thus the good sense of an intelligent British officer, and the 
influence of a few leading citizens, rather than the want of 
spirit in the people, prevented Salem from being the Lexing- 
ton of the Revolution ; for had Col. Leslie, instead of nego- 
tiating, decided to force his way over the bridge, a collision 
must have occurred. This circumstance, probably, occasioned 
the report in England, that in Salem " the Americans had 
hoisted their standard of Liberty." ' 

' Gentleman's Magazine, 1775. Essex Gazette. Trumbull, in M'Fingal, 
notices this expedition. After describing its arrival at Marblehead, he 
writes, — 

" Through Salem straight, without delay. 
The bold battalion took its way ; 
Marched o'er a bridge, in open sight 
Of several Yankees armed for fight ; 
Then, without loss of time or men, 
Veered ronnd for Boston back again. 
And found so well their projects thrive, 
That every soul got home alive." 



INSULTS OF THE TROOPS. 49 

The pacific policy of the patriots Avas further severely tried 
by the bearing of the British troops. Their conduct had been 
in general orderly,' and no disposition had been manifested by 

* The anxiety of the leading patriots to keep Boston free from the mob 
spirit is seen in the private letters of this period. They endeavored to live 
as peaceable as possible with the troops. Still riots would occur. At a 
town-meeting, November 7, 1774, it was voted, as the governor had assured 
the town that he would do all in his power to secure peace and good order, 
that the town would exert its best endeavors to effect the same purpose. The 
meeting voted to recommend to the selectmen to increase the watch to twelve 
men, to patrol the streets the whole night ; to recommend to the justices of 
the peace to exert their authority promptly for the observance of the laws, 
and to recommend masters of families to restrain their children and servants 
from going abroad after nine o'clock in the evening. Taverners and retailers 
were also enjoined to strictly conform to the laws of the province as to dis- 
orderly persons. 

It was in accordance with this policy, probably, that so little is heard of the 
Boston military at this period. Mills and Hicks' Register of 1775 gives the 
names of the military corps of the town : 1. The Governor's Troop of Horse 
Guards, David Phipps captain, with the rank of colonel. 2. The Ancient 
and Honorable Artillery Company, William Bell captain. 3. The Boston 
Regiment, John Erving colonel, John Leverett lieut.-colonel, Thomas Dawes 
major. 4. The Grenadier Company, Major Dawes captain, Joseph Pierce 
lieut., with the rank of captain, Henry Knox lieutenant. 5. The Train 
attached to the Boston Regiment, Adino Paddock captain. 6. The Train 
belonging to the Suffolk First Regiment, Lemuel Robinson captain. 7. The 
Train belonging to the Suffolk 2d Regiment, Francis Barker captain. 8. 
The Train belonging to the Suffolk 3d Regiment, Eliphalet Pond captain. 
At the South Battery was a company, Jeremiah Green captain. At the 
North Battery, another company, Nathaniel Barber captain. 

There had been, also, an Independent Company of Cadets, of which John 
Hancock was the commander. He was dismissed by Governor Gage, shortly 
after his arrival. The corps met, August 14, 1774, and appointed a commit- 
tee to wait on the governor at Salem and return to him their standard, " as 
they had almost unanimously disbanded themselves." The committee, on 
the next day, delivered the standard accordingly, and told him, " They no 
longer considered themselves the Governor's Independent Company." 

Early in 1775, the Ancient and Honorable, on a parade day, were refused 
admittance to the common, and Major Bell marched the company to Copp's 
Hill. Some years after, a question arose as to who owned this hill. At a 
town-meeting some one said, " The Ancient and Honorable." Col. Jackson, 
their treasurer, was questioned, who stated that a mortgage upon it to them 
had long since run out, and they took possession of it in 1775. The modera- 
tor. Col. Thomas Dawes, inquired of Major Bell — "Why did you march 



60 LEXINGTON AND CONCORD. 

the officers to bring about a collision. But in March so marked 
was their change of behavior, that it indicated an intention to 
provoke a quarrel. On the anniversary of the memorable 
fifth of March, Dr. Warren delivered the customary oration 
at the Old South Meeting-house, before a crowded audience. 
About forty British officers were present, who, at its conclu- 
sion, hissed and were otherwise insulting in their bearing. 
On the 9th, a citizen of Billerica, Thomas Ditson, jr., on the 
pretence that he was tempting a soldier to desert, was tarred 
and feathered, fastened in a chair on a truck, and drawn 
through the streets, surrounded by a party of officers and sol- 
diers of the 47th regim.ent, under Colonel Nesbit. On this 
occasion, the tune of Yankee Doodle was played in derision. 
The sixteenth of March, on the recommendation of the Pro- 
vincial Congress, was observed as a day of fasting and prayer, 
when the people of the west part of Boston were annoyed by 
a party of the Fourth, or King's own Regiment. As the 
congregation were assembling, two marquee tents were pitched 
within a few yards of the meeting-house; and during the 
service, they were disturbed by the noise of drums and fifes. 
On the 17th, Colonel Hancock's house, near the common, was 
assaulted and his fence hacked, by a party, who otherwise 
behaved abusively. During this period, the patriots were 

your company to Copps Hill ? " "I was prohibited from entering the com- 
mon, and conceiving this hill to be the property of the company, I marched 
them there as a place no one had a right to exclude them from." Colonel 
Dawes again asked — "Suppose British soldiers had forbidden your en- 
trance? " " I would have charged bayonets and forced my way, as surely 
as I would have forced my way into my dwelling-house, if taken possession 
of by a gang of thieves." Col. William Tudor then remarked, " The hill 
belongs to that company." The mortgage was afterwards discharged. — 
Snow's Boston, p. 106. 

Major Paddock lost his pieces, the Whigs carrying them off in the night. 
They first carried off two, and though the other two were put under guard, 
they carried them off also. This made the officers mad. They said " They 
believed the devil got them away, for it was not half an hour ago they 
had their hands on them." — Ms. Letter. On the 23rd of February, the com- 
mittee of safety requested Dr. Warren to confer with the company formerly 
under the command of Major Paddock, to know how many could be depended 
on, officers and men, " when the constitutional army of the province should 
take the field." 



ALARMING MOVEMENTS. 51 

mating every effort to carry into the country military stores ; 
and on the 18th, the Neck guard seized 13,425 musket car- 
tridges and a quantity of balls, in doing which, they severely 
abused a teamster. In the evening, a party of officers, heated 
with liquor, committed excesses in the streets, and attacked 
the Providence coach. These insults irritated and inflamed 
the people.^ 

Other movements, however, created more alarm. The com- 
mittees of safety and supplies had deposited large quantities 
of military stores at Concord, under the care of Colonel James 
Barrett. It was rumored, in March, that General Gage was 
determined to destroy them ; and as early as the 14th of this 
month, the committee of safety voted to place a guard over 
them. On the 15th, its clerk, John Pigeon, was directed to 
establish a nightly watch, and to arrange for teams to be in 
readiness to carry them, on the shortest notice, to places of 
safety. Couriers also were engaged in Charlestown, Cam- 
bridge, and Roxbury, to alarm the country. These precau- 
tions were rendered still more necessary by the movements of 
General Gage. He sent officers in disguise to make sketches 
of the roads, and to ascertain the state of the towns. On the 
20th of March, Captain Brown and Ensign D'Bernicre, of the 
British army, visited Concord, and subsequently presented a 
narrative of what they saw to the governor.^ Yigilant patri- 
ots watched them narrowly. Bodies of troops, also, occasion- 
ally marched into the country.^ On the 30th, the first brigade, 
about eleven hundred men, marched out towards Jamaica 
Plains, but without baggage or artillery. They did much 
damage in throwing down stone walls. " Great numbers," 
Dr. Warren writes, "completely armed, collected in the neigh- 
boring towns ; and it is the opinion of many, that had they 
marched eight or ten miles, and attempted to destroy any 
magazines, or abuse the people, not a man of them would 

* Letter of S. Adams ; Ditson's Deposition in the newspapers of 1775 ; 
Letter, Boston, March 22, 1775; Gordon, vol. i., p. 319. 

^ Bernicre's narrative. ^ The Provincial Congress, sitting at Cambridge, 
February 10, appointed Messrs. Devens, Watson, Gardner, Howe, and 
Batchelor, a committee to observe the motion of the troops said to be on the 
road to this town. 

5 



52 LEXINGTON AND CONCORD. 

have returned to Boston.'" Smaller parties went out over 
Charlestown Ferry, and marched tlirough Roxbury into 
Boston. 

While things thus wore a hostile aspect at home, intelli- 
gence was received from Great Britain that the ministry were 
determined to force the colonists to obedience. There the 
Americans were looked upon as cowards, whom British red- 
coats would look into submission. Five regiments, it was 
said, would march from one end of the continent to the other. 
"The senator," Gordon writes, "holds this language in the 
senate, and the general at the head of an army. It passes for 
a maxim, and it is thought scepticism to doubt it.'"^ Addi- 
tional coercive measures were proposed in Parliament ; addi- 
tional troops were announced to be on tlieir way to Boston. 
The generals ITowe, Clinton, and Burgoyne, of established 
reputation for courage and conduct, were ordered to join Gen- 
eral Gage ; and British journals announced that the army 
would take the field. A speech made in Parliament by Gen- 
eral Burgoyne, February 27, 1775, while he was under orders, 
shows the feelings with which the generals accepted their 
commands. He was convinced that the cause of Great 
Britain was just, and that the claims of the colonists were 
chimerical. "Is there," he asked, "a man in England, — I 
am sure there is not an officer or soldier in the king's service, — 

'Lilb Arthur Lee, vol. ii., 266. Gordon, vol. i., 320. The following 
notice of the Boston committee of correspondence shows how vigilant this 
committee was : — 

Boston, March 30, 1775. 
Gentlemen, — The alarming manonivrc of a large dotachment of the army 
is the reason of our desiring your attendance at our chtunbcr in Faneuil Hall 
to-morrow, at ten o'clock, A. M., in order to determine upon measures of safely. 
The wisdom of the joint committees has been very conspicuous. The fullest 
exertion of the same wisdom is absolutely necessary at this excited time. We 
therefore desire your punctual attendance. 

Wo are, gentlemen, 

Your friends and countrymen. 

Signed, by order of tlie committee 
of correspondence of Boston, 

William Cooper, Clerk. 
To Committee of Correspondence for Charlestown. 
'Gordon, vol. i., 316. 



ANXIETY OF THE PATRIOTS. 63 

who does not think the Parhamentary rights of Great Britain 
a cause to figlit for — to bleed and die for?" While there 
was a charm in the very wanderings and dreams of liberty 
that disarmed an Englishman's anger, yet the existence of the 
constitution and the country depended on bringing the Ameri- 
cans to submission.' The insulting and warlike tenor of this 
news, however, only made the patriots firmer. They pre- 
sented, at this period of intense anxiety, a noble spectacle. 
It was the awful pause between the resolution and the act. 
They had determined to resist, and yet had not been obliged 
to strike. Gordon remarks of Massachusetts : its people were 
" in a state of nature, and yet as still and peaceable as ever 
they were when government was in full vigor ; " royal author- 
ity was suspended, and yet individual security was every- 
where enjoyed ; the Tory had but to keep his temper and 
observe a neutrality, and he was safe in person and property.' 
Strange as it may appear, this very order was ascribed to the 
presence of the British troops. How different, however, was 
the great spirit that animated and supported Uic patriots ! 
"The people," Gushing writes, "are not disma*d. Should 
the administration determine to carry into execution the late 
acts by military force, they will 'make the last appeal. They 
are determined life and liberty shall go together." The 
resolve and the language of the patriots were : " America must 
and will be free. The contest may be severe, — the end will 
be glorious. We would not boast, but we think, united and 
prepared as we are, we have no reason to doubt of success, if 

' Parliamentary Register, 1775. 

''Gordon, i., 291. The patriots were severely provoked by the conduct of 
the Tories. The course of a prominent citizen of Rowley aflbrds a good 
instance of their nnanner of speech. Among the charges against him were : — 

" Your saying you wished Boston was laid in ashes. 

" Your speaking reproachfully of the most respectable gentlemen of Ucmton. 

" Your saying our General Court acted like fools ; and that the town of 
Boston was the means of all those troubles. 

" Your saying you wished that these lawfe were put in execution, and that 
we were in lordships." 

The patriots required hirn to make a proper confession. Another citizen, 
equally loud-mouthed, the town voted " was not worthy of any public no- 
tice." — Essex Gazette. 



54 LEXINGTON AND CONCORD. 

we should be compelled to make the last appeal ; but we mean 
not to make that appeal until we can be justified in doing it 
in the sight of God and man."' 

Each day, however, it became more and more evident that 
this last appeal was at hand. Intelligence of the reinforce- 
ments on their way to -Boston was published in the journals 
of April 4th. Also the declaration of the Parliament to the 
king, that the opposition to legislative authority in Massachu- 
setts constituted rebellion; and the "solemn assurances" of 
the king to the Parliament, that " the most speedy and efiiect- 
ual measures" should be taken to put the rebellion down. 
This news elated the confident Tories; it depressed the timid 
Whigs ; but the firm friends of liberty avowed themselves 
ready for the struggle.*^ "Nothing is now talked of" — Stiles 
writes, April 4 — "but immediately forming an American 
army at Worcester, and taking the field with undaunted reso- 
lution."' The Provincial Congress met the crisis, and the 
demand of publia opinion, by energetic measures. On the 5th, 
it adopted rules and regulations for the establishment of an 
army ; on the 7th, it sent a circular to the committees of cor- 
respondence, "most earnestly recommending" them to see to 
it that "the militia and miniite-men" be found in the best 
posture of defence, whenever any exigence might require their 
aid, but at whatever expense of patience and forbearance, to 
act only on the defensive; on the 8th, it resolved to take 
effectual measures to raise an army, and to send delegates to 
Rhode Island, New Hampshire, and Connecticut, to request 
their cooperation ; on the 13th, it voted to raise six companies 
of artillery, pay them, and keep them constantly in exercise ; 
on the 14th, it advised the removal of the citizens of Boston 
into the country ; on the 15th, it appointed a day of fasting 
and prayer, and adjourned to the 10th of May.^ The com- 
mittees of safety and supplies — 14th to 19th — were busy in 
preparing for immediate hostilities, — establishing a train of 
artillery, making powder into cartridges, removing cannon 
to places of safety, and distributing the military supplies.' 

' Dr. Warren utters this noble language in a letter dated April 3, 1775. \ 

^ Stiles' Diary. ^ lb. * Journals of Provincial Congress. 

' The committee of safety were : John Hancock, Joseph Warren, Benja- 



EXPEDITION TO CONCORD. 55 

These preparations must have been well known ; indeed, they 
could not be concealed. Many of the people of Boston had 
already moved into the country. Early in April many more 
left the town. A continuance in it became hazardous for the 
leading patriots. The governor might make it a prison, 
and hold its citizens hostages for the good order of the prov- 
ince ; or he might send them to England, to be mocked with a 
trial for alleged political offences. However, many who had 
taken a prominent part in opposition to the government — 
among them Dr. Warren — remained, but a great number left 
the town. Samuel Adams and John Hancock, then attending 
the Provincial Congress, were persuaded to remain at the 
house of Rev. Jonas Clark, of Lexington. Meantime Gen- 
eral Gage made every exertion to purchase supplies for camp 
service ; the patriots made every exertion to anticipate him, 
and to cut off his supplies, both in Massachusetts and in New 
York. The troops, also, became still more proud in their 
bearing, and still more insulting in their conduct. Thus 
hourly did things assume a more hostile appearance; "noth- 
mg was wanting," writes 'Gordon, "but a spark, to set the 
whole continent in a flame." ^ 

General Gage, after receiving a small reinforcement, had, in 
the middle of April, about four thousand men in Boston. He 
resolved, by a secret expedition, to destroy the magazines col- 
lected at Concord. This measure was neither advised by 
his council nor by his officers. It was said that he was wor- 
ried into it by the importunities of the Tories ; but it was 
undoubtedly caused by the energetic measures of the Whigs. 
His own subsequent justification was, that when he saw an 
assembly of men, unknown to the constitution, wresting from 
him the public moneys and collecting warlike stores, it was 

min Church, Richard Devens, Benjamin White, Joseph Pahner, Abraham 
Watson, Azor Orne, John Pigeon, William Heath, and Thomas Gardner. 

The committee of supplies were : Elbridge Gerry, David Cheever, Benja- 
min Lincoln, Moses Gill, Benjamin Hall. 

These committees usually met together for the transaction of business. 
On the 17th of April they adjourned from Concord, to meet at " Mr. Wether- 
by's, at Menotomy." 

'Gordon, I., 321. 



56 LEXINGTON AND CONCORD. 

alike his duty and the dictate of humanity to prevent the 
calamity of civil war by destroying these magazines.^ His 
previous belief was, that, should the government show a re- 
spectable force in the field, seize the most obnoxious patriot 
leaders, and proclaim a pardon for others, it would come off 
victorious. 

On the 15th of April, the grenadiers and light infantry, on 
the pretence of learning a new military exercise, were relieved 
from duty ; and at night, the boats of the transport ships 
which had been hauled up to be repaired were launched and 
moored under the sterns of the men of war. These move- 
ments looked suspicious to the vigilant patriots, and Dr. 
Warren sent intelligence of them to Hancock and Adams, who 
were in Lexington. It was this timely notice that induced 
the committee of safety to take additional measures for the 
security of the stores in Concord, and to order (on the 17th) 
cannon to be secreted, and a part of the stores to be removed 
to Sudbury and Groton. 

On Tuesday, April 18, General Gage^ directed several 
officers to station themselves on thS roads leading out of Bos- 
ton, and prevent any intelligence of his intended expedition, 
that night, from reaching the country. A party of them, on 
that day, dined at Cambridge. The committees of safety 
and supplies, which usually held their sessions together, also 
met that day, at Wetherby's Tavern, in Menotomy, now West 

^ Gage's letter to Trumbull, May 3, 1775. Hence Trumbull, in M'Fingal, 
writes of this " mercy " of Gage : — 

" But mercy is, without dispute. 
His first and darling attribute ; 
So great, it far outwent and conquered 
His military skill at Concord. 
There when the war he chose to wage, 
Shone the benevolence of Gage ; 
Sent troops to that ill-omened place 
On errands mere of special grace ; 
And all the work he chose them for, 
Was to prevent a civil war." 

* Several valuable pamphlets have been published relative to the events of 
the 19th of April. A notice of the most important will be found in the 
Appendix. 



BRITISH OFFICERS. 57 

Cambridge. Mr. Gerry and Colonels Orne and Lee, of the 
members, remained to pass the night. Mr. Devens and Mr. 
Watson rode in a chaise towards Charlestown, but soon meet- 
ing a number of British officers on horseback, they returned 
to inform their friends at the tavern, waited there until the 
officers rode by, and then rode to Charlestown. Mr. Gerry 
immediately sent an express to Hancock ^ and Adams, that 
"eight or nine officers were out, suspected of some evil 
design," which caused precautionary, measures to be adopted 
at Lexington.^ 

' The messenger sent to Hancock and Adams took a by-path, and delivered 
his letter. Hancock's reply to Gerry, while it bears marks of the haste with 
which it was written, is also characterized by the politeness which neither 
haste nor danger could impair. " Lexington, April 18, 1775. Dear Sir : I 
am much obliged for your notice. It is said the officers are gone to Concord, 
and I will send word thither. I am full with you that we ought to be serious, 
and I hope your decision will be effectual. I intend doing myself the pleasure 
of being with you to-morrow. My respects to the committee. I am your 
real friend, John Hancock." — Austin's Life of Gerry, vol. i., p. 68. 

^ Rev. Jonas Clark alludes to three different messages received at Lexington, 
on the evening and night of April 18 : 1. A verbal one ; 2, a written one from 
the committee of safety, in the evening ; 3, between twelve and one, an 
express from Dr. Warren. Revere's narrative accounts for the last message. 
I found among the papers of Richard Devens, of Charlestown, — for a liberal 
use of which I am indebted to David Devens, Esq., — the following memo- 
randum, without a date, but evidently written about this period, which, in 
connection with Gerry's express, will account for both of the previous mes- 
sages. " On the 18th of April, '75, Tuesday, the committee of safety, of 
which I was then a member, and the committee of supplies, sat at Newell's 
tavern, (the records of the committee of safety say Wetherby's,) atMenotomy. 
A great number of British officers dined at Cambridge. After we had 
finished the business of the day, we adjourned to meet at Woburn on the 
morrow, — left to lodge at Newell's, Gerry, Orne, and Lee. Mr. Watson 
and myself came off in my chaise at sunset. On the road we met a great 
number of B. O. (British officers) and their servants on horseback, who had 
dined that day at Cambridge. We rode some way after we met them, and 
then turned back and rode through them, went and informed our friends at 
Newell's. We stopped there till they came up and rode by. We then left 
our friends, and I came home, after leaving Mr. Watson at his house. I soon 
received intelligence fromBoston, that the enemy were all in motion, and were 
certainly preparing to come out into the country. Soon afterward, the signal 
agreed upon was given ; this was a lanthorn hung out in the upper window 
of the tower of the N. Ch., (North Church) towards Charlestown. I then 



58 LEXINGTON AND CONCORD. 

Richard Devens, an efficient member of the committee of 
safety, soon received intelhgence that the British troops were 
in motion in Boston, and were certainly preparing to go into 
the country. Shortly after, the signal agreed upon in this 
event was given, namely, a lanthorn hung out frorn the North 
Church steeple in Boston, when Mr. Devens immediately des- 
patched an express with this intelligence to Menotomy and 
Lexington. All this while General Gage supposed his move- 
ments were a profound secret, and as such in the evening 
communicated them in confidence to Lord Percy. But as this 
nobleman was crossing the common, on his way to his quar- 
ters, he joined a group of men engaged in conversation, when 
one said, " The British troops have marched, but will miss 
their aim!" "What aim?" inquired Lord Percy. "Why, 
the cannon at Concord." He hastened back to General Gage 
with this information, when orders were immediately issued 
that no person should leave town.* Dr. Warren, however, a 
few minutes previous, had sent Paul Revere and William 
Dawes into the country. Revere, about eleven o'clock, rowed 
across the river to Charlestown, was supplied by Richard 
Devens with a horse, and started to alarm the country.*^ Just 
outside of Charlestown Neck, he barely escaped capture by 
British officers; but leaving one of them in a clay-pit, he got 
to Medford, awoke the captain of the minute-men, gave the 
alarm on the road, and reached the Rev. Jonas Clark's house 
in safety, where, the evening before, a guard of eight men had 
been stationed to protect Hancock and Adams. It was mid- 
sent off an express to inform Messrs. Gerry, &c., and Messrs. Hancock and 

A., (Adams) who I knewwere at the Rev. Mr. , (Clark's) at Lexington, 

that the enemy were certainly coming out. I kept watch at the ferry to 
watch for the boats till about eleven o'clock, when Paul Revere came over 
and informed that the T. (troops) were actually in the boats.* I then took a 

horse from Mr. Larkin's barn, and sent him .* I procured a horse and 

sent off P. Revere to give the intelligence at Menotomy and Lexington. He 
was taken by the British officers before mentioned, before he got to Lexing- 
ton, and detained till near day." 

' Stedman's History, i., p. 119. '^ Revere's>J'arrative. This interesting 
paper was not written until 1798. It varies but slightly from the memoran- 
dum of Devens, which certainly is a prior authority. Devens errs in stating 
that Revere was taken before he arrived at Lexington. 



ALARM OF THE COUNTRY. 59 

night as Revere rode up and requested admittance. William 
Monroe, the sergeant, told him that the family, before retiring 
to rest, had requested that they might not be disturbed by noise 
about the house. •■?soise!'' replied Revere, '••you'll have 
noise enough before long — the regulars are coming out ! " He 
was then admitted. Mr. Dawes, who went out through Rox- 
bury. soon joined him. Their intelligence was, '• That a large 
body of the king's troops, supposed to be a brigade of twelve 
or fifteen hundred, had embarked in boats from Boston, and 
gone over to Lechmeres Point, in Cambridge, and it was sus- 
pected they were ordered to seize and destroy the stores 
belonging to the colony, then deposited at Concord."' ^ 

The town of Lexington, Major Phinney writes, is '-about 
twelve miles north-west of Boston, and six miles south-east of 
Concord. It was originally a part of Cambridge, and previous 
to its separation from that town was called the • Cambridge 
Farms.' Thft act of incorporation bears date March 20, 1712. 
The inhabitants consist principally of hardy and independent 
yeomanry. In 1775, the Ust of enrolled mihtia bore the names 
of over one hundred citizens. The road leading from Boston 
divides near the centre of the village in Lexington. The part 
leading to Concord passes to the left, and that leading to Bed- 
ford to the right of the meeting-house, and form two sides of 
a triangular green or common, on the south (jomer of which 
stands the meeting-house, facing directly down the road lead- 
ing to Boston." At the right of the meeting-house, on the 
opposite side of Bedford road, was Buckman's tavern.* 

About one o'clock the Lexington alarm-men and militia 
were summoned to meet at their usual place of parade, on the 
common ; and messengers were sent towards Cambridge for 
additional information. "When the militia assembled, about 
two O'clock in the morning, Captain John Parker, its com- 
mander, ordered the roll to be called, and the men to load with 
powder and ball. About one hundred and thirty were now 
assembled with arms. One of the messengers soon returned 
with the report that there was no appearance of troops on the 
roads ; and the weather being chilly, the men, after being on 

* Wflliam Monroe's Deposition ; Rerere's NariatiTe ; Clark's Accoont. 
' Phinney "s History, p. 10. 



6H LEXINGTON AND CONCORD. 

parade some time, were dismissed, with orders to appear again 
at the beat of the drum. They dispersed into houses near the 
place of parade — the greater part going into Buckman's tav- 
ern. It was generally supposed that the movements in Boston 
were only a feint to alarm tlie people.' 

Revere and Dawes started to give the alarm in Concord, 
/ and soon met Dr. Samuel Prescott, a warm patriot, who agreed 
to assist in arousing the people. While they were thus en- 
gaged, they were suddenly met by a party of officers, well 
armed and mounted, when a scuffle ensued, during which 
Revere was captured ; but Prescott, by leaping a stone wall, 
made his escape. The same officers had already detained 
three citizens of Lexington, who had been sent out the preced- 
ing evening to watch their movements. All the prisoners, 
after being questioned closely, were released near Lexington; 
when Revere rejoined Hancock and Adams, and went with 
them towards Woburn, two miles from Mr. Clafk's house.^ 

While these things were occurring, the British regulars 
were marching towards Concord. Lieutenant-colonel Smith, 
at the head of about eight hundred troops, — grenadiers, light 
infantry, and marines, — embarked about ten o'clock at the 
foot of Boston Common, in the boats of the ships of war. 
They landed, just as the moon arose, at Phipps Farm, now 
Lechmere Point, took an unfrequented path over the marshes, 
where in some places they had to wade through water, and 
entered the old Charlestown and West Cambridge road. No 
martial sounds enlivened their midnight march ; it was silent, 
stealthy, inglorious. The members of the " rebel congress" 

' Gordon's Account and Depositions of 1775 ; Clark. ^ Revere and 
Gordon. 

Hancock and Adams, whose safety was regarded as of the utmost import- 
ance, were persuaded to retire to the then 2d precinct of Woburn, to the 
house occupied by Madam Jones, widow of Rev. Thomas Jones, and Rev. 
Mr. Marett, which is now standing in Burlington, and occupied by Rev. 
Samuel Sewell. Dorothy Quincy accompanied her intended husband — 
Hancock. Here, at noon, they had just sat down to an elegant dinner, when 
a man broke suddenly in upon them with a shriek, and they believed the 
regulars were upon them. Mr. Marett then piloted Adams and Hancock 
along a cart-way to Mr. Amos Wyman's house, in a corner of Billcrica, 
where they were glad to dine off of cold salt pork and potatoes, served in a 
wooden tray. — Letter of Rev. Samuel Sewell. 



SKIRMISH AT LEXINGTON. 61 

arose from their beds at the tavern in Menotomy, to view 
them. They saw the front pass on with the regularity of 
veteran disciphne. But when the centre was opposite the 
window, an officer and file of men were detached towards 
the house. Messrs. Gerry, Orne, and Lee, half dressed as 
they were, then took the hint and escaped to an adjoining 
field, while the British in vain searched the house.' 

Colonel Smith had marched but few miles, when the sounds 
of guns and bells gave evidence that, notwithstanding the 
caution of General Gage, the country was alarmed. He 
detached six companies of light infantry, under the command 
of Major Pitcairn, with orders to press forward and secure the 
two bridges at Concord, while he sent a messenger to Boston 
for a reinforcement. The party of officers who had been out 
joined the detachment, with the exaggerated report that five 
hundred men were in arms to oppose the king's forces. Major 
Pitcairn, as he advanced, succeeded in capturing every one on 
the road until he arrived within a mile and a half of Lexing- 
ton meeting-house, when Thaddeus Bowman succeeded in 
eluding the advancing troops, and galloping to the common, 
gave the first certain intelligence to Captain Parker of their 
approach.'^ 

It was now about half-past four in the morning. Captain 
Parker ordered the drum to beat, alarm guns to be fired, and 
Sergeant William Monroe to form his company in two ranks 
a few rods north of the meeting-house. It was a part of "the 
constitutional army," which was authorized to make a regular 
and forcible resistance to any open hostility by the British 
troops ; and it was for this purpose that this gallant and 
devoted band, on this memorable morning, appeared on the 
field. Whether it ought to maintain its ground, or whether it 
ought to retreat, would depend upon the bearing and numbers 
of the regulars. It was not long in suspense. At a short dis- 
tance from the parade-ground, the British officers, regarding 
the American drum as a challenge, ordered their troops to halt, 
to prime and load, and then to march forward in double-quick 
time. Meantime sixty or seventy of the militia had collected, 

^ Gage's Account ; Austin's Life of Gerry, 169. '^ Gage's Account ; 
Phinney's History. 



62 LEXINGTON AND CONCORD. 

and about forty spectators, a few of whom had arms. Captain 
Parker ordered his men not to fire unless they were fired upon. 
A part of his company had time to form in a mihtary position 
facing tlie regulars ; but while some were joining the ranks, and 
others were dispersing, the British troops rushed on, shouting 
and firing, and their officers — among whom was Major Pit- 
cairn — exclaiming, "Ye villains! ye rebels ! disperse!" "Lay 
down your arms !" "Why don't you lay down your arms?" 
The militia did not instantly disperse, nor did they proceed to 
lay down their arms. The first guns, few in number, did no 
execution. A general discharge followed, with fatal results.' 

* Gordon's Letter, May 17, 1775 : Clark's Narrative : Depositions of 1775. 

Dr. John Warren, in his Ms. diary, — for which, and for other courtesies, 
I am indebted to his son, Dr. John C. Warren, — writes, April 19, 1775 : 
" Some dispersed, but a few continued in a mihtary position ; on seeing 
which, Major Pitcairn, upon the plea of some person snapping a gun," 
&c. Gordon also says " a few continued in their military position." This 
agrees with Bernicre's (British) account, which says : Major Pitcairn cried 
out for the militia " to throw down their arms and disperse, which they 
did not do ; he called out a second time, but to no purpose," &c. Gordon 
also gives the details of a person, just before the firing, " offering to fire, 
but the piece flashed in the pan without going off." 

Stiles, in his Ms. diary, gives the following interesting relation of Major 
Pitcairn's own version of the beginning of the firing : — 

1775, August 19. —"Major Pitcairn, who was a good man in a bad cause, 
insisted upon it, to the day of his death, that the colonists fired first ; and that 
he commanded not to fire, and endeavored to stay and stop the firing after it 
began : but then he told this with such circumstances as convince me that he 
was deceived, though on the spot. He does not say that he saw the colo- 
nists fire first. Had he said it, I would have believed him, being a man of 
integrity and honor. He expressly says he did not see who fired first ; and 
yet believed the peasants began. His account is this : That riding up to 
them, he ordered them to disperse ; which they not doing instantly, he turned 
about to order his troops to draw out so as to surround and disarm them. As he 
turned, he saw a gun in a peasant's hand, from behind a wall, flash in the pan, 
without going off; and instantly, or very soon, two or three guns went off, 
by which he found his horse wounded, and also a man near him wounded. 
These guns he did not see ; but believing they could not come from his own 
people, doubted not, and so asserted, that they came from ovir people, and that 
thus they began the attack. The impetuosity of the king's troops was 
such, that a promiscuous, uncommanded, but general fire took place, which 
Pitcairn could not prevent ; though he struck his staff or sword downwards 
with all earnestness, as the signal to forbear or cease firing." 



SKIRMISH AT LEXINGTON. 63 

A few of the militia who had been wounded, or who saw others 
killed or wounded by their side, no longer hesitated, but 
returned the fire of the regulars. Jonas Parker, John Mon- 
roe, and Ebenezer Monroe, jr., and others, fired before leaving 
the line ; Solomon Brown and James Brown fired from behind 
a stone wall ; one other person fired from the back door of 
Buckman's house ; Nathan Monroe, Lieutenant Benjamin 
Tidd, and others, retreated a short distance and fired.' Mean- 
time the regulars continued their fire as long as the militia 
remained in sight, killing eight and wounding ten. Jonas 
Parker, who repeatedly said he never would run from the 
British, was wounded at the second fire, but he still dis- 

' This account is not more than just to Lexington. The contemporary 
evidence of this return fire is too positive to be set aside. In the counter 
manifesto to Gage's proclamation, prepared in June, 1775, which was not 
published at the time, it is said that the British, " in a most barbarous and 
infamous manner, fired upon a small number of the inhabitants, and cruelly 
murdered eight men. The fire was returned by some of the survivors, but 
their number was too inconsiderable to annoy the regular troops, who pro- 
ceeded on their errand, and upon coming up to Concord," &c. &c. I copy 
from Ms. in Mass. Archives. Gordon, May 17, 1775, says that James 
Brown informed him, that '* being got over the wall, and seeing the soldiers 
fire pretty freely, he fired upon them, and some others did the same." Depo- 
sition Numbers, of 1775, is clear : — " About five o'clock in the morning we 
attended the beat of our drum, and were formed on the parade. We were 
faced towards the regulars, then marching up to us, and some of our com- 
pany were coming to the parade with their backs towards the troops ; and 
others on the parade began to disperse, when the regulars fired on the com- 
pany, before a gun was fired by any of our company on them." The great 
point was as to who fired first. Clark says : — " So far from firing first upon 
the king's troops, upon the most careful inquiry, it appears, that but very 
few of our people fired at all, and even they did not fire till, after being fired 
upon by the troops, they were wounded themselves," &c. Phinney's His- 
tory contains the details, with depositions, which, as to the main fact, are sup- 
ported by the authorities of 1775. All the British accounts state that the fire 
was returned, or rather they state that it was begun, by the militia. This last 
assertion, made in Gage's hand-bill, (see Appendix,) was contradicted. Much 
controversy took place about it, and the Provincial Congress account was pre- 
pared in reference to it. As late as May 3, 1776, a London journal says : — 
" It is whispered that the ministry are endeavoring to fix a certainty which 
party fired first at Lexington, before hostilities commenced, as the Congress 
declare, if it can be proved that American blood was first shed, it will go a 
great way towards effecting a reconciliation on the most honorable terms." 
6 



64 LEXINGTON AND CONCORD. 

charged his gun, and was killed by a bayonet. "A truer 
heart did not bleed at Thermopylse."' Isaac Muzzy, Jon- 
athan Harrington, and Robert Monroe, were also killed on or 
near the place where the line Avas formed. "Harrington's 
was a cruel fate. He fell in front of his own house, on the 
north of the common. His wife at the window saw him fall, 
and then start up, the blood gushing from his breast. He 
stretched out his hands towards her, as if for assistance, and 
fell again. Rising once more on his hands and knees, he 
crawled across the road towards his dwelling. She ran to 
meet him at the door, but it was to see him expire at her 
feet.'"' Monroe was the standard bearer of his company at 
the capture of Louisburg. Caleb Harrington was killed as he 
was running from the meeting-house, after replenishing his 
stock of powder ; Samuel Hadley and John Brown, after they 
had left the common ; Asahel Porter, of Woburn, who had 
been taken prisoner by the British, as he was endeavoring to 
effect his escape.^ The British suffered but little ; a private 
of the 10th regiment, and probably one other, were wounded, 
and Major Pitcairn's horse was struck.^ Some of the provin- 
cials retreated up the road leading to Bedford, but most of 
them across a swamp to a rising ground north of the common. 
The British troops formed on the common, fired a volley, and 
gave three huzzas in token of their victory.^ Colonel Smith, 
with the remainder of the troops, soon joined Major Pitcairn, 
and the whole detachment marched towards Concord, about six 
miles distant, which it reached without further interruption. 
After it left Lexington six of the regulars were taken pris- 
oners. 

Concord was described in 1775, by Ensign Berniere, as fol- 
lows : It "lies between two hills, that command it entirely. 
There is a river runs through it, with two bridges over it. In 
summer it i^ pretty dry. The town is large, and contains a 
church, jail, and court-house ; but the houses are not close 
together, but in little groups." The road from Lexington 
entered Concord from the south-east, along the side of a hill, 

'Everett's Lexington Address. '^Ib. ^Phinney's History. * Gage's 
account. ^ Phinney and Clark. 



ALARM IN CONCORD. 65 

which commences on the right of it about a mile below the 
village, rises abruptly from thirty to fifty feet above the road, 
and terminates at the north-easterly part of the square. The 
top forms a plain, which commands a view of the town. 
Here was the liberty pole. The court-house stood near the 
present county-house. The main branch of the Concord 
river flows sluggishly, in a serpentine direction, on the west- 
erly and northerly side of the village, about half a mile from 
its centre. This river was crossed by two bridges, — one 
called the Old South Bridge — the other, by the Rev. William 
Emerson's, called the Old North Bridge. The road beyond the 
North Bridge led to Colonel James Barrett's, about two miles 
from the centre of the town.^ 

Dr. Samuel Prescott, whose escape has been related, gave 
the alarm in Lincoln and Concord. It was between one and 
two o'clock in the morning when the quiet community of Con- 
cord were aroused from their slumbers by the sounds of the 
church bell. The committee of safety, the military officers, 
and prominent citizens, assembled for consultation. Messen- 
gers were despatched towards Lexington for information ; the 
militia and minute-men were formed on the customary parade- 
ground near the meeting-house ; and the inhabitants, with a 
portion of the militia, under the able superintendence of 
Colonel Barrett, zealously labored in removing the military 
stores into the woods and by-places for safety. These scenes 
were novel and distressing ; and among others. Reverend Wil- 

'" There were at this time in this vicinity," Shattiick writes, "under 
rather imperfect organization, a regiment of militia, and a regiment of min- 
ute-men. The officers of the mihtia were, James Barrett, colonel ; Ezekiel 
Howe, of Sudbury, lieutenant-colonel ; Nathan Barrett and George Minot, 
of Concord ; Joseph Robbins, of Acton ; John Moore, of Bedford ; Samuel 
Farrar, of Lincoln ; and Moses Stono and Aaron Hayes, of Sudbury, captains. 
The officers of the minute-men were, Abijah Pierce, of Lincoln, colonel ; 
Thomas Nixon, of Framingham, lieutenant-colonel ; John Buttrick, of Con- 
cord, major ; Jacob Miller, of HoUiston, second major ; Thomas Hurd, of 
East Sudbury, adjutant ; David Brown and Isaac Davis, of Acton ; William 
Smith, of Lincoln ; Jonathan Wilson, of Bedford ; John Nixon, of Sudbury, 
captains. There were also two small companies of horse, — one in Concord 
and one in Sudbury, — but they were out among the foot companies at this 
time." — History of Concord. 



66 LEXINGTON AND CONCORD. 

liam Emerson, the patriotic clergyman, mingled with the 
people, and gave counsel and comfort to the terrified women 
and children. 

Reuben Brown, one of the messengers sent to obtain infor- 
mation, returned with the startling intelligence that the British 
regulars had fired upon his countrymen at Lexington, and 
were on their march for Concord.^ It was determined to go 
out to meet them.*^ A part of the military of Lincoln, — the 
minute-men, under Captain William Smith, and the militia, 
under Captain Samuel Farrar, — had joined the Concord 
people ; and after parading on the common, some of the com- 
panies marched down the Lexington road until they saw the 
British two miles from the centre of the town. Captain 
Minot, with the alarm company, remained in town, and took 
possession of the hill near the liberty pole.^ He had no 
sooner gained it, however, than the companies that had gone 
down the road returned with the information that the number 
of the British was treble that of the Americans. The whole 
then fell back to an eminence about eighty rods distance, back 
of the town, where they formed in two battalions.'* Colonel 
Barrett, the commander, joined them here, having previously 
been engaged in removing the stores. They had scarcely 
formed, when the British troops appeared in sight at the dis- 
tance of a quarter of a mile, and advancing with great celer- 
ity, — their arms glittering in the splendor of early sunshine. 
But little time remained for deliberation. Some were in favor 
of resisting the further approach of the troops ; while others, 

' Nathan Barrett and others, April 23, 1775, state, that they assembled " in 
consequence of an information that a number of regular troops had killed 
six of our countrymen at Lexington." See also depositions of John Hoar 
and others, of the same date. Emerson says : " We were the more cautious 
to prevent beginning a rupture with the king's troops, as we were then uncer- 
tain what had happened at Lexington, and knew (not) that they had began 
the quarrel there by firing upon our people, and killing eight men upon the 
spot." To emphasize " uncertain " and " had began," will make this har- 
monize with the depositions. Colonel Baldwin says in his diary that he 
heard the firing at Lexington, saw the men lay dead on the field, and then 
pressed on to Concord. 

^Reverend WilliamEmerson's Account, an excellent contemporary author- 
ity, part of it not discovered until 1835. ^ Emerson and Ripley. '•Emer- 
son : Clark's Narrative. 



THE BRITISH ENTER CONCORD. 67 

more prudent, advised a retreat and a delay until further rein- 
forcements should arrive. Colonel Barrett ordered the militia 
to retire over the North Bridge to a commanding eminence 
about a mile from the centre of the town.' 

The British troops then marched into Concord in two divis- 
ions ; one by the main road, and the other on the hill north 
of it, from which the Americans had just retired. They were 
posted in the following manner. The grenadiers and light 
infantry, under the immediate command of Colonel Smith, 
remained in the centre of the town. Captain Parsons, with 
six light companies, about two hundred men, was detached to 
secure the North Bridge and to destroy stores, who stationed 
three companies, under Captain Laurie, at the bridge, and 
proceeded with the other three companies to the residence of 
Colonel Barrett, about two miles distant, to destroy the maga- 
zines deposited there. Captain Pole, with a party, was sent, 
for a similar purpose, to the South Bridge.*^ The British met 
with but partial success in the work of destruction, in conse- 
quence of the diligent concealment of the stores. In the centre 
of the town they broke open about sixty barrels of flour, 
nearly half of which was subsequently saved ; knocked off 
the trunnions of three iron twenty-four pound cannon, and 
burnt sixteen new carriage-wheels and a few barrels of 
wooden trenchers and spoons. They cut down the liberty 
pole, and set the court-house on fire, which was put out, how- 
ever, by the exertions of Mrs. Moulton. The parties at the 
South Bridge, and at Colonel Barrett's, met with poor success. 
While engaged in this manner, the report of guns at the North 
Bridge put a stop to their proceedings.^ 

The British troops had been in Concord about two hours. 
During this time the minute-men from the neighboring towns 
had been constantly arriving on the high grounds, a short dis- 
tance from the North Bridge, until they numbered about four 
hundred and fifty.* They were formed in line by Joseph 
Hosmer, who acted as adjutant. It is difficult, if not impos- 
able, to ascertain certainly what companies were present thus 
early in the day. They came from Carlisle, from Chelmsford, 

^ Ripley ; Emerson ; Depositions of 1775. ^ British Account. ^ Emerson ; 
Shattuck's History ; Clark's Narrative. * Ripley's History. 

6* 



68 LEXINGTON AND CONCORD. 

from Westford, from Littleton, and from Acton. Tlie minute- 
men of Acton were commanded by Captain Isaac Davis, a 
brave and energetic man. Most of the operations of the British 
troops were visible from this place of rendezvous, and several 
fires were seen in the middle of the town. Anxious apprehen- 
sions were then felt for its fate. A consultation of officers, 
and of prominent citizens, was held. It was, probably, during 
this conference that Captain William Smith, of Lincoln, volun- 
teered, with his company, to dislodge the British guard at the 
North Bridge.' Captain Isaac Davis, as he returned from it to 
his ranks, also remarked, "I haven't a man that's afraid to 
go." The result of this council was, that it was expedient to 
dislodge the guard at the North Bridge.** Colonel Barrett, 
accordingly, ordered the militia to march to it, and to pass it, 
but not to fire on the king's troops unl6ss they Avere fired upon. 
He designated Major John Buttrick to lead the companies to 
effect this object. Lieutenant-colonel Robinson volunteered 
to accompany him. On the march. Major Buttrick requested 
Colonel Robinson to act as his superior, but he generously 
declined. 

It was nearly ten oclock in the morning, when the provin- 
cials, about three hundred in number,^ arrived near the river. 
The company from Acton was in front, and Major Buttrick, 
Colonel Robinson, and Captain Davis, were at their head. 
Captains David Brown, Charles Miles, Nathan Barrett, and 
William Smith, with their companies, and also other compa- 
nies, fell into the line. Their positions, however, are not pre- 
cisely known.^ They marched in double file, and with trailed 

'Massachusetts Archives: "Lincoln, November, 1776. This may cer 
tify, that Captain WilUam Smith, of Lincoln, in the County of Middlesex, 
appeared on Concord parade early in the morning of April 19, 1775, with his 
company of minute-men ; was ordered to leave his horse by the field officer, 
and take post on an adjacent hill, — the British troops possessing the North 
Bridge. He voluntarily offered, with his company, to endeavor to dislodge 
them, leaving his horse at the tavern ; by which means, on their retreat, the 
horse, &c., were carried off, with one of their wounded men. John But- 
trick, Major." 

^ William Smith's Petition, 1775. Gordon's Letter, May 17, 1775. ^ Dep- 
ositions of 1775. ■■ Ripley's History. See on the Acloa company Adams' 
Address. Gordon says this company made the front. 



THE CONCORD FIGHT. 69- 

arms.' The British guard, under Captain Laurie, about one 
hundred in number, were then on the west side of the river ; 
but on seeing the provincials approach, they retired over the 
bridge to the east side of the river, formed as if for a fight, 
and began to take up the planks of the bridge.*^ Major But- 
trick remonstrated against this, and ordered his men to hasten 
their march. When they had arrived within a few rods of the 
bridge, the British began to fire upon them. The first guns, 
few in number, did no execution ; others followed with deadly 
efifect. Luther Blanchard, a fifer in the Acton company, was 
first wounded ; and afterwards Captain Isaac Davis and Abner 
Hosmer, of the same con^any, were killed.' On seeing the 
fire take effect. Major Buttrick exclaimed, "Fire, fellow-sol- 
diers ! for God's sake, fire !" The provincials then fired, and 
killed one and wounded several of the enemy. The fire 
lasted but few minutes. The British immediately retreated, 
in great confusion, towards the main body, — a detachment 
from which was soon on its way to meet thern. The 
provincials pursued them over the bridge, when one of the 
wounded of the British was cruelly killed by a hatchet.* Part 
of the provincials soon turned to the left, and ascended the 

' Letter in Concord paper, 1824. ^ Depositions of 1775. 

'The evidence in relation to the firing is as follows. Emerson says:"We 
received the fire of the enemy in three several and separate discharges of 
their pieces, before it was returned by our commanding oflicer." Clark says : 
"Upon the provincials' approach towards the bridge, Captain Laurie's party 
fired upon them, killed Captain Davis and another man dead upon the spot, 
and wounded several others. Upon this, our militia rushed on,"&c. Gor- 
don says, that Mr. Emerson saw the firing,, and " was very uneasy till he 
found that the firing was returned." Colonel James Barrett, and four others, 
testify, (1775,) that two of the militia were killed, and several wounded, 
before the fire was returned. Captain Nathan Barrett, and twenty-three 
others, say, that " when we got near the bridge they fired on our men, first 
three guns, one after the othi^r, and then a considerable number more ; upon 
which, and not before, we fired upon the regulars, and they retreated," — 
without saying that any were killed. Adams, in his Centennial, discusses 
this question with acuteness. 

* This barbarous deed gave rise to the British charge, that the Americans 
scalped the wounded, and cut off their ears. Mr. Emerson gave Gordon an 
account of it at the time, with great concern for its having happened. It was 
the act of a young man, who killed the soldier as he was attempting to get up. 



70 



LEXINGTON AND CONCORD. 



hill on the east of the main road, while another portion 
returned to the high grounds, carrying with them the remains 




of the gallant Davis and Hosmer. Military order was broken, 
and many, who had been on duty all the morning and were 

■ Lexington road. 

^ Hill and high lands where the liberty pole stood. 

^ Centre of the town, and main body of the British. 

* Road to the South Bridge. 

^ Road to the North Bridge, and to Colonel Barrett's, two miles from the 

centre of the town. 
*High grounds a mile north of the meeting-house, where the militia 

assembled. 
' Road along which they marched to dislodge the British at North Bridge. 
® Spot where Davis and Hosmer fell. 

* Reverend Mr. Emerson's house. 

'" Bridges and roads made in 1793, when the old roads, with dotted lines, 

were discontinued. 
Arrow. Return of Captain Parsons, after the firing at the North Bridge. 



GATHERING OF THE MINUTE-MEN. 71 

hungry and fatigued, improved the time to take refreshment. 
Meantime, the party under Captain Parsons — who was 
piloted by Ensign D'Berniere — returned from Captain Bar- 
rett's house, re-passed the bridge where the skirmish took 
place, and saw the bodies of their companions, — one of which 
was mangled. It would have been easy for the provincials to 
have cut them off. But war had not been declared ; and it is 
evident that it had not been fully resolved to attack the Brit- 
ish troops. Hence, this party of about one hundred were 
allowed, unmolested, to join the main body. Colonel Smith 
concentrated his force, obtained conveyances for the wounded, 
and occupied about two hours in making preparations to 
return to Boston, — a delay that nearly proved fatal to the 
whole detachment." 

While these great events'^ were occurring at Lexington and 
Concord, the intelligence of the hostile march of the British 
troops was spreading rapidly through the country ; and hun- 
dreds of local communities, animated by the same determined 
and patriotic spirit, were sending out their representatives to 
the battle-field. The minute-men, organized and ready for 
action, promptly obeyed the summons to parade. They might 
wait, in some instances, to receive a parting blessing from their 
minister, or to take leave of weeping friends;^ but in all the 

^ The time occupied by the British troops was nearly as follows : Left 
Boston at half-past ten, p. m., on the 18th, (British accounts,) — arrived at 
Lexington at half-past four, a. m., on the 19th, (Gordon,) — halted twenty 
minutes, (Phinney,) — arrived at Concord at seven, (Barrett's deposition, 
1775, " about an hour after sunrise,") — the firing at the bridge was between 
nine and ten, (Brown's diary, in Adams, and deposition No. 18, 1775, 
" nearly ten,") — the troops left Concord at twelve, (British accounts, Clark,) 
— they met Percy's brigade at two, (British letters,) — arrived at Charles- 
town at sunset. 

^ Samuel Adams heard the volley of musketry at Lexington that com- 
menced the war of the revolution. It was in view of the inevitable train of 
consequences that would result from this, that he exclaimed, " O, what a 
glorious morning is this ! " 

^King's Danvers Address, p. 11. In Dedham, besides the minute-men, 
there was a company of veterans who had been in the French wars. On the 
alarm reaching this town, they assembled on the green in front of the church, 
where Reverend William Gordon stood on the steps, and invoked the blessing 
of Heaven on their enterprise. " The gray-headed warriors then began their 



7^ LEXINGTON AND CONCORD. 

roads leading to Concord, they were hurrying to the scene of 
action. They carried the firelock that had fought the Indian, 
and the drum that beat at Louisburg ; and they were led by 
men who had served under Wolfe at Quebec. As they drew 
near the places of bloodshed and massacre, they learned that, 
in both cases, the regulars had been the aggressors, — " had 
fired the first," -7- and they were deeply touched by the slaugh- 
ter of their brethren.^ Now the British had fairly passed the 
Rubicon. If any still counselled forbearance, moderation, 
peace, the words were thrown away. The assembling bands 
felt that the hour had come in which to hurl back the insult- 
ing charges on their courage that had been repeated for years, 
and to make good the solemn words of their public bodies. 
And they determined to attack on their return the invaders 
of their native soil. 

Colonel Smith, about twelve o'clock, commenced his march 
for Boston. His left was covered by a strong flank guard that 
kept the height of land that borders the Lexington road, lead- 
ing to Merriam's Corner ; his right was protected by a brook ; 
the main body marched in the road. The British soon saw 
how thoroughly the country had been alarmed. It seemed, 
one of them writes, that " men had dropped from the clouds," 
so full were the hills and roads of the minute-men. The pro- 
vincials left the high grounds near the North Bridge and went 
across the pastures known as " the great fields," to Bedford 
road. Here the Reading minute-men, under Major Brooks, 
afterwards Governor Brooks, joined them; and a few minutes 
after. Colonel William Thompson, with a body of militia from 
Billerica and vicinity, came up. It is certain, from the diaries 
and petitions of this period, that minute-men from other towns 
also came up in season to fire upon the British while leaving 
Concord. 

Rev. Mr. Foster, who was with the Reading company, 
relates the beginning of the afternoon contest in the following 
manner: "A httle before we came to Merriam's Hill, we 
discovered the enemy's flank guard, of about eighty or one 

march, leaving the town, almost literally, without a male inhabitant below 
the age of seventy and above that of sixteen." — Haven's Historical Address. 
' Tay's petition. 



ATTACKS ON THE BRITISH. 73 

hundred men, who, on their retreat from Concord, kept that 
height of land, the main body in the road. The British troops 
and the Americans, at that time, were equally distant from 
Merriam's Corner. About twenty rods short of that place, the 
Americans made a halt. The British marched down the hill, 
with very slow but steady step, without music, or a word 
being, spoken that could be heard. Silence reigned on both 
sides. As soon as the British had gained the main road, and 
passed a small bridge near that corner, they faced about 
suddenly, and fired a volley of musketry upon us. They 
overshot ; and no one, to my knowledge, was injured by the 
fire. The fire was immediately returned by the Americans, 
and two British soldiers fell dead, at a little distance from each 
other, in the road, near the brook." ^ 

The battle now began in earnest, and as the British troops 
retreated, a severe fire was poured in upon them from every 
favorable position. Near Hardy's Hill, the Sudbury company, 
led by Captain Nathaniel Cudworth,*^ attacked them, and there 
was a severe skirmish below the Brooks tavern, on the old 
road, north of the school-house. The woods lined both sides 
of the road which the British had to pass, and it was filled 
with the minute-men. "The enemy," says Mr. Foster, "was 
now completely between two fires, renewed and briskly 
kept up. They ordered out a flank guard on the left, to 
dislodge the Americans from their posts behind large trees, but 
they only became a better mark to be shot at." A short and 
sharp battle ensued. And for three or four miles along these 
woody defiles the British suffered terribly. Woburn had 
" turned out extraordinary;" it sent out a force one hundred 
and eighty strong, " well armed and resolved in defence of the 
common cause." Major Loammi Baldwin, afterwards Colo- 
nel Baldwin, was with this body. At Tanner Brook, at 
Lincoln Bridge, they concluded to scatter, make use of the 
trees and walls as defences, and thus attack the British. And 
in this way they kept on pursuing and flanking them.' In 
Lincoln, also. Captain Parker's brave Lexington company 
again appeared in the field, and did efficient service. " The 

' Ripley's History. ^ Mass. Archives. ^ Tay's Petition and Baldwin's 
Diary. I am indebted to George R. Baldwin, Esq., for the Ms. Diary. 



74 LEXINGTON AND CONCORD, 

enemy," says Colonel Baldwin, "marched very fast, and left 
many dead and wounded, and a few tired." Eight were buried 
in Lincoln grave-yard. It was at this time that Captain 
Jonathan Wilson, of Bedford, Nathaniel Wyman, of Billerica, 
and Daniel Thompson, of Woburn, were killed. 

In Lexington, at Fiske's Hill, an officer on a fine horse, 
with a drawn sword in his hand, was actively engaged in 
directing the troops, when a number of the pursuers, from 
behind a pile of rails, fired at him with eifect. The officer 
fell, and the horse, in affright, leaped the wall, and ran tow- 
ards those who had fired. It was here that Lieut-col. Smith 
was severely wounded in the leg. At the foot of this hill, a 
personal contest between James Hay ward, of Acton, and a 
British soldier took place. The Briton drew up his gun, 
remarking, "You are a dead man!" "And so are you!" 
answered Hayward. The former was killed. Hay ward was 
mortally wounded, and died the next day.' 

The British troops, when they arrived within a short dis- 
tance of Lexington meeting-house, again suffered severely 
from the close pursuit and the sharp fire of the provincials. 
Their ammunition began to fail, while their light companies 
were so fatigued as to be almost unfitted for service. The 
large number of wounded created confusion, and many of the 
troops rather ran than marched in order. For some time the 
officers in vain tried to restore discipline. They saw the con- 
fusion increase under their efforts, until, at last, they placed 
themselves in front, and threatened the men with death if 
they advanced. This desperate exertion, made under a heavy 
fire, partially restored order. The detachment, however, 
must have soon surrendered, had it not, in its extreme peril, 
found shelter in the hollow square of a reinforcement sent to 
their relief^ 

' Shaltuck ; Foster ; Essex Gazette ; Ripley. 

^ British accounts admit that the position of Colonel Smith, when Percy 
joined him, was very critical. Lieut. Carter, in his letters, says : " The con- 
sequences must have proved far more serious, had not a brigade, under the 
command of Lord Percy, marched to our support." Other accoimts admit 
that the detachment must have surrendered. These accounts err as much in 
making the numbers of the provincials too large, as some of the American ac- 
counts do in making them too small. Thus, one letter says, April 30 : "It 



LORD Percy's march, 75 

General Gage received, early in the morning, a request from 
Colonel Smith for a reinforcement. About nine o'clock he 
detached three regiments of infantry and two divisions of 
marines, with two field-pieces, under Lord Percy, to support 
the grenadiers and light infantry. Lord Percy marched 
through Roxbury, to the tune of Yankee Doodle, to the great 
alarm of the country. To prevent or to impede his march, 
the selectmen of Cambridge had the planks of the Old Bridge, 
over which he was obhged to pass, taken up ; but instead of 
being removed, they were piled on the causeway on the Cam- 
bridge side of the river. Hence, Lord Percy found no diffi- 
culty in replacing them so as to admit his troops to cross. 
But a convoy of provisions was detained until it was out of the 
protection of the main body. This was captured at West Cam- 
bridge. According to Gordon, Rev. Dr. Payson led this party. 
David Lamson, a half Indian, distinguished himself in the 

was thought there were about six thousand at first, and at night double that 
number." Another letter says: "The rebels were monstrous numerous, 
and surrounded us on every side ; when they came up we gave them a smart 
fire, but they never would engage us properly." Another says: "As 
we came along, they got before us, and fired at us out of the houses, and 
killed and wpunded a great number of us, but we levelled their houses as we 
came along." Bernicre says that Captain Laurie was attacked "by about 
fifteen thousand rebels," and yet " they let Captain Parsons, with his com- 
pany, return, and never attacked us." 

The Conduct of the American War states: " Lieutenant-colonel Smith's 
party would have been destroyed had not Lord Percy joined him, and even 
he was almost too late, from two stupid blunders we committed. The general 
ordered the first brigade under arms at four in the morning ; these orders, 
the evening before, were carried to the brigade major's ; he was not at home ; 
the orders were left ; no inquiry was made after him ; he came home late ; 
his servant forgot to tell him there was a letter on his table ; four o'clock 
came ; no brigade appeared ; at five o'clock an express from Smith, desiring 
a reinforcement, produced an inquiry ; the above discovery was made ; at six 
o'clock part of the brigade got on the parade ; there they waited, expecting 
the marines ; at seven, no marines appearing, another inquiry commenced ; 
they said they had received no orders ; it was asserted they had ; in the 
altercation it came out that the order had been addressed to Major Pitcairn, 
who commanded the marines, and left at his quarters, though the gentlemen 
concerned in this business ought to have recollected that Pitcairn had been 
despatched the evening before, with the grenadiers and light infantry, under 
Lieut-col. Smith. This double mistake lost us from four till nine o'clo(i, 
the time we marched off to support Col. Smith." 
7 



70 LEXINGTON AND CONCORD. 

affair. Percy's brigade met the harassed and retreating 
troops about two o'clock, within half a mile of the Lexington 
meeting-house. "They were so much exhausted with fa- 
tigue," the British historian, Stedman, writes, " that they were 
obliged to lie down for rest on the ground, their tongues hang- 
ing out of their mouths, like those of dogs after a chase." 
The field-pieces from the high ground below Monroe's tavern 
played on the provincials, and for a short period there was, 
save the discharge of cannon, a cessation of battle. From 
this time, however, the troops committed the most wanton 
destruction. Three houses, two shops and a barn, were laid 
in ashes in Lexington ; buildings on the route were defaced 
and plundered, and individuals were grossly abused. 

At this time. Dr. Warren and General Heath were active 
in the field, directing and encouraging the militia. General 
Heath was one of the generals who were authorized to take 
the command when the minute-men should be called out. 
On his way to the scene of action, he ordered the militia of 
Cambridge to make a barricade of the planks of the bridge, 
take post there, and oppose the retreat of the British in that 
direction to Boston. At Lexington, when the minute-men were 
somewhat checked and scattered by Percy's field-pieces, he 
labored to form them into military order. Dr. Warren, about 
ten o'clock, rode on horseback through Charlestown. He had 
received by express intelligence of the events of the morning, 
and told the citizens of Charlestown that the news of the firing 
was true. Among others, he met Dr. Welsh, who said, " Well, 
they are gone out." "Yes," replied the Dr., "and we'll be 
up with them before night." 

Lord Percy had now under his command about eighteen 
hundred troops, of undoubted bravery and of veteran disci- 
pline. He evinced no disposition, however, to turn upon his 
assailants, and make good the insulting boasts of his associates. 
After a short interval of rest and refreshment, the British 
recommenced their retreat. Then the provincials renewed 
their attack. In West Cambridge the skirmishing again 
became sharp and bloody, and the troops increased their atroc- 
ities. Jason Russell, an invalid and a non-combatant, was 
b^barously butchered in his own house. In this town a 



SKIRMISH AT WEST CAMBRIDGE. 7T 

mother was killed while nursing her child. Others were 
driven from their dwellings, and their dwellings were pillaged. 
Here the Danvers company, which marched in advance of the 
Essex regiment, met the enemy. Some took post in a walled 
enclosure, and made a breastwork of bundles of shingles ; 
others planted themselves behind trees on the side of the hill 
west of the meeting-house. The British came along in solid 
column on their right, while a large flank guard came up on 
their left. The Danvers men were surrounded, and many 
were killed and wounded.^ Here Samuel Whittemore was 
shot and bayoneted, and left for dead. Here Dr. Eliphalet 
Downer, in single combat with a soldier, killed him with a 
bayonet. Here a musket ball struck a pin out of the hair of 
Dr. Warren's earlock.*^ The wanton destruction of life and 
property that marked the course of the invaders, added re- 
venge to the natural bravery of the minute-men. "Indigna- 
tion and outraged humanity struggled on the one hand ; vete- 
ran discipline and desperation on the other." ^ The British 
had many struck in West Cambridge, and left an officer 
wounded in the house still standing at the railroad depot.^ 

' ^ddress of Hon. D. P. King. '^ Heath's Memoirs. ^ Hon. Edward 
Everett. 

■• Dr. Eliot remarks of Dr. Warren, — " At the battle of Lexington he was, 
perhaps, the most active man in the field. His soul beat to arms, as soon as 
he learnt the intention of the British troops." He said to the last person 
with whom he conversed in Boston, iiear the ferry, just as he was about 
crossing, in reply to a question about the political aspect : " Keep up a brave 
heart. They have begun it — that either party could do ; and we '11 end it 
— that only one can do." A poem was printed in Boston, 1781, by John 
Boyle, entitled, " An Eulogium on Major-general Joseph Warren, by 
a Columbian." After describing the march of the troops to Concord, the 
alarm, the retreat, and the rescue by Lord Percy, the author thus describes 
the feats on the " Plain," at West Cambridge : 

" Again the conflict glows with rage severe, 
And fearless ranks in combat mixt appear. 
Victory uncertain ! fierce contention reigns, 
And purple rivers drench the slippery plains. 
Column to column, host to host oppose, 
And rush impetuous on their adverse foes, 
When lo ! the hero Warren from afar 
Sought for the battle, and the field of war. 



78 LEXINGTON AND CONCORD. 

The British troops took the road that winds round Prospect 
Hill. When they entered this part of Charlestown their situa- 
tion was critical. The large number of the wounded proved 
a distressing obstruction to their progress, while they had but 
few rounds of ammunition left. Their field-pieces had lost 
their terror. The main body of the provincials hung closely 
on their rear ; a strong force was advancing upon them from 
Roxbury, Dorchester, and Milton ; while Colonel Pickering, 
with the Essex militia, seven hundred strong, threatened to 
cut off their retreat to Charlestown.' Near Prospect Hill the 
fire again became sharp, and the British again had recourse 
to their field-pieces. James Miller, of Charlestown, was killed 
here. Along its base, Lord Percy, it is stated, received the 
hottest fire he had during his retreat. General Gage, about 
sunset, might have beheld his harassed troops, almost on the 
run, coming down the old Cambridge road to Charlestown 
Neck, anxious to get under the protection of the guns of 

From rank to rank the daring warrior flies, 
And bids the thunder of the battle rise. 
Sudden arrangements of his troops are made, 
And sudden movements round the plain displayed. 
Columbia's Genius in her polished shield 
Gleams bright, and dreadful o'er the hostile field ! 
Her ardent troops, enraptured with the sight, 
With shock resistless force the dubious fight. 
Britons, astonished, tremble at the sight, 
And, all confused, precipitate their flight. 

' Dr. Welsh, who was on Prospect Hill when the British went by, saw 
Colonel Pickering's regiment on the top of Winter Hill, near the front of Mr. 
Adams' house, the enemy being very near in Charlestown road. Washington 
writes. May 31, 1775 : " If the retreat had not been as precipitate as it was, — 
and God knows it could not well have been more so, — the ministerial troops 
must have surrendered, or been totally cut off. For they had not arrived in 
Charlestown, (under cover of their ships,) half an hour, before a powerful 
body of men from Marblehead and Salem was at their heels, and must, if 
they had happened to be up one hour sooner, inevitably have intercepted their 
retreat to Charlestown." — Sparks' Washington, vol. ii., p. 407. 

Dr. Welsh says that cannon fired occasionally. The troops kept up a 
steady fire. A Ms. letter of Mr. W. B. Shedd states that in a house now 
in Somerville, at the foot of Prospect Hill, a regular was found, on the return 
of the inmates, laying across the draw of a secretary, dead, having been sliot 
through the window as he was pilfering. 



EVENTS IN CHARLESTOWN. 79 

the ships of war. The minute-men closely followed, but 
when they reached the Charlestown Common, General Heath 
ordered them to stop the pursuit. 

Charlestown, throughout the day, presented a scene of in- 
tense excitement and great confusion. It was known early in 
the morning that the regulars were out. Rumors soon arrived 
of the events that had occurred at Lexington. The schools 
were dismissed, and citizens gathered in groups in the streets.' 
After Dr. Warren rode through the town, and gave the cer- 
tain intelligence of the slaughter at Lexington, a large number 
Avent out to the field, and the greater part who remained were 
women and children. Hon. James Russell received, in the 
afternoon, a note from General Gage, to the effect, that he had 
been informed that citizens had gone out armed to oppose his 
majesty's troops, and that if a single man more went out 
armed, the most disagreeable consequences might be expected. 
It was next reported, and correctly, that Cambridge Bridge 
had been taken up, and that hence the regulars would be 
obliged to return to Boston through the town. Many then 
prepared to leave, and every vehicle was employed to carry 
away their most valuable effects. Others, however, still 
believing the troops would return the way they went out, 
determined to remain, and in either event to abide the worst. 
Just before sunset the noise of distant firing was heard, and 
soon the British troops were seen in the Cambridge road. The 
inhabitants then rushed towards the Neck. Some crossed 
Mystic River, at Penny Ferry. Some ran along the marsh, 
towards Medford. The troops, however, soon approached the 
town, firing as they came along. A lad, Edward Barber, was 
killed on the Neck. The inhabitants then turned back into 
the town, panic-struck. Word ran through the crowd that 

' The late Dr. Prince, of Salem, used to relate, that as he was standing 
with a party of armed men at Charlestown Neck, a person enveloped in a 
cloak rode up on horseback, inquired the news, and passed on ; but he imme- 
diately put spur to his horse, and the animal started forward so suddenly as to 
cause the rider to raise his arms, throw up the cloak, and thus reveal a 
uniform. The men instantly levelled their guns to fire, when Dr. Prince 
struck them up, exclaiming, "Don't fire at him — he is my friend Small, a 
fine fellow." It was Major Small, an express from the army, who got safe 
into Boston. 

7* 



80 LEXINGTON AND CONCORD. 

"The Britons were massacring the women and children!" 
Some remained in the streets, speechless with terror ; some ran 
to the clay-pits, back of Breed's Hill, where they passed the 
night. The troops, however, offered no injury to the inhab- 
itants. Their officers directed the women and children, half- 
distracted with fright, to go into their houses, and they would 
be safe, but requested them to hand out drink to the troops. 
The main body occupied Bunker Hill, and formed a line 
opposite the Neck. Additional troops also were sent over 
from Boston. The officers flocked to the tavern in the square, 
where the cry was for drink. Guards were stationed in vari- 
ous parts of the town. One was placed at the Neck, with 
orders to permit no one to go out. Everything, during the 
night, was quiet.' Some of the wounded were carried over 
immediately, in the boats of the Somerset,*^ to Boston. Gen- 
eral Pigot had the command in Charlestown the next day, 
when the troops all returned to their quarters. 

The Americans lost forty-nine killed, thirty-nine wounded, 
and five missing.^ A committee of the Provincial Congress 

'Of the notices of the arrival of the troops in Charlestown, I select the 
following. The Salem Gazette, April 25, says : The consternation of the 
people of Charlestown, when our enemies were entering the town, is inex- 
pressible ; the troops, however, behaved tolerably civil, and the people have 
since nearly all left the town. Stiles, in his diary, April 24, 1775, writes : 
" In the afternoon of the same day, by order of General Gage, a proclama- 
tion was read to the inhabitants of Charlestown, purporting that he would lay 
that town in ashes if they obstructed the king's troops." Clark says : The 
firing continued, " with but little intermission, to the close of the day, when 
the troops entered Charlestown, where the provincials could not follow them, 
without exposing the worthy inhabitants of that truly patriotic town to their 
rage and revenge." Jacob Rogers' petition gives a minute detail of the 
town during the evening. 

'^ On the 14th of April, the Somerset man-of-war, of sixty-four guns, was 
hauled into Charles River, and now lays between the ferry ways. — Essex 
Gazette, April 18. 

^ Several lists of the killed and wounded were published in the journals of 
the day. One of them was corrected by John Farmer, and was published 
in the Mass. Hist. Collections, vol. xviii. I have added a few names. 

Lexington. — Killed, Jonas Parker, Robert Monroe, Samuel Hadley, Jon- 
athan Harrington, jr., Isaac Muzzy, Caleb Harrington, John Brown, Jede- 
diah Monroe, John Raymond, Nathaniel Wyman, 10. Wounded, John 
Robbins, Solomon Pierce, John Tidd, Joseph Coraee, Ebenezer Monroe, jr., 



LOSS OF THE AMERICANS. 81 

estimated the value of the property destroyed by the ravages 
of the troops, to be — in Lexington, £1761 15s. 5d. ; in Con- 
cord, £274 IGs. 7d.; in Cambridge, £1202 8s. 7d. Many 
petitions of persons who engaged the enemy on this day are 
on file. They lost guns or horses, or suffered other damage. 
The General Court indemnified such losses. 

Thomas Winship, Nathaniel Farmer, Prince Estabrook, Jedediah Monroe, 
Francis Brown, 10. 

Concord. — Wounded, Charles Miles, Nathan Barrett, Abel Prescott, jr., 
Jonas Brown, George Minot, 5. 

Cambridge. — Killed, William Marcy, Moses Richardson, John Hicks, 
Jason Russell, Jabez Wyman, Jason Winship, 6. Wounded, Samuel Whit- 
temore, 1. Missing, Samuel Frost, Seth Russell, 2. 

Needham. — Killed, John Bacon, Elisha Mills, Amos Mills, Nathaniel 

Chamberlain, Jonathan Parker, 5. Wounded, Eleazer Kingsbury, 

Tolman, 2. 

Sudbury. — Killed, Josiah Haynes, Asahel Reed, 2. Wounded, Joshua 
Haynes, jr., 1. 

Acton. — Killed, Isaac Davis, Abner Hosmer, James Hayward, 3. 
Wounded, Luther Blanchard, 1. 

Bedford. — Killed, Jonathan Wilson, 1. Wounded, Job Lane, 1. 

Woburn. — Killed, Daniel Thompson, Asahel Porter, 2. Wounded, 
George Reed, Jacob Bacon, — Johnson, 3. 

Medford. — Killed, Henry Putnam, William Polly, 2. 

Charlestown. — Killed, James Miller, Edward Barber, 2. 

Watertown. — Killed, Joseph Coolidge, 1. 

Framingham. — -Wounded, Daniel Hemminway, 1. 

Dedham. — Killed, Elias Haven, 1. Wounded, Israel Everett, 1. 

Stow. — Wounded, Daniel Conant, 1. 

Roxbury. — Missing, Elijah Seaver, 1. 

Brookline. — Killed, Isaac Gardner, 1. 

Billerica. — Wounded, John Nichols, Timothy Blanchard, 2. 

Chelmsford. — Wounded, Aaron Chamberlain, Oliver Barron, 2. 

Salem. — Killed, Benjamin Pierce, 1. 

Newton. — Wounded, Noah Wiswell, 1. 

Danvers. — Killed, Henry Jacobs, Samuel Cook, Ebenezer Goldthwait, 
George Southwick, Benjamin Deland, Jotham Webb, Perley Putnam, 7. 
Wounded, Nathan Putnam, Dennis Wallace, 2. Missing, Joseph Bell, 1. 

Beverly. — Killed, Reuben Kennison, 1. Wounded, Nathaniel Cleves, 
Samuel Woodbury, William Dodge, 3d, 3. 

Lynn. — Killed, Abednego Ramsdell, Daniel Townsend, William Flint, 
Thomas Hadley, 4. Wounded, Joshua Felt, Timothy Monroe, 2. Mis- 
sing, Josiah Breed, 1. 

Total. — Killed, 49. Wounded, 39. Missing, 5. = 93. 



82 LEXINGTON AND CONCORD. 

The British lost seventy-three killed, one hundred and sev- 
enty-four wounded, and twenty-six missing, — the most of 
whom were taken prisoners. Of these, eighteen were officers, 
ten sergeants, two drummers, and two hundred and forty were 
rank and file. Lieutenant Hall, wounded at the North Bridge, 
was taken prisoner on the retreat, and died the next day. His 
remains were delivered to General Gage. Lieutenant Gould 
was wounded at the bridge, and taken prisoner, and was 
exchanged, May 28, for Josiah Breed, of Lynn. He had a 
fortune of £1900 a year, and is said to have offered £2000 for 
his ransom. The prisoners were treated with great humanity, 
and General Gage was notified that his own surgeons, if he 
desired it, might dress the wounded. 

In Lexington, the anniversary of the battle was appro- 
priately noticed for several years. In 1776, Rev. Jonas 
Clark delivered the sermon, which was printed. Seven ser- 
mons, by Reverends Samuel Cook, 1777, Jacob Gushing, 1778, 
Sanmel Woodward, 1779, Isaac Morrill, 1780, Henry Cum- 
mings, 1781, Phillips Payson, 1782, and Zabdiel Adams, in 
1783, were also published. The Legislature granted four 
hundred dollars to build a monument in this town ; and hence 
the one erected in 1779 states it was erected by the town, 
"under the patronage, and at the expense, of the common- 
wealth," to the memory of the eight men who fell at the 
fire of the British troops. It is of granite, twenty feet high, 
stands near the place where they were killed, and bears an 
inscription written by Rev. Jonas Clark. In 1825, Major 
Elias Phinney prepared a history of the battle, and in 1835, 
Hon. Edward Everett delivered an oration on the anni- 
versary. 

In Concord, a monument has been erected near the place 
where the two soldiers, who were killed on the bridge, were 
buried. In 1824, the Bunker Hill Monument Association 
appropriated five hundred dollars to build one in this town ; 
and at its suggestion, the corner stone, in 1825, was laid, with 
great parade. Sixty of the survivors joined in the celebra- 
tion. Hon. Edward Everett delivered the address. Sub- 
sequently this association pledged one thousand dollars more 
for the purpose of securing the completion of this monument. 



THE MINUTE-MEN. 83 

In 1827, Dr. Ripley and others published "A History of the 
Fight at Concord." 

In Danvers, on Monday, April 20, 1835, the corner-stone 
was laid of a monument to the memory of seven of its cit- 
izens, who fell on that day. General Gideon Foster, one of 
the survivors, made the address at the site of the monument, 
in which he stated that over a hundred of his townsmen 
went with him to the field this day. A procession proceeded 
to the church, where an address was delivered by Hon. Daniel 
P. King. 

In West Cambridge, a monument was erected, June 24, 
1848, over the remains of twelve of the patriots slain on this 
day, — the names of only three of whom, belonging to what 
is now West Cambridge, are known, viz : Jason Russell, 
Jason Winship, and Jabez Wyman. The twelve were buried 
in a common grave. Their remains were disinterred, and 
placed in a stone vault, now under the monument, April 22, 
1848. This is a simple granite obelisk, nineteen feet in height, 
enclosed by a neat iron fence. It was done by the voluntary 
contributions of the citizens of West Cambridge.' 

The work so worthy of commemoration — the commence- 
ment OF the war of the American Revolution — cannot be 
satisfactorily accounted for, without taking into view previous 
effort. Nothing is clearer than that it obeyed the great law 
of production. It was the result of labor. It took the people 
years of deliberation to arrive at the point of forcible resist- 
ance ; and after this point had been reached, it took months 
of steady preparation to meet such a crisis worthily. This 
crisis did not come unexpected, nor was it left to shift for 
itself when it did come. The leading patriots were not quite 
so dull and rash as to leave this unprovided for. They were 
men of sound common sense, who well discerned the signs of 
the times. If they trusted to the inherent goodness of their 
cause, they also looked sharp to have their powder dry. Indi- 
vidual volunteers, it is true, appeared on this day in the field. 
But still the power that was so successful against a body of 
British veterans of undoubted bravery, finely officered and 

• Hon. James Russell, Ms. letter, who took a prominent part in this pat- 
riotic work. 



84 LEXINGTON AND CONCORD. 

finely disciplined, that twice pnt them in imminent peril of 
entire capture, was not an armed mob, made up of individuals, 
who, on a new-born impulse, aroused by the sudden sound of 
the tocsin, seized their rusty firelocks, and rushed to the 
"tented field." But it was an organized power, made up of 
militia who had associated themselves — often by written 
agreements — to meet such an exigence; who had been dis- 
ciplined' to meet it, who were expected to meet it, and who 
had been •warned'^ that it was close at hand. They were the 
minute-men. It is enough to say, that they came so near up 
to their own ideal of hazardous duty, and to the high expect- 
ation of their fellow-patriots, as to win praise from friend and 
foe.^ They did a thorough, a necessary, and an immortal 
work. They should have the credit of it. This battle should 
be called the battle of the minute-men. 

The effect of the news of the commencement of hostilities, 
both in the colonies and in Great Britain, was very great. 

In the colonies the intelligence spread with wonderful rapid- 
ity. In almost every community in New England, on its 
reception, the minute-men rushed to arms. Hundreds of the 
muster-rolls — thousands of individual accounts of the sol- 
diers of the revolution — date from " The Lexington Alarm." 
And the same spirit prevailed out of New England. Nothing 
could exceed the shock which it gave to the public mind. To 
detail, however, the manner in which it was received through- 
out the colonies, would be foreign to the purpose of this 
work. In every quarter the people assembled, and prepared 
to join their brethren of Massachusetts in defence of their lib- 
erties.* 

^ The discipline described, pages 42 — 3, continued to this day. Thus 
Rev. Mr. Emerson, March 13, at a review in Concord, preached to the 
minute-men. Rev. Mr. Marett writes in his diary, April 4 : Rode to Read- 
ing, and heard Mr. Stone preach a sermon to the minute-men. On the 19th, 
he writes : Fair, windy, and cold. 

^ See the order of the Provincial Congress, page 54. ^ " Lord Percy said 
at table, he never saw anything equal to the intrepidity of the New England 
minute-men." — Remembrancer, vol. i., 111. 

^It was the battle of Lexington that elicited, in North Carolina, the Meck- 
lenburg Declaration of Independence, about which so much has been written. 
This Declaration is alluded to in the journals of the time. Thus the Penn- 



LETTER TO ENGLAND. 85 

In Massachusetts the leading patriots regarded it to be 
important to present, as early as possible, an accurate account 
of the events of the day to the people of England. The 
Provincial Congress, which was immediately summoned, 
appointed, on the day of its meeting, April 22, a committee 
to take depositions in relation to the transactions of the troops 
in their route to and from Concord. On the next day Doctor 
Church, Mr. Gerry, and Mr. Gushing, were appointed a com- 
mittee to draw up a "narrative of the massacre." The com- 
mittee on depositions, on the 23d and 25tli of April, held 
sessions at Concord and Lexington, and took a large number 
of affidavits. On the 25th, a letter was read in Congress, 
urging the expediency of sending an account immediately to 
England. On the 26th, a committee, consisting of the presi- 
dent, Doctor Warren, Mr. Freeman, Mr. Gardner, and Colonel 
Stone, were chosen to prepare a letter to the colonial agent. 
This committee, on the same day, reported the letter, and 
an account of the battle, addressed "To the Inhabitants 
of Great Britain ; " and the committee of supplies was 
ordered to send these papers, with others in preparation, 
to England. This committee engaged the Hon. Richard 
Derby,' of Salem, to fit out his vessel as a packet. This ves- 
sel arrived in London on the 29th of May, and carried, besides 
the official papers, copies of the Essex Gazette, containing the 
published accounts of the events of the day. The address, 

sylvania Ledger, November 4, 1775, contains Governor Martin's proclama- 
tion, which reviews it, and denounce it. The point of actual forcible 
resistance had been reached in Massachusetts nine months previous. To go 
further back, the bold Abington resolves of 1770, declaring acts of Parlia- 
ment " a mere nullity," produced a great effect through the colonies. They 
were a virtual declaration of independence. Other towns were equally bold. 
' The order to Captain Derby was as follows : — In Committee of Safety, 
April 27, 1775. Resolved, That Captain Derby be directed, and he hereby 
is directed, to make for Dublin, or any other good port in Ireland, and from 
thence to cross to Scotland or England, and hasten to London. This direc- 
tion is given, that so he may escape all cruisers that may be in the chops of 
the channel, to stop the communication of the provincial intelligence to the 
agent. He will forthwith deliver his papers to the agent on reaching Lon- 
don. J. Warren, Chairman. P. S. — You are to keep this order a pro- 
found secret from every person on earth. 



86 LEXINGTON AND CONCORD. 

after a brief relation of the battle, and of the outrages of the 
troops, stated, that these "marks of ministerial vengeance 
had not yet detached us from our royal sovereign ;" that the 
colonists were still ready to "defend his person, family, crown, 
and dignity ;" that they would not tamely submit to the perse- 
cution and tyranny of this cruel ministry, but, appealing to 
Heaven for the justice of their cause, they were determined 
to die or be free ; and in closing said, that in a constitutional 
connection with the mother country, they hoped soon to be 
altogether a free and happy people.' In the letter to the 
agent, he is requested to have the papers printed, and dis- 
persed through every town in England. Accordingly, on the 
day after the arrival of Captain Derby, the address was 
printed and circulated, and gave the first intelligence of the 
battle of Lexington and Concord to the British public. 

The news was astounding. The government had informa- 
tion of the state of things in America that was accurate, but it 
refused to credit it. Speeches were made in Parliament por- 
traying the consequences of political measures with a foresight 
and precision that to-day appear wonderful, but the ministry 
listened to them with dull ears. It preferred to rely on repre- 
sentations from the colonies, made by adherents of the gov- 
ernment blinded by passion or swayed by interest, or on 
language in Parliament dictated by ignorance or pride, which 
described the great patriot party as a mere faction, and the 
colonists as cowards, and five thousand regulars as invincible. 
Hence, they looked to see their imposing military and naval 
preparations strike fear into* "a rude rabble," and produce 
submission. Such ignorance and expectation were shared by 
the British nation. How great, then, was the astonishment to 
hear that a collection of country people, hastily assembled, 
had compelled the veterans of England to retreat to their 
strong holds ! The news agitated London to its centre. It 
engrossed the attention of all classes. It seemed not merely 
improbable, but almost incredible. 

On learning the intelligence, the government, which had 
received no despatches, issued the following card : — 

' This address appeared in the London Chronicle for May 27 — 30, 



EFFECT IN ENGLAND. 87 

" Secretary of State's Office, Whitehall, May 30, 1775. 

"A report having been spread, and an account having been 
printed and pubhshed, of a skirmish between some of the 
people in the province of the Massachusetts Bay, and a 
detachment of his majesty's troops, it is proper to inform the 
public, that no advices have as yet been received in the 
American department of any such event. 

"There is reason to believe that there are despatches from 
General Gage on board the Sukey, Capt. Brown, which, though 
she sailed four days before the vessel that brought the printed 
accounts, is not yet arrived." 

Arthur Lee immediately issued the following note : — ^ 

" TO THE PUBLIC 

" Tuesday, May 30, 1775. 
" As a doubt of the authenticity of the account from Salem, 
touching an engagement between the king's troops and the 
provincials, in the Massachusetts Bay, may arise from a para- 
graph in the Gazette of this evening, I desire to inform all those 
who wish to see the original affidavits which confirm that 
account, that they are deposited at the Mansion House, with 
the right honorable the Lord Mayor, for their inspection. 

"Arthur Lee, 
" Agent for the House of Representatives of the Massachusetts Bay." 

General Gage's despatches did not arrive until eleven days 
after the arrival of Captain Derby. The excitement on their 
reception increased. The clamor against the ministers grew 
louder, because it was presumed that they concealed the 
official accounts, and intended to keep the people in ignorance. 
As soon, however, as General Gage's report reached Whitehall, 
on the 10th of June, it was published. This account was 
severely criticised in the journals, while Lord Dartmouth, in 

^ This note was published in the London Chronicle for June 1, 1775. 
Some of the affidavits appear in full in this number. The original papers are 
now in Harvard College Library. Captain Derby declined to go to Lord 
Dartmouth's office. Mr. De Berdt communicated to the minister the details. 
" He was too much affected to say much," writes Mr. De Berdt. 

8 



88 LEXINGTON AND CONCORD. 

a letter to General Gage, dated July 1, hesitates to approve of 
the stpp, which was certainly warranted, if not expressly 
commanded, in his previous despatches, and which was only 
carrying out his idea of disarming the province.' " I am to 
presume that the measure of sending out a detachment of 
troops to destroy the magazines at Concord was taken after 
the fullest consideration of the advantages on the one hand, 
and hazards on the other, of such an enterprise, and of all the 
probable consequences that were to result from it. It is 
impossible for me to reflect upon this transaction, and upon all 
its consequences, without feelings, which, although I do not 
wish to conceal them, it is not necessary for me to express ; 
but I believe every man of candor will agree with me in 
opinion, that, let the event be what it may, the rashness and 
rebellious conduct of the provincials on this occasion evince 
the necessity, and will manifest to all the world the justice, of 
the measures which the king has adopted for supporting the 
constitution, and in which his majesty will firmly persevere." 

The excitement was not allayed by the publication of the 
official despatches. The ministry, in virtually asking a sus- 
pension of judgment until their arrival, evidently hoped that 
the American narrative might prove fictitious, or at least 
might be exaggerated. Gage's account, however, substan- 
tially agreed with it. It admitted that a people who had been 
represented as " too cowardly ever to face the regulars," had 
attacked the king's troops : it admitted the galling annoyance, 

' Extracts from Lord Dartmouth's letters to General Gage, already given, 
show how positive were the instructions sent to direct the conduct of the 
governor. Jn a letter, dated April 15, 1775, on its way to Boston when the 
battle was fought, Lord Dartmouth says : "It would appear necessary and 
expedient, that all fortifications should be garrisoned by the king's troops, or 
dismantled and destroyed ; that all cannon, small arms, and military stores of 
every kind, that may be either in any magazine, or secreted for the purpose 
of aiding the rebellion, should also be seized and secreted ; and that the per- 
sons of such as, according to the opinion of his majesty's attorney and solicitor 
general, have committed themselves in acts of treason and rebellion, should 
be arrested and imprisoned." This letter authorized General Gage to offer a 
reward for the apprehension of the patriot leaders, and a pardon to those who 
should return to obedience. Hence, the subsequent proclamation of General 
Gasre. 



GREATNESS OF THE DAY. 89 

and that many were killed and wounded. I have only room 
for a single specimen of the sharp strictures these despatches 
elicited. " Let us," says one of them, "accompany the army 
in its return, and we find them met by Lord Percy, at Lex- 
ington, with sixteen companies and the marines, amounting 
in all to about twelve hundred rnen, with two pieces of can- 
non. We have now almost the whole army that was collected 
at Boston, under so active a leader as Lord Percy, with the 
assistance of Colonel Smith and Major Pitcairn, ' doing every- 
thing (so says the Gazette) that men could do,' and two pieces 
of cannon. We may expect that not a man of the unheaded 
poltroon provincials will be left alive. Not quite so bad. The 
Gazette tells us, dryly, that ' the rebels were for a while dis- 
persed.' They were so dispersed, however, that ' as soon as 
the troops resumed their march,' (not their flight,) they began 
again to fire on them, and continued it during the whole of 
fifteen miles' march, 'by which means several were killed 
and wounded.' If this was not a flight, and if Lord Percy's 
activity was not in running away, I should be glad to know 
where were the flanking parties of this army on its march, 
with all this light infantry ] Would any commanding officer 
suffer such an enemy to continue killing and wounding his 
troops, from stone walls and houses, if it was not a defeat and 
ffight?"' 

Such was the effect, in the colonies and in England, of this 
manifestation of the resolute spirit that animated the American 
patriots. Those who stood in the breach at the breaking of 
this day of blood at Lexington, those who joined in battle and 
died honorably facing the foe at Concord, those who so gal- 

' One hundred pounds sterling were contributed in England for the relief 
of those who were wounded in this battle, and of the widows and children 
of those who were slain. This was paid to a committee of the Massachu- 
setts Assembly, by Dr. Franklin, in the following October. 

Stedman, a British historian, remarks : " The conduct of Colonel Smith, 
in this unfortunate expedition, was generally censured ; but Lord Percy 
gained on this occasion, what he afterwards uniformly sustained, great repu- 
tation as an active, brave, and intelligent officer." A British journal says ; 
" He was in every place of danger, and came off unhurt." He had, how- 
ever, a narrow escape. A musket ball struck one of the buttons of hia 
waistcoat. 



90 



LEXINGTON AND CONCORD. 



lantly pursued the flying veterans, deserve the tribute of grate- 
ful admiration/ Tlieir efforts were in behalf of the cause of 
the freedom of America, and their success was typical of its 
final triumph. It is this that clothes their valor on this re- 
markable day with such beauty and dignity. " In other cir- 
cumstances," Dr. Dwight writes, " the expedition to Concord, 
and the contest which ensued, would have been merely little 
tales of wonder and woe, chiefly recited by the parents of the 
neighborhood to their circles at the fireside, commanding a 
momentary attention of childhood, and calling forth the tear 
of sorrow from the eyes of those who were intimately con- 
nected with the sufferers. Now, the same events preface the 
history of a nation, and the beginning of an empire ; and are 
themes of disquisition and astonishment to the civilized 
world." ^ 

^ Hon. Edward Everett's Concord Address, 53. 
2 Dwight 's Travels, i., p. 387. 




LEXINGTON MONUMENT. 






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ll^iT/fiS.-irlfi-s ^3^ 




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GATHERING OF AN ARMY. 91 



CHAPTER III. 

Gathering of an Army. Proceedings of Massachusetts, New Hampshire, 
Connecticut, Rhode Island. The American Army. Skirmishes. The 
British Army. Resolve to fortify Bunker Hill. 

The intelligence of the breaking out of hostilities was imme- 
diately followed by circulars from the Massachusetts committee 
of safety, calling out the militia. One addressed to the towns, 
dated April 20, urged them " to hasten and encourage, by all 
possible means, the enlistment of men to form an army," and 
to send them forward without delay. "Our all," it reads, 
"is at stake. Death and devastation are the certain conse- 
quences of delay. Every moment is infinitely precious. An 
hour lost may deluge your country in blood, and entail perpet- 
ual slavery upon the few of our posterity that may survive 
the carnage." ' Another circular, addressed to the other New 
England colonies, (April 26,) applied for as many troops as 
could be spared, to march forthwith to the assistance of 
Massachusetts." One spirit, however, animated the country. 
Companies of minute-men and individual volunteers rushed 
from every quarter to the seat of hostilities ; and, joining the 
intrepid bands that fought the British troops on their way 
from Concord, commenced the memorable siege of Boston.^ 

The committee of safety and the general officers had an 
arduous task, to keep so large a body of men together, and to 
provide for them ; and until there were regular enlistments, 
there was, unavoidably, much confusion. General Heath 
continued to issue orders until the arrival of General Ward, 
in the afternoon of April 20, who then took the command. 
Other general officers were early on the ground. At the first 
council of war (April 20) there were present, Generals Ward, 
Heath, and Whitcomb ; Colonels Bridge, Frye, James Pres- 

* Journals of Provincial Congress, p. 518. '^Ib., p. 254. ^Stiles, in his 
Ms. Diary, vi^rites that, on Friday, April 21, an American army of 20,000 
men was assembled. 

8* 



92 THE SIEGE OF BOSTON. 

cutt, William Prescott, Bullard, and Barrett; and Lieutenant- 
colonels Spaulding, Nixon, Whitney, Mansfield, and Wheelock. 
On this day Colonel William Prescott was ordered to the 
command of a guard of five companies, — two of which were 
posted on Charlestown road, one towards Phipps' Farm, one 
towards Menotomy, (West Cambridge,) and the remainder at 
other points. On the next day the guards were posted in the 
same manner ; but Colonels Prescott, Learned, and Warner, 
were ordered to march their regiments to Roxbury, to join 
General Thomas.' 

The army was soon joined by General Israel Putnam, and 
Colonels John Stark and Paul Dudley Sargent, who rendered 
valuable service in this trying season. On the 22d, Colonel 
Stark was ordered to march to Chelsea, with three hundred 
men, to defend the inhabitants. But no public character had 
more influence than Dr. Warren. He was judicious, as well 
as zealous and energetic. " He did wonders," Dr. Eliot 
writes, "in preserving order among the troops;" and at a 
time when thea-e was extreme difficulty in maintaining dis- 
cipline. The alarm of the people was still great. Many of 
the inhabitants of Cambridge had left their homes ; and a 
general order of the 22d threatened punishment to any soldier 
who should injure property. At this date many of the regi- 
ments were at Waltham and Watertown ; but on the 26th, they 
were ordered to march forward to Cambridge. On the 27th, 
Mr. Huntington, of Connecticut, writes, that General Ward 
was in Roxbury, and General Putnam commanded in Cam- 
bridge, " with too much business on their hands." At this 
time Colonel Stark was in Medford. In a short time each 
colony made separate provision for its troops, — enlisting men, 
establishing their pay, supplying them with provisions, and 
appointing and commissioning their officers.^ 

Before this, however, could be done, many of the minute- 
men, after a few days' continuance before Boston, returned 
home, — some to look after their private affairs, and others to 
make permanent arrangements to join the army. This left 
some of the avenues into the country but slightly guarded. 
Gordon writes, that "during the interval between their return 

' Ward's Orderly Book. ^ Mass. Archives ; Orderly Books. 



THE INHABITANTS OF BOSTON, 93 

and the provincials' resorting afresh to the place of rendez- 
vous, the land entrance into and out of the town, by the Neck, 
was next to unguarded. Not more than between six and 
seven hundred men, under Colonel Robinson, of Dorchester, 
were engaged in defending so important a pass, for several 
days together. For nine days and nights the colonel never 
shifted his clothes, nor lay down to sleep ; as he had the 
whole duty upon him, even down to the adjutant, and as 
there was no officer of the day to assist. The officers, in 
general, had left the camp, in order to raise the wanted num- 
ber of men. The colonel was obliged, therefore, for the time 
mentioned, to patrol the guards every night, which gave him 
a round of nine miles to traverse." ' 

The inhabitants of Boston, by the order of.General Gage, 
were now cut off from intercourse with the country, and con- 
sequently were suddenly deprived of their customary supplies 
of provisions, fuel, and necessaries of life. This exposed them 
to great distress. CiviLwar, in all its complicated horrors, 
was at their doors, — the sundering of social ties, the burning 
of peaceful homes, the butchery of kindred and friends, — and 
all was uncertainty respecting their own fate. It was amidst 
such scenes, when the metropolis was surrounded by multi- 
tudes of armed men, exasperated to the last degree by the 
recent destruction and massacre, that General Gage requested 
an interview with the selectmen. He did not feel safe in his 
position. He was apprehensive that the people without would 
attack the town, that the inhabitants within would join them, 
and that this combination would prove too much for his troops. 
He represented to the selectmen that such an attack might 
result in unhappy consequences to the town ; but that he 
would do no violence to it, provided the inhabitants would con- 
duct peaceably. An understanding to this effect was entered 

'Gordon's History, i., 349. General Ward wrote, A pi U 24, 1775, to 
the Provincial Congress, as follows : "Gentlemen, — My situation is such, 
that if I have not enlisting orders immediately, I shall be left all alone. It is 
impossible to keep the men hAe, except something be done. 1 therefore 
pray that the plan may be completed, and handed to me this morning, that 
you, gentlemen of the Congress, issue orders for enlisting men. I am, gen- 
tlemen, yours, &c., A. Ward." 



94 



THE SIEGE OF BOSTON. 



into between the general and the selectmen. A town-meet- 
ing was held on the 22d of April, at which Hon. James 
Bowdoin presided, when the arrangement was confirmed by 
a vote of the citizens. After instructing a committee to con- 
fer with General Gage in relation to opening a communication 
with the country, the meeting adjourned to the next day, 
Sunday, at ten o'clock. 

The meeting was held, according to the adjournment, on 
Sunday, when the committee reported that General Gage, 
after a long conference, agreed : " That upon the inhabitants 
in general lodging their arms in Faneuil Hall, or any other 
convenient place, under the care of the selectmen, marked 
with the names of the respective owners, that all such inhab- 
itants as are inclined might depart from the town, with their 
families and effects, and those who remain might depend on 
his protection ; and that the arms aforesaid, at a suitable time, 
would be returned to the owners." The town voted to accept 
these proposals. A committee waited upon the general with 
the vote, who, in addition, promised to request the admiral to 
lend his boats to facilitate the removal ; and to allow carriages 
to pass and repass for this purpose. He likewise promised 
that the poor should not suffer from want of provisions, and 
requested that a letter might be written to Dr. Warren, to the 
effect : " That those persons in the country who might incline 
to remove into Boston with their effects, might have liberty to 
do so without molestation." The town voted unanimously to 
accede to these conditions, and to request the inhabitants to 
deposit their arms promptly with the selectmen.* 

' Proceedings of the Town of Boston. This arrangement was made with 
the sanction and advice of the committee of safety. It sent the following 
letter to the inhabitants : Cambridge, April 22, 1775. Gentlemen, — The 
committee of safety being informed that' General Gage has proposed a treaty 
with the inhabitants of the town of Boston, whereby he stipulates that the 
women and children, with all their effects, shall have safe conduct without 
the garrison, and their men also, upon condition that the male inhabitants 
within the town shall, on their part, solemnly engage that they will not take 
up arms against the king's troops within the town, should an attack be made 
from without, — we cannot but esteem those conditions to be just and reason- 
able ; and as the inhabitants are in danger from suffering from want of pro- 
visions, which, in this time of general confusion, cannot be conveyed into the 



REMOVAL FROM BOSTON. 95 

This arrangement, which appears to have been as earnestly- 
desired by the British commander as it was by the distressed 
inhabitants, was carried out, for a short time, in good faith. 
On the 27th of April the people delivered to the selectmen 
1778 fire-arms, 634 pistols, 973 bayonets, and 38 blunder- 
busses ; and on the same day it was announced in a town- 
meeting, that General Gage had given permission to the 
inhabitants to remove out of town, with their eifects, either 
by land or by water ; and applications for passes were to be 
made to General Robertson. Accordingly, thousands applied 
for passes, and hundreds immediately removed to the country, 
taking with them their valuable effects.' The Provincial 
Congress met the liberality of General Gage with appropriate 
measures : they resolved (April 30) that any inhabitants 
inclining to go into Boston should be permitted to do so ; and 
officers to give them permits were stationed at the Sign of the 
Sun, in Charlestown, (at the Neck.) and at Mr. Greaton's 
house, in Roxbury. The number unable to bear the expense 
of removal, and of supporting themselves, was estimated at 
five thousand; and the Congress ordered that the several 
towns should provide for them, according to their popula- 
tion, — delicately resolving that such inhabitants should not, 
in future, be considered as the poor of the several towns. 

But this removal became so general as to alarm the Tories, 
and to give uneasiness to the British commander. The for- 
mer were prompt in this crisis to manifest their loyalty. On 
the day of the battle about two hundred, merchants and 
traders, sent their names in to General Gage, and offered to 
arm as volunteers in his service. The ofler was thankfully 
accepted. The corps was enrolled under General Ruggles, 
and was immediately put on duty. This treaty, however, 

town, we are willing you shall enter into and faithfully keep the engagement 
aforementioned, said to be required of you, and to remove 3'ourselves, and 
your women, children, and effects, as soon as may be. We are, &c. 

' I have one of the original passes given by General Gage. It shows that 
everything but arms and ammunition was allowed to pass : — Boston, April, 

1775. Permit , together with family, consisting of persons, 

and effects, to pass between sunrise and sunset. By order of his 

Excellency the Governor. No arms nor ammunition is allowed to pass. 



96 SIEGE OF BOSTON. 

caused great excitement among them. They remonstrated 
against the bad poUcy of the measure. They explained the 
" pernicious tendency of such an indulgence." They regarded 
the presence of the inhabitants as necessary to save the town 
from assault and from conflagration. For several days no 
answer was given by General Gage. They then threatened 
to lay down their arms, and to leave the town. The impor- 
tunity of interest or fear proved too strong for a treaty obli- 
gation with "rebels." This agreement, on various pretexts, 
was shamefully violated. Obstructions were thrown in the 
way of a removal. "All merchandise was forbid," says a 
letter. May 21 ; " after a while all provisions were forbid ; and 
now all merchandise, provisions, and medicine. Guards were 
appointed to examine all trunks, boxes, beds, and everything 
else to be carried out." None but the patriots, the Tories 
alleged, would be in favor of removing; and when they had 
removed, and had carried their property away, the town 
would be set on fire ; merchandise carried out would strength- 
en the rebels in their resistance, and hence this ought to be 
retained. At length passes were refused ; and many who 
obtained them were obliged to leave their property, which 
deprived them of their accustomed resources for living. Be- 
sides, in a variety of instances, the passports were so framed 
that families were cruelly divided ; wives were separated from 
their husbands, children from their parents, and the aged and 
sick from their relations and friends, who wished to attend 
and comfort them. The general was very averse to allow 
women and children to leave Boston, as he thought they con- 
tributed to its safety, and prevented his being attacked. Num- 
bers of the poor and the helpless — some infected with the 
small-pox — were sent out. It was in vain that the select- 
men, the inhabitants, and the Provincial Congress, remon- 
strated against this bad faith on the part of the British 
commander. It occasioned severe and just denunciations in 
the documents of the time.' 

' Proceedings of Town of Boston ; Mass. Com. Safety ; Journals of the 
time ; Gordon's History, i., 354. It will be seen that the idea of burning 
the town is referred by General Howe in his speech to his army before 
the Bunker Hill battle. A letter from Boston, dated April 23, says : — " Oq 



STATE OF CHARLESTOWN. 97 

The distresses of the mhabitants of Charlestown also were 
great. The British troops, on the 20th of April, crossed over the 
ferry to Boston. But the peculiar situation of the town, added 
to the threats of the British commander, created the belief that 
its fate was sealed. Hence the greater part of its inhabitants 
removed out of it with their effects. A guard was stationed 
at the Neck, and no one was allowed, without a pass,' to go 
into it. So deserted had it become, that early in June a peti- 
tion to the Provincial Congress represented that there remained 
but few, who, by their extreme poverty, were wholly unable 
to do anything toward removing themselves from the "extreme 
hazardous situation" they were in, and that it was "truly 
deplorable." After reminding the Congress that their distress 
flowed from the same causes as that of their brethren of Bos- 
ton, the petitioners requested that the same disposition might 
be made of the poor, by sending them to the interior towns. 
This, accordingly, was done. Charlestown, in a short time, 
was nearly deserted. A few of its citizens went into it to 
look after their effects, or to plant their gardens, or to mow 
their grass ; but so general was the belief that it would be 

Wednesday last about two hundred merchants and traders, friends to govern- 
ment, sent in their names to the general, offering to take up arms as volun- 
teers at his service, which he thankfully accepted of. Everything here is in 
great confusion. We hourly expect an attack." A British paper, Septem- 
ber 14, says of the removal : — " The bad policy of the measure excited 
great commotions among the gentlemen volunteers, under the command of 
General Ruggles. They explained to the general the pernicious tendency of 
such an indulgence ; and not receiving a distinct answer for some days, they 
threatened to lay down their arms, and leave the town. This spirited exer- 
tion of the volunteers at last compelled the general to detain all the effects 
and merchandise of the rebel emigrants, except their household furniture." 

May 12. — The inhabitants of Boston are permitted to come out, but very 
slow ; numbers are not permitted to come out on any terms. The distress 
of the inhabitants, on account of provisions, is shocking indeed. — Newspaper. 

^ May 6. — General Orders. — That the commanding officer of the guard 
at Charlestown permit no person to go into Charlestown with any provisions 
whatever, with or without a pass. 

May 13. — Ordered, That Captain Isaac Foster be permitted to carry pro- 
visions into Charlestown, for the benefit only of such persons as have moved 
out of Boston, and are going into the country, and our friends in said town. 
— Ward's Orderly Book. 



98 SIEGE OF BOSTON. 

destroyed/ that, on the 17th of June, not more than one or 
two hundred remained, out of a population of between two 
and three thousand. 

In the mean time the several colonies, with noble despatch, 
adopted measures for the general defence. In Massachusetts, 
the Provincial Congress assembled at Concord, April 22, and 
on the next day, Sunday, resolved that an army of thirty 
thousand was necessary for the defence of the country. It 
resolved to raise, as the proportion of this colony, thirteen 
thousand six hundred troops. In the plan for its organization, 
fifty-nine men were to form a company, and ten companies a 
regiment ; and to promote rapid enlistments, those who raised 
companies or regiments were promised commissions to com- 
mand them. Artemas Ward was appointed commander-in- 
chief; John Thomas, lieutenant-general : and Richard Gridley, 
the chief engineer. Congress took measures — April 30 — to 
raise a train of artillery, but it was not fully organized when 
the battle of Banker Hill took place. Indeed, so slowly did 
the work of general organization go on, that General Ward, 
in a letter to Congress, May 19, stated, that to save the coun- 
try, " it was absolutely necessary that the regiments be imme- 
diately settled, the officers commissioned, and the soldiers 
mustered." Even his own commission had not been issued. 
On this day Congress adopted the form of one for the com- 
mander, and passed orders relative to the ranks of the regi- 
ments and the officers. The settlement of the ranks of the 
officers, however, was referred to a future time. It also 
revised the powers of the committee of safety, and clothed 

^ A midshipman on board of the Nautilus man-of-war, then lying at Bos- 
ton, about May, 1775, writes : " My situation here is not very pleasant, for I 
am stationed in an open boat, at the mouth of Charles River, to watch the 
Americans, who are busily employed in making fire-stages, to send down the 
stream to burn our ships. I have command of six men, and a six-pounder is 
fixed to the bow of our boat, which we are to fire to alarm the camp and 
fleet, as soon as we observe the fire-stages. The inhabitants of Boston are 
delivering up tl\eir arms, and leaving the town. The Somerset, of 74 guns, 
lays between Boston and Charlestown, which are only separated by a chan- 
nel about a mile broad, and our ship lays about half a mile above her ; and 
if she sees a particular signal hung out, she is to fire on Charlestown.'' — Re- 
membrancer, vol. I., 111. 



ACTION OF NEW HAMPSHIRE. 99 

this body with full authority to direct the movements of the 
army. The work of organization then went on more rapidly, 
though it was far from being complete when the battle of 
Bunker Hill was fought/ 

The New Hampshire troops were peculiarly situated. They 
assembled at Medford, where the field officers, April 26, held 
a meeting, and advised the men to enlist in the service of the 
Massachusetts colony. They also recommended Colonel John 
Stark to take the charge of them imtil the Provincial Congress 
of New Hampshire should act.^ This was accordingly done. 
The New Hampshire Congress, May 20, voted to raise two 
thousand men, adopted those that had already enlisted, and 
voted that " the establishment of officers and soldiers should 
be the same as in the Massachusetts Bay.'* ^ They were 
organized into three regiments, and placed (May 23) under 
the command of Nathaniel Folsom, with the rank of briga- 
dier-general. Two regiments were organized previous to the 
battle of Bunker Hill, under Colonels John Stark and James 
Reed. On the 2d of June, General Folsom ordered Colonel 
Reed to collect his companies, — part of which were at Med- 
ford, under Colonel Stark, — and " put himself under the com- 
mand of General Ward, until further order."' On the 13th of 
June, by order of Ward, this regiment, fully officered, took 
post at Charlestown Neck.* Colonel Enoch Poor was ap- 
pointed to command the third regiment, which, however, did 
not arrive at the camp until after June 17. Nor did General 
Folsom arrive at Cambridge until June 20. 

^ Journals of Provincial Congress ; Mass. Archives. The committee of 
safety, elected ilay 18. -were : — John Hancock. Joseph Warren. Benjamin 
Church, Benjamin White, Joseph Palmer, Richard Devens, Abraham Wat- 
son, John Pigeon, Azor Ome, Benjamin Greenleaf, Nathan Gushing, Samuel 
Hoi ten, Enoch Freeman. On the next day Congress enlarged the powers of 
this committee. They had authority to call out the militia, to nominate offi- 
cers to the Congress, to commission them, and to direct the operations of the 
army. 

2 ]Mass. Archives, ■where are the records of this meeting. ^ Jonmals of 
New Hampshire Provincial Congress. ^ Reed's letter, Ms., in New Hamp- 
shire Archives. Difficulties occurred in organizing the regiments. On the 
31st of May, Colonel Stark was ordered to repair to Exeter, to receive the 
orders of the Congress. After General Folsom was appointed, Stark refused, 
for a short time, to obev his orders. 
9 



100 SIEGE OF BOSTON, 

Connecticut was so prompt in its action, that, a few days 
after the nineteenth of April, it had but few towns not repre- 
sente'd in the army. A large portion of these minute-men 
soon returned to their homes. That colony voted, April 26, 
to raise six thousand men, and organized them into six 
regiments, of ten companies each, — one hundred men con- 
stituting a company. Joseph Spencer, with the rank of 
brigadier-general, was the senior officer in command,' who 
arrived with one regiment early in May, and took post at 
Roxbury.*^ Captain John Chester's fine company formed part 
of it. Another regiment, commanded by Israel Putnam, with 
the rank of brigadier-general, was stationed at Cambridge. 
The sixth regiment v/as under Colonel Samuel Holden Par- 
sons; two companies of which — his own and Chapman's — 
were ordered, June 7, to the camp, and subsequently, one 
other. Captain Coit's ; the remainder of it being stationed, 
until after the battle of Bunker Hill, at New London.^ The 
disposition of these troops was directed by a "committee of 
war," which supplied them with ammunition and provisions. 

The Rhode Island Assembly, April 25, voted to raise fifteen 
hundred men, to constitute "an army of observation," and 
ordered it to "join and cooperate with the forces of the neigh- 
boring colonies." * This force was organized into three 
regiments, of eight companies each, under Colonels Varnum, 
Hitchcock, and Church, and placed under the command of 
Nathaniel Greene, with the rank of brigadier-general.' One 
of the companies was a train of artillery, and had the col- 
ony's field-pieces. General Greene, on arriving at the camp, 
Jamaica Plains, found his command in great disorder ; and it 
was only by his judicious labors, and great personal influence, 
that it was kept together.^ In the rules and regulations for 
the government of this force, it is called " The Rhode Island 

' Hinman's War of the Revolution, p. 547. ^ Trumbull's Memoirs. ^ Rec- 
ords of the Council of War. A company is also named, under Captain Perit. 
The general officers were also captains. Thus General Putnam was brig- 
adier-general, colonel of a regiment, and captain of a company. 

* The act is in Force's Archives, vol. ii., p. 390. ^ Proceedings of Rhode 
Island Assembly. ® General Greene's letter, June 2. "Several companies 
had clubbed their muskets, in order to return home." Colonel Varimm's 
regiment had not, June 2, arrived in camp. 



ORGANIZATION OF THE ARMY. 101 

army." They provide that "all public stores, taken in the 
enemy's camp or magazines," should be "secured for the use 
of the colony of Rhode Island." ^ It was not until June 28 
that this colony passed an act putting its troops under the 
orders of the general of the combined army.^ 

The official returns of the army, until the arrival of Gen- 
eral Washington, are so defective and inaccurate, that it is 
impossible to ascertain, with precision, its numbers. The 
"grand American army," ^ as it is called in the newspapers, 
consisted of about sixteen thousand men. Massachusetts fur- 
nished about 11, .500, Connecticut 2300, New Hampshire 1200, 
Rhode Island 1000. It was so peculiarly constituted, each 
colony having its own establishment, supplying its troops with 
provisions* and ammunition, and directing their disposition, 
that its only element of uniformity was the common purpose 
that called it together. General Ward was authorized to com- 
mand only the Massachusetts and New Hampshire forces, 
though the orders of the day were copied by all the troops; 
and a voluntary obedience, it is stated, was yielded to him by 
the whole army, as the commander-in-chief. Nor was it until 
after the experience of the battle of Bunker Hill, that the 
committee of war of Connecticut, to remedy the evils of the 
want of "a due subordination," and "of a general and com- 
mander-in-chief," instructed Generals Spencer and Putnam to 
yield obedience to General Ward, and advised the colonies of 
Rhode Island and New Hampshire to do the same respecting 

1 Article XXVIII. '^The preamble reads, — "Whereas, it is absolutely 
necessary, for the well-governing and exerting the force of an army, that the 
same should be under the direction of a commander-in-chief." 

^ We have the pleasure to inform the public that the grand American 
army is nearly completed. Great numbers of the Connecticut, New Hamp- 
shire, and Rhode Island troops are arrived ; among the latter is a fine com- 
pany of artillery, with four excellent field-pieces. — Essex Gazette, June 8. 

- Connecticut Assembly. Force's Archives, vol. ii., 418. The New 
Hampshire regiments were first enlisted under the authority of Massachu- 
setts. Hence a general order of April 27 directs: "That the Hampshire 
troops be supplied with provisions in the same manner, by Mr. Commissary 
Pigeon, as the Massachusetts troops are supplied, until further orders." — 
Ward's Orderly Book. On the 8th of June, the New Hampshire commit- 
tee of safety authorized large purchases for the troops. — Mss. 



102 SIEGE OF BOSTON. 

their troops.' This measure indicates the confusion that 
existed, as to rank, among the officers of the different col- 
onies. In addition to this want of subordination, so vital to 
success in military operations, the army was inadequately 
supplied with bayonets, powder, horses, clothing, and tents or 
commodious barracks. No measure of bravery or of patriot- 
ism could make up, in a day of trial, for such deficiencies.^ 

But this ill-appointed army was not entirely unprepared for 
an encounter. Some of its officers, and not a few of the pri- 
vates, had served in the French wars, — an invaluable mili- 
tary school for the colonies ; a martial spirit had been excited 
in the frequent trainings of the minute-men, while the habitual 
use of the fowling-piece made these raw militia superior to 

* Force's Archives, n., 1039. " On motion of the difficulties the army are 
and must be under, for want of a general and commander-in-chief of the 
whole body, raised by different colonies, &c., and a due subordination," &c. 
The news of the Bunker Hill battle arrived June 18, about 10 o'clock. — lb. 

2 It is stated in an inscription on the " Adams" cannon, one of the Ancient 
and Honorable artillery pieces, that " four cannon constituted the whole train 
of field artillery possessed by the British colonies of North America at the 
commencement of the war, on the 19th of April, 1775." — Tudor's Otis, 
p. 456. This is certainly doing injustice to the foresight of the patriots. 
They did not throw down the gauntlet to Great Britain so rashly as this. In 
the committee of safety, and in the newspapers, previous to April 19, there 
are frequent allusions to cannon of various calibre, — to two-pounders, to six- 
pounders, both iron and brass. Also to mortars. I have not met with a 
statement of the number on hand previous to the 19th of April. On the 18th 
of April, however, the committee order thirty-three rounds of round-shot and 
grape-shot, with powder, to be lodged " with each of the twelve field-pieces 
belonging to the province." There were then, certainly, twelve field-pieces, 
besides other cannon and mortars, in Massachusetts alone. On the 29th, 
a report states there were in Cambridge one six-pounder, six three-pounders ; 
and in Watertown, sixteen pieces of artillery. 

In the Mass. Hist. Coll., vol. i., p. 232, there is the following account of 
stores in MassachuseUs, April 14, 1775: — Fire-arms, 21,549; pounds of 
powder, 17,441 ; of ball, 22,191 ; flints, 144,699 ; bayonets, 10,108 ; pouches, 
11,979. ShaUuck's Concord, p. 97, contains extracts from a document found 
among Colonel Barrett's papers, which shows that no small progress had 
been made in collecting material for an army and its support, previous to the 
19tli of April. Among the items are 20,000 pounds of musket balls and 
cartridges, 15,000 canteens, 17,000 pounds salt fish, 35,000 pounds of rice, 
and large quantities of beef, pork, a great number of tents, working tools, &c. 



AMERICAN COLORS. 103 

veteran troops in aiming the musket. They were superior to 
them, also, in character, being mostly substantial farmers and 
mechanics, who had left their homes and pursuits, not for 
want of employment or to make war a trade, but because they 
were animated by a fresh enthusiasm for liberty. The British 
general paid dearly for despising such preparation. 

The army, also, reposed great confidence in its ofiicers. If 
it be true that this, in some cases, was bestowed on men 
unworthy of it, still no occasion had arisen to prove it, and 
they were the free choice of the men. Many in high com- 
mand had been tried in important civil and military service, 
and had that influence over their fellow-men that ever accom- 
panies character. Ward had served under Abercrombie, was 
a true patriot, had many private virtues, and was prudent and 
highly esteemed ; Thom.as was an excellent officer, of a chiv- 
alrous spirit and noble heart, and was much beloved ; Put- 
nam, widely known, not less for his intrepid valor than for his 
fearless and energetic patriotism, was frank and wann-hearted, 
and of great popularity ; Pomeroy had fought well at Louis- 
burg, where Gridley had won laurels as an accomplished 
engineer; Prescott, in the French war, had exhibited great 
bravery, and military skill of a high order ; and Stark, hardy, 
independent, brave, was another of these veterans. This list 
might easily be extended. Officers of such experience consti- 
tuted no mean element of efficiency. 

The histories of this period do not describe the colors under 
which the troops of the several colonies took the field. Was 
there a common flag? If so, was it the old New England 
ensign 7 As early as 1686 there are notices of such a flag. 
A representation of one in 1701 is simply an English ensign, 
with a quarter divided into four by a cross, and having in one 
of the corners the figure of a pine tree. This tree was a favor- 
ite emblem of Massachusetts. It appears, for instance, on its 
coin. It is more probable, however, that there was no com- 
mon flag thus early, but that the troops of each colony marched 
into the camp under their own local flag. Thus a letter, 
April 23, 1775, says of the Connecticut troops : " We fix on 
our standards and drums the colony arms, with the motto, 
' (pii iranstidit siist'met ' round it in letters of gold, which we 
9# 



104 SIEGE OF BOSTON. 

construe thus : ' God, who transplanted us hither, will support 
us."" 

While thus war was settling down over Massachusetts, and 
nothing but resistance was thought of by its patriots, hopes 
of peace and reconciliation still existed in other colonies. At 
this time an embassy and letter, sent by the Assembly of Con- 
necticut to General Gage, excited no small uneasiness, and 
drew forth some of the most remarkable documents of the 
time. The committee appointed to confer with the British 
general were Dr. Johnson and Colonel Wolcott. The object 
of this mission — to procure a suspension of hostilities — met 
with a decided rebuke from the Massachusetts patriots. After 
holding, on the 1st of May, a conference with the embassy, 
the committee of safety sent a strong letter to Governor Trum- 
bull, in which they frankly express their uneasiness at the 
proposed cessation of hostilities. This letter is dated Cam- 
bridge, May 2, 1775, and gives a striking picture of the firm- 
ness and designs of the patriots. "We fear," it says, "that 
our brethren in Connecticut are not even yet convinced of the 
cruel designs of administration against America, nor thor- 
oughly sensible of the miseries to which General Gage's army 
have reduced this wretched colony." After a description of the 
country, the letter goes on : " No business but that of war is 
either done or thought of in this colony. No agreement or 
compact with General Gage will in the least alleviate our 
distress, as no confidence can possibly be placed in any assur- 
ance he can give to a people he has deceived in the matter, 
taking possession of and fortifying the town of Boston, and 
whom he has suffered his army to attack in the most inhuman 
and treacherous manner. Our relief must now arise from 
driving General Gage, with his troops, out of the country, 
which, with the blessing of God, we are determined to accom- 
plish, or perish in the attempt; as we think an honorable 
death in the field, whilst fighting for the liberties of all America, 
far preferable to being butchered in our own houses, or to be 
reduced to an ignominious slavery. We must entreat that 

' In 1774 there are frequent notices of " union flags" in the newspapers, 
but I have not met with any description of the devices on them. Thus Liberty 
Tree had its flag, and there were flags flying from the tops of the liberty poles. 



SPIRIT OF THE AMERICANS. 105 

our sister colony, Connecticut, will afford, immediately, all 
possible aid, as at this time delay will be attended with all 
that fatal train of events which would follow from an abso- 
lute desertion of the cause of American liberty. Excuse our 
earnestness on this subject, as we know that upon the success 
of our present contest depend the lives and liberties of our 
country and succeeding generations." A letter of similar 
import was also sent by the Provincial Congress. Governor 
Trumbull, in patriotic replies to these letters, dispelled the 
fears that were entertained of Connecticut. 

No important military operations, on either side, took place 
until the Bunker Hill battle. Both parties endeavored to 
secure the stock on the islands in the harbor. This occasioned 
several skirmishes, which alforded the uncommon spectacle of 
hostile parties engaged in conflict on land and water. The 
Americans were generally successful. These skirmishes proved 
of essential service to them. They elated their spirits, accus- 
tomed them to face danger, and inspired thtni with confidence.* 
They talked of attacking General Gage, and of burning his 
ships. " It is not expected," Dr. Warren writes. May 16, " he 
will sally out of Boston at present ; and if he does, he will but 

' The songs of the day well exhibit the prevailing spirit. The following is 
copied from the New England Chronicle, May 18, 1775 : — 

A SONG. 

To the tune of " The Echoing Horn.''^ 
Hark ! 'tis Freedom that calls, come, Patriots, awake ! 

To arms, my brave Boys, and away : 
'Tis Honor, 'tis Virtue, 'tis Liberty calls, 

And upbraids the too tedious Delay. 
What Pleasure we find in pursuing our Foes, 

Thro' Blood and thro' Carnage we'll fly ; 
Then follow, we'll soon overtake them. Huzza ! 

The Tyrants are seized on, they die. 

Triumphant returning, with Freedom secured, 

Like Men, we'll be joyful and gay, — 
With our Wives and our Friends we will sport, love and drink, 

And lose the Fatigues of the Day. 
'Tis Freedom alone gives a Relish to Mirth, 

But Oppression all Happiness sours ; 
It will smooth Life's dull Passage, 'twill slope the Descent, 

And strew the Way over with Flowers. 



106 THE SIEGE OF BOSTON. 

gratify thousands who impatiently wait to avenge the blood 
of their murdered countrymen." " Danger and war are 
become pleasing, and injured virtue is now aroused to avenge 
herself." 

The Americans began in May to build fortifications. The 
directions in the orderly books are not sufficiently precise, 
however, to determine their locality. Thus, on the 3d of 
May, a party of two hundred privates and officers, under 
Colonel Doolittle, were ordered on fatigue; the directions for 
the work to be done were to be given by Mr. Chad wick, 
engineer. On the next day, a party of four hundred and fifty 
were ordered on similar duty, under Colonel Frye. Most prob- 
ably these works were at Cambridge. At this early period, no 
works were commenced either on Prospect Hill, or Winter 
Hill, though General Putnam was earnestly in favor of forti- 
fying the former. 

A Continental Congress had been appointed to convene at 
Philadelphia on the 10th of May. On the 3d, the Provincial 
Congress addressed to this body a letter on the condition of 
the colony. It suggested that a powerful army, on the side 
of America, was the only measure left to stem the rapid pro- 
gress of a tyrannical ministry, and to put an immediate end 
to the ravages of the troops ; and expressed the greatest confi- 
dence in the wisdom and ability of the continent to support 
Massachusetts, so far as it should be necessary to support the 
common cause of the American colonies. On the 15th, the 
Provincial Congress sent an express — Dr. Church — with 
another letter, containing an application to the Continental 
Congress for advice in relation to the assumption of civil gov- 
ernment, and also suggesting to Congress the propriety of that 
body's taking the regulation and general direction of the army. 

The passage into the country, through Roxbury, was inade- 
quately defended, and in the early part of this month was a 
matter of great anxiety. The committee of safety wrote to the 
government of Connecticut, May 4, that it was their earnest 
and pressing desire that it would send three or four thousand 
men of their establishment to Massachusetts immediately, 
to enable the committee "to secure a pass of the greatest 
importance" to the common interests, and of which the enemy 



APPLICATION TO CONGRESS. 107 

would certainly take possession as soon as their reinforce- 
ments arrived. " If they once gain possession," the commit- 
tee say, "it will cost us much blood and treasure to dislodge 
them; but it may now be secured by us, if we had a force 
sufficient, without any danger." A similar letter was sent to 
Rhode Island.' 

On the 5th, the Provincial Congress resolved that General 
Gage, by recent proceedings, had " utterly disqualified him- 
self to serve this colony as a governor, and in every other 
capacity ; and that no obedience ought, in future, to be paid, 
by the several towns and districts in this colony, to his writs 
for calling an assembly, or to his proclamations, or any other 
of his acts or doings ; but that, on the other hand, he ought 
to be considered and guarded against, as an unnatural and 
inveterate enemy to this country." 

On the 9th of May, strong apprehensions were entertained 
of a sally from Boston. A council of war requested of the 
committee a force of two thousand men, to reinforce the troops 
at Roxbury. The committee ordered the officers of the ten 
nearest towns to muster immediately one half of the militia, 
and all the minute-men, and march forthwith to Roxbury. 
Messages from Boston stated that the British were certainly 
preparing for a capital stroke. At this time, General Thomas 
had but seven hundred men under his command. His post 
included a high hill visible from Boston. To deceive the 
British as to his force, "the general," says Gordon, "con- 
tinued marching his seven^undred men round and round the 
hill, and by this means multiplied their appearance to any 
who were reconnoitring them at Boston." The committee 
ordered on this day the colonels of the regiments to repair 
to Cambridge with the men they had enlisted. 

On the 13th, in the afternoon, all the troops at Cambridge, 
except those on guard, marched, under General Putnam, into 
Charlestown. They were twenty-two hundred in number, 
and their line of march was made to extend a mile and a half 

' A letter from Rhode Island, May 4, 1775. says : "We have various 
accounts from Boston, almost every hour ; but what is most to be depended on 
is, that the Mohawks are determined to stand by us. There are about thirty 
now at the camp." 



lOS THE SIEGE OF BOSTON. 

They went ovci Bunker Hill, and also over Breed's Hill, 
came out by Captain Henly's still-house, and passed into the 
main street by the fish-market, near the old ferry, where 
Charles River Bridge is. They then returned to Cambridge.' 
It was done to inspire the army with confidence. Though 
they went within reach of the guns of the enemy, both from 
Boston and the shipping, no attempt was made to molest 
them. 

On the 17th a party of Americans fired upon a barge near 
Wheeler's Point, and it was supposed killed two of the 
enemy. Expecting an attack, a detachment of four hundred, 
under Colonel Henshaw, Majors Bigelow and Baldwin, occu- 
pied Lechmere's Point. They formed in ambush in the wood 
near it, near the causeway. General Ward visited the men 
about five o'clock, and reconnoitred the island. No skirmish, 
however, occurred.^ The British, about this time, occasion- 
ally fired upon the Americans from the shipping.^ 

On the 21st, Sunday morning, two sloops and an armed 
schooner sailed from Boston to Grape Island, with a party of 
the troops, to take off" a quantity of hay stored there. The 
troops landed on the island, and began to put the hay on board 
the sloops. The people of Weymouth and the neighborhood 
were alarmed by the ringing of bells and firing of guns ; and 
General Thomas, on being informed of the landing, ordered 
three companies to assist them. ' The people assembled on the 
point of land next to the island, but the distance was too great 
for small arms to do execution. •Their fire, however, was 
returned from the ships. After some hours, a flood tide ena- 
bled the people to float a lighter and a sloop, when a party 
went on board and landed on the island. The British then 
lett, and the Americans set fire to about eighty tons of hay, 
burnt the barn, and brought off" the cattle. Mrs. Adams, in 
writing of this aff'air to her husband, says: "You inquire of 
me who were at the engagement at Grape Island. I may say 

' Baldwin's Diary. ^ Ibid. ^ Ibid. 

May the 17th there was a great fire in Boston, commencing at a barrack on 
Treat's Wharf, which burnt twenty-seven stores, one shop, and four sheds. 
General (iage had appointed new captains to the engine companies, and the 
engine men took offence at it. Hence, the engines were badly served. 



SKIRMISH AT CHELSEA. 109 

with truth all of Weymouth, Braiutree, Hingham, who were 
able to hear arms, and hundreds from other towns within 
twenty, thirty, and forty miles of Weymouth. Both your 
brothers were there ; your younger brother, with his company, 
who gained honor by their good order that day. He was one 
of the first to venture on board a schooner, to land upon the 
island." 

The next skirmish was dwelt upon with great exultation 
throughout the colonies. The committee of safety had directed 
the live stock to be driven from the islands. On Saturday, 
May 27, a detachment was ordered to drive it from Hog and 
Noddle's Islands, lying near Chelsea, the passage to which, at 
low tide, was covered by about three feet of water. About 
eleven a. m. a party went from Chelsea to Hog Island, and 
thence to Noddle's Island, to drive off the stock. They were 
observed by the British, who, to prevent this, despatched a 
schooner, a sloop, and forty marines. The party, however, 
burnt a barn full of salt hay, an old farm-house, killed three 
cows and fifteen horses, and sent a few horses and cows to 
Hog Island. At this time they were fired on from the vessels, 
and by a large party of marines, who put off" in boats from the 
men-of-war; and they retreated to a ditch, lay there in am- 
bush, until they obtained a chance to fire on the marines, when 
they killed two and wounded two. They then retreated to Hog 
Island, and were joined by the remainder of the detachment. 
The stock was first driven off", — between three and four hun- 
dred sheep and lambs, cows, horses, &c., — and then the 
Americans formed on Chelsea neck, during which, the British 
fired from the vessels, from the barges fixed with swivels, 
and from Noddle's Island. The Americans sent for a rein- 
forcement. About three hundred men and two pieces of 
cannon arrived about nine o'clock. General Putnam now 
commanded the party ; and Dr. Warren, to encourage the men, 
served as a volunteer. General Putnam hailed the schooner, 
offering the men good quarters if they would submit, who 
answered this summons with two cannon shot. This was 
immediately returned by the Americans, and a sharp fire on 
both sides continued until eleven o'clock, when the fire of the 
schooner ceased. The men had abandoned her, and towards 



110 THE SIEGE OF BOSTON. 

morning she got aground upon the ferry ways. A party con- 
sisting of Isaac Baldwin and twelve men, about day-break, 
after taking out her guns and sails, and other articles, burnt 
her, under a fire from the sloop. In the morning — Sunday — 
the firing on both sides was renewed, — by the British from 
Noddle's Island Hill, and the sloop. The sloop was so much 
disabled that she was obliged to be towed off by the boats. 
After a few shots had been exchanged between the party at 
Chelsea and the marines on Noddle's Island, the firing ceased. 
The Americans did not lose a man, and had only four wounded. 
The loss of the enemy was reported at twenty killed and fifty 
wounded. This was probably exaggerated. The Americans 
captured, besides clothes and money, twelve swivels, and four 
four-pound cannon. This affair was magnified into a battle, 
and the gallantry of the men engaged in it, and the bravery 
of General Putnam, elicited general praise. The news of it, 
arriving in Congress just as it was choosing general officers, 
influenced the vote of Putnam for major-general, which was 
unanimous.' 

On the 30th of May, a party of Americans went to Nod- 
dle's Island again, burnt the mansion-house of Mr. Williams, 
and drove off the stock, consisting of between five and six 
hundred sheep and lambs, twenty head of cattle and horses. 
On the 31st, at night, a party under Colonel Robinson re- 
moved about five hundred sheep and thirty head of cattle 
from Pettick's Island. On the night of June 2, Major Greaton 
took from Deer Island about eight hundred sheep and lambs, 
and a number of cattle. He captured, also, a barge belonging 
to one of the men-of-war, with four or five prisoners. 

In June, the Provincial Congress was occupied with long 
and earnest debates in relation to the expediency of fitting out 
armed vessels. It was evidently regarded as a daring act to 
defy the proud navy of England. Contests, however, had 
already occurred on the sea. On the 5th of May, Captain 
Linzee, of the Falcon, captured two provincial sloops at 
Bedford. He intended to send them to Martha's Vineyard, 
and freight sheep to Boston. But the Bedford people fitted 

* Journals of the Day ; Baldwin's Diary ; Ms. Letters. 



ARMED VESSELS. Ill 

out two sloops, with thirty men, and re-took the captured 
vessels, with fifteen men on board. In the action three of the 
Falcon's crew were wounded, one of them mortally. Thir- 
teen prisoners were sent to Cambridge. On the 11th, an 
action occurred off Machias, where Jeremiah O'Brien cap- 
tured the Margaretta, after a severe combat. He brought his 
prisoners to Watertown. The plantation committee immedi- 
ately appointed O'Brien to command the Liberty, when he 
made other prizes.^ Admiral Graves had ordered the British 
cruisers to capture every provision vessel, and several had been 
seized. On the 7th of June the Provincial Congress first acted 
on the subject of a navy. It is curious to notice the caution 
with which it moved. It appointed a committee " to consider 
the expediency of establishing a number of small armed ves- 
sels, to cruise on our sea coasts, for the protection of our trade, 
and the annoyance of our enemies : and that the members be 
enjoined, by order of Congress, to observe secrecy in the mat- 
ter." On the 8tb, this committee was ordered to sit forthwith. 
On the 10th, an addition was made to it. On the 11th, in a 
proposed address to the Continental Congress, it apprised 
that body of the proposition under discussion to fit out 
armed vessels. The committee reported on the 12th. On 
the 13th, the report was considered, and postponed till three 
o'clock, when the committees of safety and supplies were noti- 
fied. A very long debate on the report then took place, and 
the further consideration of it postponed until the following 
Friday. The battle of Bunker Hill prevented further pro- 
ceeding. Nothing beyond building a few boats appears to 
have been done until after this period, — among them, barges 
called "fire-boats."^ 

On the 6th of June an exchange of prisoners took place. 
"Between twelve and one," the Essex Gazette says, "Dr. 

^ Williamson's Maine, i., 431. He writes the name of the British vessel, 
Margranetto. Cooper calls this action the Lexington of the seas. 

2 On the 30th of April, the selectmen of Medford were directed by the 
committee of safety to take a party of men to Charlestown Neck, launch the 
" fire-boats" there, and carry them up Mystic River, or such other place as 
they might judge to be safe from the men-of-war's boats. This agrees with 
the British letter, on page 98. 

10 



112 THE SIEGE OF BOSTON. 

Warren and Brigadier-general Putnam, in a phaeton, together 
with Major Dunbar and liieutenant Hamilton, of the 64th, on 
horseback ; Lieut. Potter, of the marines, in a chaise ; John 
Hilton, of the 47th, Alexander Campbell, of the 4th, John 
Tyne, Samuel Marcy, Thomas Parry, and Thomas Sharp, of 
the marines, wounded men, in two carts, — the whole escorted 
by the Wethersfield company, under the command of Captain 
Chester, — entered the town of Charlestown, and marching 
slowly through it, halted at the ferry, when, upon a signal 
being given. Major Moncrief landed from the Lively, in order 
to receive the prisoners, and see his old friend, General Put- 
nam. Their meeting was truly cordial and affectionate. The 
wounded privates were soon sent on board the Lively ; but 
Major Moncrief and the other officers returned with General 
Putnam and Dr. Warren to the house of Dr. Foster, where an 
entertainment was provided for them. About three o'clock, 
a signal was made by the Lively that they were ready to 
deliver up our prisoners ; upon which, General Putnam and 
Major Moncrief went to the ferry, where they received Messrs. 
John Peck, James Hews, James Brewer, and Daniel Preston, 
of Boston ; Messrs. Samuel Frost and Seth Russell, of Cam- 
bridge ; ' Mr. Joseph Bell, of Danvers ; Mr. Elijah Seaver, of 
Roxbury, and Caesar Augustus, a negro servant of Mr. Tiles- 
ton, of Dorchester, who were conducted to the house of Cap- 
tain Foster, and there refreshed ; after which, the general and 
major returned to their company, and spent an hour or two in 
a very agreeable manner. Between five and six o'clock, 
Major Moncrief, with the officers that had been delivered to 
him, were conducted to the ferry, where the Lively's barge 
received them ; after which. General Putnam, with the pris- 
oners who had been delivered to him, &c., returned to 
Cambridge, escorted in the same manner as before. The 
whole was conducted with the utmost decency and good 
humor; and the Wethersfield company did honor to them- 
selves, their officers, and their country. The regular officers 
expressed themselves as highly pleased: those who had been 
prisoners politely acknowledged the genteel, kind treatment 

' Some of these were prisoners of war, taken on the 19th of April. See 
the list, p. 81. 



gage's proclamation. 113 

they had received from their captors ; the privates, who 
were all wounded men, expressed in the strongest terms their 
grateful sense of the tenderness which had been shown them 
in their miserable situation, — some of them could only do it 
by their tears. It would have been to the honor of the Brit- 
ish arms, if the prisoners taken from us could with justice 
have made the same acknowledgment." 

On the 12th of June General Gage issued his memorable 
proclamation — arrogant in its tone, and grossly insulting to 
the people. It commenced in the following strain : " Whereas 
the infatuated multitudes, who have long suffered themselves 
to be conducted by certain well known incendiaries and trai- 
tors, in a fatal progression of crimes against the constitutional 
authority of the state, have at length proceeded to avowed 
rebellion, and the good effects which were expected to arise 
from the patience and lenity of the king's government have 
been often frustrated, and are now rendered hopeless, by the 
influence of the same evil counsels, it only remains for those 
who are intrusted with the supreme rule, as well for the pun- 
ishment of the guilty as the protection of the well-affected, to 
prove that they do not bear the sword in vain." It declared 
martial law ; pronounced those in arms and their abettors 
"to be rebels and traitors," and offered pardon to such as 
should lay down their arms or "stand distinct and separate 
from the parricides of the constitution," — "excepting only 
from the benefit of such pardon Samuel Adams and John 
Hancock, whose offences are of too flagitious a nature to admit 
of any other consideration than that of condign punishment." 
This document only served to exasperate the people. The 
Massachusetts Congress prepared a counter proclamation, 
which was not, however, issued. This paper war was 
stopped by the important operations of the field.' 

The rumors that the British troops intended to make a sally 

' The indignation which this proclamation excited is well shown in one 
of Mrs. Adams' letters. She writes, June 15, 1775, to her husband, John 
Adams: " Gage's Proclamation you will receive by this conveyance. All 
the records of time cannot produce a blacker page. Satan, when driven 
from the regions of bliss, exiiibited not more malice. Surely the father of lies 
is superseded. Yet we think it the best proclamation he could have issued." 



] 14: THE SIEGE OF BOSTON. 

out of Boston were not without foundation. General Gage 
was advised to occupy Charlestown Heights and Dorchester 
Heights, — both of them mihtary positions of the greatest 
importance ; and he postponed offensive operations only until 
he should receive the expected reinforcements. At length 
they had mostly arrived ; and also the Generals Howe, Clin- 
ton, and Burgoyne.' His force, when concentrated, would 
amount to ten thousand men. It was in high spirits, in a 
high state of discipline,*^ well provided with officers, and por- 
tions of it were inured to hard service. It continued to enter- 
tain a low opinion of its antagonists. Its commanders would 
hardly allow that they were in a state of siege by so ill- 
appointed a force as the raw militia that had gathered in their 
neighborhood. General Gage, however, but gave vent to 
wounded pride, when, in his proclamation — June 12 — he 
said that "the rebels" added "insult to outrage," as "with a 
preposterous parade of military arrangement, they affected to 
hold the army besieged." Hence he determined to enlarge 
his quarters, and no doubt intended to penetrate into the 

• These generals arrived in the Cerberus, May 25. The following appeared 
in the newspapers just before the battle of Bunker Hill : —"When the three 
g-enerals, lately arrived, were going into Boston, they met a packet coming 
out, bound to this place, (Newport,) when, we hear. General Burgoyne 
asked the skipper of the packet — ' What news there was? ' And being 
told that Boston was surrounded by 10,000 country people, asked — ' How 
many regulars there were in Boston 1 ' and being answered about 5000, cried 
out, with astonishment, ' What ! ten thousand peasants keep five thousand 
king's troops shut up ! Well, let us get in, and we '11 soon find elbow- 
room.' Hence this phrase, " Elbow-room," was much used all through the 
revolution. General Burgoyne is designated by Elbow-room in the satires 
of the time. It is said that he loved a joke, and used to relate, that after 
his Canada reverses, while a prisoner of war, he was received with great 
courtesy by the Boston people, as he stepped from the Charlestown ferry- 
boat ; but he was really annoyed when an old lady, perched on a shed above 
the crowd, cried out at the lop of a shrill voice : " Make way, make way — 
the general 's coming ! Give him elbow-room ! " 

^ A British general order, on the 14th of June, after minute directions as 
to drilling and firing, directs that non-commissioned officers, drummers, and 
privates, shall " have their hair cut uniformly close in the front," leaving as 
much as " will appear the most becoming and smart, and to wear it uniformly 
clubbed behind ; and the commanding officer expects to see the men always 
exceedingly well and smoothly powdered." — Waller's Orderly Book. 



•REPORT ON FORTIFICATIONS. 115 

country. The letters of the officers continued to be as boast- 
ful and as confident as ever. They regarded the idea that 
such a body of British veterans could be successfully resisted, 
to be as preposterous as the idea was that they were really 
besieged. They expected to be able to conquer their rustic 
enemies as easily as, at home, they could scatter a mob. 
Even the experience of the nineteenth of April was lost upon 
them. They expected to see the same militia, who had 
fought so bravely from behind stone walls, run like sheep in 
the open field. 

Reports of the designs of the British commander found 
their way to the American camp, and measures were planned 
to counteract them. The committee of safety and the council 
of war appointed a joint committee to reconnoitre, especially, 
the heights of Charlestown. Their report. May 12, recom- 
mended the construction of a breastwork near the Red House, 
near the road leading to the McLean Asylum ; another oppo- 
site, on the side of Prospect Hill ; a redoubt on the top of the 
hill where the guard-house stood. Winter Hill, to be manned 
with three or four nine-pounders ; and a strong redoubt on 
Bunker Hill, provided with cannon, to annoy the enemy either 
going out by land or by water. "When these are finished," 
the committee say, " we apprehend the country will be safe 
from all sallies of the enemies in that quarter." * This report 
was referred to the council of war. 

The council of war accepted the report so far as to author- 

' Journals of Provincial Congress, p. 543. This report was signed by 
Benjamin Church, chairman of the sub-committee from the committee of 
safety, and William Henshaw, chairman of a committee from the council of 
war. Colonel Henshaw, in a letter written to Governor Brooks, (in 1818,) 
gives the following relation: — "General Ward, the fore part of May, 
requested Colonel Gridley, Mr. Richard Devens, one of the committee of 
safety in Charlestown, and self, to view the heights from the camp in Charles- 
town. We did so, and made a written report as follows, viz : 1. To build 
a fort on Prospect Hill. 2. To proceed to Bunker Hill and fortify it. 3. To 
Breed's Hill and do the same." — Worcester Magazine, vol. ii., p. 126. 
Colonel Henshaw, however, most probably refers to the written report in the 
text. He was not correct in his recollection. It was not Breed's Hill that he 
recommended, — but Bunker Hill, Winter Hill, and Prospect Hill. There 
was no guard-house at this time on Breed's Hill. 
10=^ 



116 THE SIEGE OF BOSTON. 

ize the construction of a part of these works. But on the 
most important measure, that of occupying Bunker Hill, there 
was much difference of opinion. General Putnam, Colonel 
Prcscott, and other veteran officers, were strongly in favor of 
it, and chiefly to draw the enemy out of Boston on ground 
where he might be met on equal terms. They urged that the 
army wished to be employed, and that the country was grow- 
ing dissatisfied with its inactivity.' They felt great confidence 
in the militia. " The Americans," Putnam said, " were not 
afraid of their heads, though very much afraid of their legs ; 
if you cover these, they will fight forever." ^ Generals Ward 
and Warren were among those who opposed it, and chiefly 
because the army was not in a condition, as it respected can- 
non and powder, to maintain so exposed a post ; and because 
it might bring on a general engagement, which it was neither 
politic nor safe to risk.^ It was determined to take possession 
of Bunker Hill, and also of Dorchester Heights, but not until 
the army should be better organized, more abundantly sup- 
plied with powder, and better able to defend posts so exposed.* 
The contemplated operations of General Gage, however, 
brought matters to a crisis. He fixed upon the night of June 
18, to take possession of Dorchester Heights. Authentic 
advice of this was communicated — June 13 — to the Ameri- 
can commanders. The committee of safety, on the same day, 
ordered the general to procure an immediate return of the 
state and equipments of the several regiments. On the 15th, 
it resolved to recommend to the Provincial Congress to pro- 
vide for an immediate augmentation of the army, and to order 
that the militia of the colony hold themselves ready to march 
on the shortest notice. Also, that it issue a general recom- 
mendation to the people to go to meeting armed, on the Lord's 
day, in order to prevent being thrown into confusion. The 
committee of safety then passed, on the same day, the follow- 
ing resolve : — 

"Whereas, it appears of importance to the safety of this 
colony, that possession of the hill called Bunker's Hill, in 
Charlestown, be securely kept and defended; and also, some 

' Ms. Memoir, by Daniel Putnam. ^ Gov. Brooks. ^ Daniel Putnam. 
* Gray's Ms. Letter, July 12, 1775. 



POSITION OF THE AMERICAN ARMY. . H7 

one hill or hills on Dorchester Neck be likewise secured; 
therefore, resolved, unanimously, that it he recommended to 
the council of war, that the above mentioned Bunker's Hill 
be maintained, by sufficient forces being posted there ; and as 
the particular situation of Dorchester Neck is unknown to this 
committee, they advise that the council of war take and pur- 
sue such steps, respecting the same, as to them shall appear 
to be for the security of this colony." 

The committee then appointed Colonel Palmer and Captain 
White. to join with a committee from the council of war, and 
proceed to the Roxbury camp for consultation ; also to com- 
municate the above resolve to the council. To secure secrecy, 
this iiaflportant resolve was not recorded until the nineteenth 
of June. 

At this time but comparatively small progress had been 
made in building fortifications. Breastworks had been thrown 
up in Cambridge, but no works had been commenced on Pros- 
pect Hill, or on Winter Hill. A breastwork had been also 
thrown up on the Cambridge road, near the base of Prospect 
Hill. The army was posted nearly in the following manner. 
The right wing, under General Thomas, was at Roxbury; and 
consisted of about four tliousand Massachusetts troops, the 
Rhode Island forces under General Greene at Jamaica Plains, 
and the greater part of General Spencer's regiment of Con- 
necticut troops. General Thomas had three or four artillery 
companies with field-pieces, and a few heavy cannon. Gen- 
eral Ward's head quarters were at Cambridge, where the 
centre division of the army was stationed. It consisted of 
fifteen Massachusetts regiments; the battalion of artillery, 
hardly organized, under Colonel Gridley; and General Put- 
nam's regiment, with other Connecticut troops. They were 
quartered in the colleges, in the church, and in tents. Most 
of the Connecticut troops were at Inman's Farm; part of 
Little's regiment was at the tavern in West Cambridge ; Pat- 
terson's regiment was at the breastwork, near Prospect Hill ; 
and a large guard was at Lechmere's Point. There were in 
Cambridge, it is stated, (probably incorrectly,) but four com- 
panies of artillery with field-pieces. Of the left wing of 
the army, three companies of Gerrish's regiment were at 



118 



THE SIEGE OF BOSTON. 



Chelsea ; Stark's regiment was at Medford ; and Reed's regi- 
ment was at Charlestown Neck, with sentinels reaching to 
Penny Ferry (Maiden Bridge) and Bnnker Hill/ 

The peninsula of Charlestown is situated opposite to the 
north part of Boston, and is separated from it by Charles 



River. 



It is about a mile in length from north to south, and 



' The return nearest in date to the battle, that I have been able to find, 
of the troops at Cambridge, is the following, dated June 9, and entitled, 
" Return of the Army at Cambridge." 



Begiinenls. 


Privates. 


Regiments. 


Privates. 


Whitcomb, 


470 


Frye, . 


493 


Brewer, 


318 


Scammon, . 


396 


Nixon, . 


224 


Prescott, 


456 


Little, . 


400 


Gerrish, 


421 


Mansfield, 


345 


Woodbridge, 


242 


Gridley, (artillery,) 


370 


Ward, 


449 


Bridge, . 


315 


Gardner, 


425 


Doolittle, 


308 


Patterson, . 


422 
6063 






Drummers, &c.. 


. 1581 



7644 
A Return of Colonel Gridley's battalion, dated June 16, gives but an 
imperfect view of it. The captains and the number of men were : Edward 
Crafts, 44 ; Joseph Chadwick, 24 ; Edward Burbeck, 25 ; Thomas Wait 
Foster, 43 ; Thomas Pierce, 47 ; Samuel Gridley, 49 ; John Popkin, 49 ; 
Samuel R. Trevett, 37 ; John Wiley, 52 ; John Callender, 47. A large 
portion of their arms are returned as unfit for service. The cannon are not 
named. 

The regiments stationed at Roxbury were those of Thomas, Learned, Fel- 
lows, Cotton, Walker, Read, Danielson, Brewer, Robinson — 93 companies, 
3992 men. 

Colonel Swett, in his history of the battle of Bunker Hill, mentions 
another regiment, under Colonel Sergeant, of New Hampshire. This officer 
took out beating orders, on the condition, that if he succeeded in raising a reg- 
iment, and the New Hampshire colony would not accept of it, that it should 
be established in the Massachusetts service. On the 9th of June he had but 
four companies at head quarters, but had a few more men enlisted in New 
Hampshire. A committee recommended that these companies should be dis- 
charged from the service of Massachusetts. Some of the companies enlisted 
by Colonel Sergeant appear in the rolls of Stark's and Reed's regiments. 
I do not find his name among the returns of the army until after the 17th of 
June, when he had the command of a Massachusetts regiment. It appears 
from his own letter, see Chapter VL, that he was on duty on the 17th of June. 



DESCRIPTION OF CHARLESTOWiV. 119 

its greatest breadth, next to Boston, is about half a mile, 
whence it gradually becomes narrower until it makes an isth- 
mus, called the Neck, connecting it with the main land. The 
Mystic River, about half a mile wide, is on the east side ; and 
on the west side is Charles River, which here forms a large 
bay, — a part of which, by a darn stretching in the direction 
of Cobble Hill, is a mill-pond. In 1775 the Neck, an artificial 
causeway, was so low as to be frequently overflowed by the 
tides. The communication with Boston was by a ferry, 
where Charles River Bridge is, and with Maiden by another, 
called Penny Ferry, where Maiden Bridge is. Near the Neck, 
on the main land, there was a large green, known as The 
Common. Two roads ran by it, — one in a westerly direc- 
tion, as now, by Cobble Hill, (McLean Asylum.) Prospect 
Hill, Innian's Woods, to Cambridge Common : the other in a 
northerly direction, by Ploughed Hill, (Mount Benedict,) 
Winter Hill, to Med ford, — the direct road to West Cambridge 
not having been laid out in 1775. Bunker Hill begins at the 
isthmus, and rises gradually for about three hundred yards, 
forming a round, smooth hill, sloping on two sides towards the 
water, and connected by a ridge of ground on the south with 
the heights now known as Breed's Hill. This was a well 
knoAvn public place, — the name "Bunker Hill" being found 
in the town records, and in deeds, from an early period. Not so 
with " Breed's Hill," for it is not named in any description of 
streets previous to 1775, and appears to have been called after 
the owners of the pastures into which it was divided, rather 
than by the common name of Breed's Hill. Thus, Monu- 
ment-square was called Russell's Pasture ; Breed's Pasture 
lay further south ; Green's Pasture was at the head of Green- 
street.' The easterly and westerly sides of this height were 

• This hill is called Green's Hill in a British description of the town in 
1775. It has been often remarked that Breed's Hill has been robbed of the 
glory that justly belongs to it. It should be remembered, however, that the 
rail fence was at the base of Bunker Hill, and if not the great post of tlie 
day, here a large part of the battle was fought. Besides, the name Breed's 
Hill will not do near so well for patriotic purposes. Thus, in the " Decla- 
ration of Independence," a poem, the author writes : — 

Dun clouds of smoke ! avaunt ! — Mount Breed, all hail ! 
There glory circled patriot Warren's head. 



120 



THE SIEGE OF BOSTON. 



Steep ; on the east side, at its base, were brick-kilns, clay-pits, 
and much sloughy land ; on the west side, at the base, was 
the most settled part of the town, Moulton's Point, a name 
coeval with the settlement of the town, constituted the south- 
east corner of the peninsula. A part of this tract formed 
what is called, in all the accounts of the battle, "Morton's 
Hill." Bunker Hill was one hundred and ten feet high, 
Breed's, seventy-five feet, and Morton's Hill thirty-five feet. 
The principal street of the peninsula was Main-street, which 
extended from the Neck to the ferry. A highway from six- 
teen feet to thirty feet wide ran over Bunker Hill to Moulton's 
Point, and one connecting with it wound round Breed's Hill. 
The easterly portions of these hills were used chiefly for hay 
ground and pasturing; the westerly portions contained fine 
orchards and gardens. 




CONCORD MONUMENT. 









Uj o 



prescott's command. 121 



CHAPTER IV. 

Breed's Hill Fortified. Cannonade of the British. The Landing at Charles- 
town. 

On Friday, the sixteenth of June, the commanders of the 
army, in accordance with the recommendation of the commit- 
tee of safety, took measures to fortify Bunker Hill' Orders 
were issued for Prescott's, Frye's, and Bridge's regiments, and 
a fatigue party of two hundred Connecticut troops, to parade 
at six o'clock in the evening, with all the intrenching tools in 
the Cambridge camp. They were also ordered to furnish 
themselves with packs and blankets, and with provisions for 
twenty-four hours. Also, Captain Samuel Gridley's com- 
pany of artillery, of forty-nine men and two field-pieces, was 

' The narrative of the Bunker Hill battle, in the text, is the result of as 
critical a collation of the authorities as I am able to make. A chronological 
notice of the principal of them will be found in the Appendix. All of ihem 
have been consulted. Great caution is necessary in using the material which 
controversy on this subject has elicited. It is but just to remark, however, 
that many of the depositions of the soldiers harmonize remarkably with each 
other, and with contemporary material. 

I am indebted to Colonel Samuel Swett for permission to take copies of 
his manuscripts. The authorities cited as Gov. Brooks, Joseph Pearce, and 
Ebenezer Bancroft, are statements chiefly taken by him. He states (Notes 
to his History, p. 3) that any person may take copies of any documents in 
his possession. 

A memoir of the battle, prepared by the late Judge William Prescott, the 
son of Colonel Prescott, and in his own hand-writing, is often quoted. The 
high character of the author, and his rare opportunity for obtaining informa- 
tion, unite to render this an invaluable authority. I am indebted to President 
Jared Sparks for this manuscript, and other material. Col. Prescott's ac- 
count of the action, also an important authority, will be found in the Appendix. 

The testimony on some points is perplexing and conflicting ; and though 
I have endeavored to frame the narrative without partiality or prejudice, yet 
I submit it with great diffidence , and will only add, that I feel incapable of 
intentionally disparaging the services of any of the patriot band who bore a 
part in this great work. 



122 BUNKER HILL BATTLE, 

ordered to parade. The Connecticut men, draughted from 
several companies, were put under the gallant Thomas Knowl- 
ton, a captain in General Putnam's regiment.' 

The detachment was placed under the command of Colonel 
William Prescott, of Pepperell, who had orders in writing, from 
General Ward, to proceed that evening to Bunker Hill, build 
fortifications to be planned by Col. Richard Gridley, the chief 
engineer, and defend them until he should be relieved, — the 
order not to be communicated until the detachment had passed 
Charlestown Neck.^ The regiments and fatigue party ordered 
to parade would have constituted a force of at least fourteen 
hundred ; but only three hundred of Prescott's regiment, a 
part of Bridge's, and a part of Frye's under Lieut.-col. Bricket, 
the artillery, and the two hundred Connecticut troops, were 
ordered to march.^ Hence the number may be fairly estimated 
at twelve hundred.^ It was understood that reinforcements 
and refreshments should be sent to Colonel Prescott on the 
following morning.^ 

This detachment paraded on Cambridge Common at the 
time appointed ; and after a fervent and impressive prayer by 
President Langdon, of Harvard College, it commenced, about 
nine o'clock, its memorable march for Charlestown. Colonel 
Prescott was at its head, arrayed in a simple and appropriate 
uniform, with a blue coat and a three-cornered hat.^ Two 
sergeants, carrying dark lanterns, were a few paces in front 
of him. and the intrenching tools followed in the rear. Col. 
Gridley accompanied the troops. They were enjoined to 
maintain the strictest silence, and were not aware of the object 
of the expedition until they halted at Charlestown Neck. 
Here Major Brooks joined them ; and, probably. General Put- 

> The committee of safety account says: "Orders were issued that a 
detachment of one thousand men should that evening march," &c. Fenno's 
Orderly Book, June 16, says : " Frye's, Bridge's, and William Prescott's 
regiments to parade this evening, at six o'clock, with all the intrenching tools 
in this encampment." Chester's letter says 200 Connecticut men were 
called for. — Letter July 22. 

'^ Judge Prescott's Memoir; Gordon, vol. i., p. 362; Martin's Relation. 
^ Prescott's Letter. ^ This was the estimate of the Mass. Provincial Con- 
gress. Col. Prescott says, "about one thousand." ^Brooks; * Ellis' 
Oration. 



CONSULTATION OF OFFICERS. 123 

nam ' and another general. Here Captain Nutting, with his 
company and ten of the Connecticut troops, was ordered to 
proceed to the lower part of the town as a guard.'^ The main 
body then marched over Bunker Hill, and again halted for 
some time. Here Colonel Prescott called the field officers 
around him, and communicated his orders.^ A long consulta- 
tion took place in relation to the place to be fortified. The 
veteran Colonel Gridley, and two generals, one of whom was 
General Putnam, took part in it. The order was explicit as 
to Bunker Hill, and yet a position nearer Boston, now known 
as Breed's Hill, seemed better adapted to the objects of the 
expedition, and better suited the daring spirit of the officers. 
It was contended, however, that works ought not to be com- 
menced at this place until Bunker Hill had been fortified, iu 
order to cover, in case of necessity, a retreat. The moments 
were precious, and the engineer strongly urged the importance 
of a speedy decision. On the pressing importunity of one 
of the generals, it was concluded to proceed to Breed's Hill,* 

' Judge Prescott states that General Putnam did not head the detachment 
from Cambridge to Bunker Hill, nor march with it. Some of the soldiers 
state that he rode up at the Neck. 

^ Abel Parker ; Brooks ; Cleaveland. ^ Brooks says the troops halted at 
the foot of Breed's Hill. 

" Colonel Prescott had determined never to be taken alive. A few months 
before the battle, while he commanded a regiment of minute-men, his brother- 
in-law, Colonel Willard, was at his house ; and endeavoring to dissuade him 
from the active part he was taking against the king's government, among 
other things suggested, that if he should be found in arms against it, his life 
and estate would be forfeited for treason. He replied : ' I have made up my 
mind on that subject. I think it probable I may be found in arms, but I will 
never be taken alive. The Tories shall never have the satisfaction of seeing 
me hanged.' He went on to the heights with that resolution." — Judge 
Prescott's Memoir. 

* The order was explicit as to Bunker Hill, and the committee of safety 
account says, " by some mistake," Breed's Hill was marked out for the 
intrenchment. In Gray's letter, July 12, 1775, it is stated, " that the engi- 
neer and two generals went on to the hill at night, and reconnoitred the 
ground ; that one general and the engineer were of opinion we ought not to 
intrench on Charlestown Hill (Breed's Hill) till we had thrown up some 
works on the north and south ends of Bunker Hill, to cover our men in their 
retreat, if that should happen ; but on the pressing importunity of the other 
general officer, it was consented to begin as was done." That the best posi- 
11 



124 BUNKER HILL BATTLE. 

At the same time it was determined that works should be 
erected on Bunker Hill. When the detachment reached 
Breed's Hill, the packs were thrown off, the guns were 
stacked, Colonel Gridley marked out the plan of a fortifica- 
tion, tools were distributed, and about twelve o'clock the men 
began to work. Colonel Prescott immediately detached Cap- 
tain Maxwell, of his own regiment, and a party, with orders 
to patrol the shore in the lower part of the town, near the old 
ferry, and watch the motions of the enemy during the night.^ 
General Putnam, after the men were at labor, returned to 
Cambridge.'^ 

Anxious to the patriot laborers were the watches of that 
star-light night. The shore in Boston, opposite to them, was 
belted by a chain of sentinels, while nearer still, British men- 
of-war were moored in the waters around them and com- 
manded the peninsula. The Falcon was off Moulton's Point ; 
the Lively lay opposite the present navy yard ; the Somerset 
was at the ferry ; the Glasgow was near Cragie's Bridge ; 
and the Cerberus, and several floating batteries, were within 
gunshot. This proximity to an enemy required great caution ; 
and a thousand men, accustomed to handling the spade, 
worked with great diligence and silence on the intrench- 
ments;^ while the cry of "All's well," heard at intervals 

tion was Breed's Hill, Judge Prescott says, was " Colonel Gridley's opinion, 
and the other field officers who were consulted, — they thought it came with- 
in his (Prescott's) orders. There was not then the distinction between Bun- 
ker Hill and Breed's that has since been made." Colonel Swett remarks 
there could be no mistake, and that the account meant to say, delicately, the 
order to fortify Bunker Hill was not complied with. 

It has been doubted whether General Putnam was on the ground during 
the night. Gray's letter does not give the names of the two generals, it is 
true, but in Stiles' Diary, June 20, in Major Jackson's Diary, June 16, 
(Swett's notes, p. 21,) and in the newspapers of the day, Putnam is named 
as going on at night. The testimony of some of the soldiers is positive. 
Thus Judge Grosvenor, in letters dated April 18, 1818, and March 29, 182.5, 
says that he was present when ground was broken. Judge Prescott states, 
that though he did not march with the troops, he might be present at the 
consultation. 

' William Taylor's Letter ; J. Pearce ; Depositions. ^Swett, p. 21. 

3 Martin says, about a thousand were at work, and that " the men dug in 
the trenches one hour, and then mounted guard and were relieved." 



CANNONADE OF THE WORKS. 125 

Ihrougli the night by the patrols, gave the assurance that 
they were not discovered.' Colonel Prescott, apprehensive of 
an attack before the works were in such a condition as to 
cover the men, went down twice to the margin of the river 
with Major Brooks to reconnoitre, and was delighted to hear 
the watch on board the ships drowsily repeat the usual cry.'^ 
The last time, a little before daylight, finding everything quiet, 
he recalled the party under Maxwell to the hill.^ 

The intrenchments, by the well-directed labor of the night, 
were raised about six feet high, and were first seen at early 
dawn, on the seventeenth of June, by the sailors on board the 
men-of-war. The captain of the Lively, without waiting for 
orders, put a spring on her cable and opened a fire on the 
American works ;* and the sound of the guns, breaking the 
calmness of a fine summer's morning, alarmed the British 
camp, and summoned the population of Boston and vicinity 
to gaze upon the novel spectacle. Admiral Graves almost 
immediately ordered the firing to cease; ^ but, in a short time, 
it was renewed, by authority, from a battery of six guns and 
howitzers, from Copp's Hill, in Boston, and from the shipping.^ 
The Americans, protected by their works, were not at first 
injured by the balls, and they kept steadily at labor, strength- 
ening the intrenchments, and making inside of them platforms 
of wood and earth, to stand upon when they should be called 
upon to fire.'' 

' Brooks ; Pearce ; Josiah Cleaveland was one of the Connecticut men 
detached to the shore, and states that he heard the British sentinels at inter- 
vals all night. ^ Judge Prescott's Memoir. ^ Brooks ; Taylor ; Pearce. 

" Colonel Prescott was often heard to say, after the battle, that his great 
anxiety that night was to have a screen raised, however slight, for his men 
before they were attacked, which he expected would be early in the morning, 
as he knew it would be difficult, if not quite impossible, to make raw troops, 
however full of patriotism, to stand in an open field against artillery and well- 
armed and well-disciplined soldiers. He therefore strenuously urged on the 
work, and every subaltern and private labored with spade and pickaxe, with- 
out intermission, through the night, and until they resumed their muskets 
near the middle of the next day. Never were men in worse condition for 
action, — exhausted by watching, fatigue, and hunger, — and never did old 
soldiers behave better." — Judge Prescott's Memoir. 

■• Fenno's Ms. Orderly Book. ^ British Letter, June 25. ^ Ibid, with 
Gage's official account. '' Ms. Petitions, 1775 ; Israel Hunt. 



126 BUNKER HILL BATTLE. 

Early in the day, a private ' was killed by a cannon ball, 
when some of the men left the hill. To inspire confidence, 
Colonel Prescott mounted the parapet and walked leisurely 
around it, inspecting the works, giving directions to the offi- 
cers, and encouraging the men by approbation, or amusing 
them with humor. One of his captains, understanding his 
motive, followed his example while superintending the labors 
of his company. This had the intended effect. The men 
became indijfferent to the cannonade, or received the balls with 
repeated cheers. The tall, commanding form of Prescott was 
observed by General Gage, as he was reconnoitring the 
Americans through his glass, who inquired of Councillor 
Willard, near him, " Who the person was who appeared to 
command?" Willard recognized his brother-in-law. "Will 
he fight?" again inquired Gage. "Yes, sir; he is an old 
soldier, and will fight as long as a drop of blood remains in his 
veins !" " The works must be carried," was the reply.*^ 

As the day advanced the heat became oppressive. Many 
of the men, inexperienced in war, had neglected to comply 
with the order respecting provisions,' while no refreshments 
had arrived. Hence there was much suflfering from want of 
food and drink, as well as from heat and fatigue ; and this 

^ Asa Pollard, of Billerica, of Stickney's company, Bridge's regiment. A 
subaltern informed Col. Prescott, and asked what should be done. "Bury 
him," he was told. " What !" said the astonished officer, " without prayers'?" 
A chaplain insisted on performing service over the first victim, and gathered 
many soldiers about him. Prescott ordered them to disperse. The chaplain 
again collected his audience, when the deceased was ordered to be buried. — 
Swett's History. 

'^ Brooks ; Israel Hunt ; Prescott's Memoir. The British Annual Regis- 
ter, 1775, says, " the Americans bore this severe fire with wonderful firmness, 
and seemed to go on with their business as if no enemy had been near." 
The following are the vessels that took part in the cannonade during the day. 
The position of the Cerberus is not stated. 

Somerset, 68 guns, 520 men. Captain Edward Le Cras. 



Cerberus, 36 


(( 




(( 


Chads. 


Glasgow, 24 


a 


130 " 


(( 


William Maltby, 


Lively, 20 


(( 


130 " 


<( 


Thomas Bishop. 


Falcon, 






(I 


Linzee. 


Symmetry, 20 


u 








^ Brooks' Statement. 











SUFFERING OF THE TROOPS. 127 

produced discontent and murmurs. The officers urged Col. 
Prescott to send a request to General Ward for them to be 
relieved by other troops. The colonel promptly told them, in 
reply, that he never would consent to their being relieved. 
" The enemy," he said, " would not dare to attack them; and 
if they did, would be defeated : the men who had raised the 
works were the best able to defend them : already they had 
learned to despise the fire of the enemy : they had the merit 
of the labor, and should have the honor of the victory." ' 

Soon after this, the enemy were observed to be in motion in 
Boston. General Gage had called a council of war early in 
the morning. As it was clear that the Americans were gain- 
ing strength every hour, it was the unanimous opinion that 
it was necessary to change the plan of operations that had been 
agreed upon, and drive them from their newly erected works, 
though different views prevailed as to the manner in which it 
should be attempted. Generals Clinton and Grant, and a 
majority of the council, were in favor of embarking a force at 
the common, in Boston, and under the protection of their 
batteries, landing in the rear of the Americans, at Charles- 
town Neck, to cut off their retreat. General Gage opposed 
this plan as immilitary and hazardous. It would place his 
force between two armies, — one strongly fortified, and the 
other superior in numbers, — and thus expose it to destruc- 
tion.^ It was decided to make the attack in front, and orders 
were immediately issued for the troops to parade. It was the 
consequent preparation, — dragoons galloping from their places 
of encampment, and the ratthng of artillery carriages, — that 
was observed at the American lines. Colonel Prescott, about 

^ Brooks' Statement ; Swett's History ; Prescott's Memoir. ^ British 
Account, 1775 ; Ms. Letter ; Swett's History. 

A royalist in Boston at this time used to relate, that knowing the British 
officers were in consultation at the Province House, on the morning of this 
day, he called there to learn their intentions. Immediately after the arrange- 
ments had been made for the attack, he met in the front yard an officer by the 
name of Ruggles, who warmly inveighed against the decision of the other 
officers. " It would cost many lives to attack in front ; but the English 
officers would not believe the Americans would fight." Ruggles advised the 
attack to be made in tjie rear, and thus cut off a retreat and prevent a rein- 
forcement. — Ms. letterl 
11# 



128 BUNKER HILL BATTLE. 

y / nine o'clock, called a council of war. The officers represented 
that the men, worn down by the labors of the night, in want 
even of necessary refreshments, were dissatisfied, and in no 
condition for action, and again urged that they should be 
relieved, or, at least, that Colonel Prescott should send for 
reinforcements and provisions. The colonel, though decided 
against the proposition to relieve them, agreed to send a 
special messenger to General Ward for additional troops and 
supplies. The officers were satisfied, and Major John Brooks, 
afterwards Governor Brooks, was despatched for this purpose 
to head quarters, where he arrived about ten o'clock.^ 

General Ward, early in the morning, had been urged by 
General Putnam^ to send reinforcements to Colonel Prescott, 
but was so doubtful of its expediency that he ordered only 
one third of Stark's regiment to march to Charlestown f and 
after receiving the message by Major Brooks, he refused to 
weaken further the main army at Cambridge, until the enemy 
had more definitely revealed his intentions. He judged that 
General Gage would make his principal attack at Cambridge, 
to destroy the stores.^ The committee of safety, then in ses- 
sion, was consulted. One of its most active members, Richard 
Devens, strongly urged that aid should be sent, and his opin- 
ion partially prevailed. With its advice. General Ward, about 
eleven o'clock, ordered the whole of the regiments of Colonels 
Stark and Read, of New Hampshire, to reinforce Colonel 

^ Governor Brooks' Statement. Judge Prescott's Memoir refers only to 
one consultation of Colonel Prescott with his officers ; Governor Brooks 
states that there were two councils of war, the last at nine o'clock. Martin's 
relation, though confused, confirms the statement that Prescott was reluctant 
to send for reinforcements ; and Brown's letter agrees with Prescott's Me- 
moir as to the discontent of the men. 

Judge Prescott states that the colonel despatched two men, in the course of 
the forenoon, to head quarters — the last Major Brooks. "For greater 
expedition," Col. Swett says, " he was directed to take one of the artillery 
horses ; but the order was vehemently opposed by Capt. Gridley, who feared 
for the safety of his pieces. Prescott then directed him to proceed on foot." 

* Grosvenor, Daniel Putnam, and others, state that General Putnam repaired 
to the heights early in the morning, but returned to Cambridge to urge on 
provisions and reinforcements. — See Swell's History, p. 24. 

^ Stark's Letter. ■* Analectic Magazine, 1818. Gov. Brooks. 



THE ENTRENCHi:.G TOOLS. 129 

Prescott.' Orders, also, were issued for the recall of the 
companies stationed at Chelsea.^ 

During the forenoon a flood tide enabled the British to bring 
three or four floating batteries to play on the intrenchments, 
when the fire became more severe. The men-of-war at inter- 
vals discharged their guns, — the Glasgow, one account states, 
continued to fire all the mornmg.^ The only return made to 
this terrific cannonade was a few ineffectual shot from a can- 
non in a corner of the redoubt.* About eleven o'clock the 
men had mostly ceased labor on the works ; the intrenching 
tools had been piled in the rear, and all were anxiously await- 
ing the arrival of refreshments and reinforcements. No works, 
however, had been commenced on Bunker Hill, regarded as 
of great importance in case of a retreat. General Putnam 
who was on his way to the heights when Major Brooks was 
going to Cambridge, rode on horseback to the redoubt, "and 
told Colonel Prescott" — as General Heath first relates the 
circumstance — " that the intrenching tools must be sent off", 

^ Stark ; Brooks; Dearborn. ^ Swett. 

Oh this day the Provincial Congress, convened at Watertown, held sessions 
morning and afternoon. The committee of safety, in session at Cambridge, 
issued an order to the selectmen of the towns to send all the town stocks 
of powder instantly to Watertown. The committee of supplies, by David 
Cheever, on this day, sent a letter to the committee of safety, stating, That 
exclusive of thirty-six half barrels of powder received from the governor and 
council of Connecticut, there were o.ily in the magazine twenty-seven half 
barrels, and that no more could be drafted from the towns without expos- 
ing them more than they would consent to. 

The committee of safety, on this day, asked, also, for " four of the best 
riding horses," to bring quick intelligence to head quarters. The committee 
of supplies replied, that they had no horses at present, but what were unfit 
for use, or were wanted for the expresses of that committee. " We have 
received," says the letter, " but ten out of the twenty-eight horses ordered 
by Congress to be delivered us, and are informed that those left behind are 
some of the best. Pray take them, if to be found, unless detained by the 
generals. We have sent to procure four, which shall be sent as soon as 
possible." 

^ Fenno's Orderly Book ; British Letter. * Winslow ; J. Pearce ; Clarke. 
The latter, in his pamphlet, states that cannon were fired, " to the infinite 
terror and danger of the inhabitants" of Boston, and that it was in conse- 
quence of this insult that General Gage determined to attack the redoubt. 



1P)0 BUNKEIl HILL BATTLE. 

or they would be lost : the colonel replied, that if he sent any 
of the men away with the tools, not one of them would return : 
to this the general answered, they shall every man return. A 
large party was then sent off with the tools, and not one of 
them returned : in this instance the colonel was the best judge 
of human nature." ' A large part of the tools were carried 
no further than Bunker Hill, where, by General Putnam's 
order, the men began to throw up a breastwork. Most of 
the tools fell into the hands of the enemy. 

In the mean time General Gage had completed his prepara- 
tions to attack the intrenchments. He ordered the ten oldest 
companies of grenadiers and light-infantry, (exclusive of two 
regiments, the 35th and 49th, just arrived,) and the 5th and 
38th regiments, to parade at half-past eleven o'clock, with 
ammunition, blankets, and provisions, and march by files to 
the Long Wharf. The 52d and 43d regiments, with the 
remaining companies of grenadiers and light-infantry, received 
similar orders to parade and march to the North Battery. At 
the same time the 47th regiment and 1st battalion of marines 
were directed to proceed to the battery after the former should 
embark, and there await orders. The remainder of the troops 
were directed to hold themselves in readiness to march at a 
moment's warning. The strictest attention to discipline was 
enjoined. Whoever should quit the ranks, or engage in plun- 

' Heath's Memoirs, p. 19. This is the only instance of a collision of Gen- 
eral Putnam with Colonel Prescott that appears in the authorities. The 
depositions often contain stories of the intrenching tools, and much has been 
written about them in connection with General Putnam. Joseph Pearce, in 
1818, stated, " Putnam, before we saw the British on the water, came and 
said the tools ought to be carried off. Came on a horse. I expected to see 
him knocked off." E. Bancroft, in a Ms. letter, December 7, 1824, says : 
After ten o'clock General Putnam " rode up to us at the fort, and says, ' My 
lads, these tools must be carried back,' and turned and rode away. An order 
was never obeyed with more readiness. From every part of the line within 
hearing volunteers ran, and some picked up one, some two shovels, mattocks, 
&c., and hurried over the hill." Heath is too severe on the party who car- 
ried the tools to Bunker Hill. Some of them fought well at the rail fence, 
and some state that they went back to the redoubt. It is probable that this 
incident is the origin of the impression of some of the soldiers, who stated, 
over forty years after, that Putnam rode off the field with pick-axes, spades, 
tents or tent-poles, on his horse I 



THE LANDING AT CHARLESTOWN. 131 

der, was threatened with execution without mercy.' This 
force was put under the command of General Howe, who had 
under him Brigadier-general Pigot, and some of the most dis- 
tinguished officers in Boston, He was ordered to drive the 
Americans from their works.^ 

About twelve o'clock the several regiments marched through 
the streets of Boston to their places of embarkation, and two 
ships of war moved up Charles River to join the others in 
firing on the works. Suddenly the redoubled roar of the can- 
non announced that the crisis was at hand. The Falcon and 
the Lively swept the low grounds in front of Breed's Hill, to 
dislodge any parties of troops that might be posted there to 
oppose a landing ; the Somerset and two floating batteries at 
the ferry, and the battery on Copps Hill, poured shot upon 
the American works ; the Glasgow frigate, and the Symmetry 
transport, moored further up Charles River, raked the Neck.^ 
The troops embarked at the Long Wharf and at the North 
Battery ; and when a blue flag was displayed as a signal, the 
fleet, with field-pieces in the leading barges, moved towards 
Charlestown. The sun was shining in meridian splendor ; 
and the scarlet uniforms, the glistening armor, the brazen 
artillery, the regular movement of the boats, the flashes of 
fire, and the belchings of smoke, formed a spectacle brilliant 
and imposing. The army landed in good order at Moulton's 
Point, about one o'clock, without the slightest molestation, 
and immediately formed in three lines. General Howe, after 

• This account is taken from Adjutant Waller's (British) Orderly Book. 
A British letter, June 25, states that the trdops embarked "at the Long 
Wharf, and at the North Battery." ^ Stedman's History, vol. i., p. 126. 
I prefer the authority of the orderly book, and of contemporaries, in relation 
to the embarkation, to others. 

^ Joseph Pearce stated : " It was the heaviest cannonade previous to the 
landing." A Boston letter, June 25, says : "The landing was covered by 
a heavy fire from the Lively and another man-of-war stationed off the North 
Battery, a large sloop and two floating batteries at Charlestown Ferry, the 
battery from Copps Hill, a transport mounting twenty guns, lying a little 
higher up, and the Glasgow man-of-war." A British letter, June 2.3, 
states : " At the landing several attempted to run away, and five actually 
took to their heels to join the Americans, but were presently brought back, 
and two of them were hung up in terrorem to the rest," 



132 BUNKER HILL BATTLE. 

reconnoitring the American works, applied to General Gage 
for a reinforcement ; and, while waiting for it to arrive, many 
of his troops quietly dined. It proved to many a brave man 
his last meal. 

When the intelligence of the landing of the British troops 
reached Cambridge, there was suddenly great noise and con- 
fusion. The bells were rung, the drums beat to arms, and 
adjutants rode hurriedly from point to point, with orders for 
troops to march and oppose the enerny.' General Ward 
reserved his own regiment, Patterson's, Gardner's, and part 
of Bridge's regiments, to be prepared for any attack on Cam- 
bridge, but ordered the remainder of the Massachusetts forces 
to Charlestown.^ General Putnam ordered on the remainder 
of the Connecticut troops.^ Colonel Gardner's regiment was 
directed to march to Patterson's station, opposite Prospect 
Hill. A large part of these forces, owing to various causes, 
failed to reach the lines. 

> Chester's letter, July 22, 1775, gives a life-like picture of what fell under 
his own observation, when the news arrived of the landing. "Just after 
dinner, on Saturday, 17th ult., I was walking out from my lodgings quite 
calm and composed, and all at once the drums beat to arms, and bells rang, 
and a great noise in Cambridge. Captain Putnam came by on full gallop. 
' What is the matter 1 ' says I. ' Have you not heard ? ' ' No.' ' Why, 
the regulars are landing at Charlestown,' says he, ' and father says you must 
all meet, and march immediately to Bunker Hill to oppose the enemy.' I 
waited not, but ran and got my arms and ammunition, and hasted to my 
company, (who were in the church for barracks,) and found them nearly 
ready to march. We soon marched, with our frocks and trousers on over our 
other clothes, (for our company is in uniform wholly blue, turned up with 
red,) for we were loth to e»pose ourselves by our dress ; and down we 
marched." I had from Jesse Smith, of Nixon's regiment, a similar descrip- 
tion of the sudden alarm at Cambridge. Simeon Noyes, 1825, states, " The 
bell was ringing; our adjutant, Stephen Jenkens, rode up and hallooed, 
' Turn out ! turn out I the enemy 's all landed at Charlestown ! ' " ^ Swett. 
^ Chester. 



ARRIVAL OF GENERAL OFFICERS. 133 



CHAPTER V. 

The Battle of Bunker Hill. The Burning of Charlestown. The Retreat of 
the Americans. 

About two o'clock in tlie afternoon intense anxiety prevailed 
at the intrenchments on Breed's Hill. The patriot band who 
raised them had witnessed the brilliant landing of the British 
veterans, and the retnrn of the barges to Boston. They saw 
troops again filling the boats, and felt not without apprehen- 
sion that a battle was inevitable. They knew the contest 
would be an unequal one, — that of raw militia against the 
far-famed regulars, — and they grew impatient for the prom- 
ised reinforcements. But no signs appeared that additional 
troops were on the way to support them, and even the supply 
of refreshments that reached them was so scanty that it served 
only to tantalize their wants.' It is not strange, therefore, the 
idea was entertained that they had been rashly, if not treach- 
erously, led into danger, and that they were to be left to their 
own resources for their defence. This idea, however, must 
have been dispelled, as characters who had long been identi- 
fied with the patriot cause, who were widely known and 
widely beloved, appeared on the field, and assured them that 
aid was at hand. Such, among others, were Generals Warren 
and Pomeroy, who took stations in the ranks as volunteers. 
The enthusiastic cheers with which they were greeted indi- 
cated how much their presence was valued. General Putnam 

1 Some of the depositions state that barrels of beer arrived. Ms. petitions 
of 1775 state that teams were impressed to carry on provisions. Petei 
Brown, a private, June 25, 1775, wrote to his mother : " The danger we 
were in made us think there was treachery, and that we were brought here 
to be all slain. And I must and will venture to say there was treachery, 
oversight, or presumption, in the conduct of our officers." 

Warren said that 2000 reinforcements would be down in twenty minutes — 
he came by them. Said he came to promote or encourage a good cause. — J. 
Pearce. 



134 BUNKER HILL BATTLE. 

also, who had the confidence of the whole army, again rode 
Dn, abont this time, with the intention of remaining to share 
their labors and peril. He continued in Charlestown through 
the afternoon, giving orders to reinforcements as they arrived 
Du the field, cheering and animating the men, and rendering 
valuable service. 

The movements of the British, along the margin of My^stic 
River, indicated an intention of flanking the Americans, and 
of surrounding the redoubt. To prevent this, Col. Prescott 
ordered the artillery, with two field-pieces, and Capt. Knowl- 
ton with the Connecticut troops, to leave the intrenchments, 
march down the hill, and oppose the enemy's right wing.' 
Captain Knowlton took a position near the base of Bunker 
Hill, six hundred feet in the rear of the redoubt, behind a 
fence, one half of which was stone, with two rails of wood. 
He then made, a little distance in front of this, another paral- 
lel line of fence, and filled the space between them with the 
newly cut grass lying in the fields.^ While Captain Knowl- 
ton's party was doing this, between two and three o'clock, 
Colonel John Stark, with his regiment, arrived at the Neck, 
which was then enfiladed by a galling fire from the enemy's 
ships and batteries. Captain Dearborn, who was by the side 
of the colonel, suggested to him the expediency of quickening 
his step across; but Stark replied, "One fresh man in action is 
worth ten fatigued ones," and marched steadily over.' Gen- 
eral Putnam ordered part of these troops to labor on the works 
begun on Bunker Hill, while Colonel Stark, after an animated 
address to his men, led the remainder to the position Captain 
Knowlton had taken, and they aided in extending the line of 
the fence breastwork. Colonel Reed's regiment, about the 
same time, left its quarters at Charlestown Neck, marched 

* Chester's Letter, Prescott's. ^ Chester is minute on this point, and 
says this movennent from the redoubt was made by order of " our officSrs in 
command." Grosvenor says, General Putnam ordered Knowlton to this 
position. Judge Winthrop, N. A. Review, July, 1818, saw Putnam here 
just previous to the first attack ; and Simeon Noyes, 1825, says h<3 rode up 
to the company he was in, and said : " Draw off your troops here, ' pointing- 
to the rail fence, " and man the rail fence, for the enemy 's flanking of us 
fast." 3 Dearborn. 






V 



THE AMERICAN DEFENCES. 135 

over Bunker Hill, and took position near Colonel Stark, at the 
rail fence.' 

The defences of the Americans, at three in the afternoon, 
were still in a rude, unfinished state. The redoubt on the 
spot where the monument stands was about eight rods square. 
Its strongest side, the front, facing the settled part of the town, 
was made with projecting angles, and protected the south side 
of the hill. The eastern side commanded an extensive field. 
The north side had an open passage-way. A breastwork, 
beginning a short distance from the redoubt, and on a line 
with its eastern side, extended about one hundred yards north 
towards a slough. A sally-port, between the south end of the 
breastwork and the redoubt, was protected by a blind. These 
works were raised about six feet from the level of the ground, 
and had platforms of wood, or steps made of earth, for the 
men to stand on when they should fire. The rail fence has 
been already described. Its south corner was about two hmi- 
dred yards, on a diagonal line, in the rear of the north corner 
of the breastwork. This line was slightly protected ; a part of 
it, however — about one hundred yards — between the slough 
and the rail fence, was open to the approach of infantry. It 
was the weakest part of the defences. On the right of the 
redoubt, along a cartway, a fence was made similar to the one 
on the left. The redoubt and breastwork constituted a good 
defence against cannon and musketry, but the fences were 
hardly more than the shadow of protection.'^ 

These defences were lined nearly in the following manner. 
The original detachment, under Colonel Prescott, except the 

' Reuben Kemp ; Wilkinson's Memoirs, vol. i., 845. 

2 Page's and Bernier's Plans ; Committee of Safety Account ; Depositicns ; 

Swett's History, pp. 20, 27 ; Dearborn's Account. Some who were in the 

battle state that the diagonal line between the breastwork and rail fence was 

..entirely without protection, — others state that it was slightly protected. 

"tjlTage represents the same defence as at the rail fence ; Bernier has here 

three angular figures, which, though not explained on the plan, indicate 

defences. Chester's letter confirms the statement in the text, and the British 

plans. 

In a report in Mass. Archives, Captain Aaron Brown is named as having 
" behaved very gallantly, — erected the platforms, and behaved with courage 
and good conduct in the whole affair." 
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136 BUNKER HILL BATTLE. 

Connecticut troops, were at the redoubt and breastwork. 
They were joined, just previous to the action, by portions 
of Massachusetts regiments, under Colonels Brewer, Nixon, 
Woodbridge, Little, and Major Moore, and one company of 
artillery — Callender's. General Warren took post in the re- 
doubt. Captain Gridley's artillery company, after discharg- 
ing a few ineffectual shot from a corner of the redoubt towards 
Copp's Hill,' moved to the exposed position between the breast- 
work and rail fence, where it was joined by the other artillery 
company, under Captain Callender. Perkins' company, of 
Little's regiment, and a few other troops. Captain Nutting's 
company — recalled from Charlestown after the British landed 
— and part of Warner's company, lined the cartway on the 
right of the redoubt. The Connecticut troops, under Captain 
Knowlton, the New Hampshire forces, under Colonels Stark 
and Reed, and a few Massachusetts troops, were at the rail 
fence. General Putnam was here when the action com- 
menced, and General Pomeroy, armed with a musket, served 
here as a volunteer. Three companies — Captain Wheeler's, 
of Doolittle's regiment, Captain Crosby's,'of Reed's regiment, 
and a company from Woodbridge' s regiment — were stationed 
in Main-street, at the base of Breed's Hill, and constituted the 
extreme right of the Americans. Though this statement may 
be in the main correct, yet, such is the lack of precision in 
the authorities, that accuracy cannot be arrived at.*^ The 

1 Seven or eight shot, — one went through an old house, another through 
a fence, and the rest stuck in the face of Copp's Hill. — Letter, July 5. 

- It is not possible to ascertain, from the known authorities, precisely the 
number of reinforcements that arrived on the field either before the action 
commenced, or in season to engage the enemy. Colonel Swett states, that 
previous to the action, Colonels Brewer, Nixon, Woodbridge, and Major 
Moore, " brought on their troops, each about 300 men ; " also, that " Colonel 
Little arrived with his troops," and that Callender's artillery and Ford's 
company, of Bridge's regiment, arrived. The accounts of Little's regiment 
will serve to show the want of precision on this point. It consisted, (Ms. 
returns,) June 15, of 456 men ; one company was in Gloucester, one in Ips- 
wich, one at Lechmere's Point, and some at West Cambridge. Three com- 
panies — Perkins', Wade's, and Warner's — probably marched on, under 
their colonel. They scattered, and part went to the redoubt, part to the 
cartway south of it, part to the breastwork, and some to the rail fence, (Ms. 
depositions.) One company, Lunt's, (Ms. depositions, and Swett, p. 46,) 



GENERAL HOWe's ADDRESS. 137 

Massachusetts reinforcements, as they came on to the field, 
appear to have marched to the redoubt, and were directed to 
take the most advantageous positions. In doing this, parts of 
regiments, and even companies, that came on together, broke 
their ranks, divided, and subsequently fought in various parts 
of the field, in platoons or as individuals, rather than under 
regular commands. 

Meantime, the main body of the British troops, formed in 
brilliant array at Moulton's Point, continued to wait quietly 
for the arrival of the reinforcements. It was nearly three 
o'clock when the barges returned. They landed at the Old 
Battery, and at Mardlin's ship-yard, near the entrance to the 
navy-yard, the 47th regiment, the 1st battalion of marines, 
and several companies of grenadiers and light-infantry.' 
They, or the most of them, did not join the troops at Moul- 
ton's Point, but marched directly towards the redoubt. There 
had now landed above three thousand troops.'^ 

General Howe, just previous to the action, addressed his 
army in the following manner : — 

"Gentlemen, — I am very happy in having the honor of 
commanding so fine a body of men : I do not in the least 
doubt but that you will behave like Englishmen, and as 
becometh good soldiers, 

"If the enemy will not come from their intrenchments, we 
must drive them out, at all events, otherwise the town of Bos- 
ten will be set on fire by them. 

"I shall not desire one of you to go a step further than 
where I go myself at your head. 

"Remember, gentlemen, we have no recourse to any re- 
sources if we lose Boston, but to go on board our ships, 
which will be very disagreeable to us all." ^ 

Before General Howe moved from his first position, he sent 

did not arrive until near the close of the battle. Similar confusion exists in 
the accounts of other regiments. 

' Stedman's History ; Gage's Account ; Letter, June 25, 1775. ^ Gordon 
says " near 3000 ; " contemporary Mss. say 3300. 

* Clark's Narrative. Clark was a lieutenant in the marines. He says, 
after giving this address : " We then began to proceed to action, by march- 
ing with a quick step up the precipice that led to the provincial army." 



138 BUNKER HILL BATTLE. 

our Strong flank guards, and directed his field-pieces to play 
on the American lines. The fire from Copp's Hill, from the 
ships, and from the batteries, now centred on the intrench- 
ments; ' while a furious cannonade and bombardment from 
Boston occupied the attention of the right wing of the Amer- 
ican army, at Roxbury.'^ The fire upon the lines was but 
feebly returned from Gridley's and Callender's field-pieces. 
Gridley's guns were soon disabled, and he drew them to the 
rear. Capt. Callender, alleging that his cartridges were too 
large for his pieces, withdrew to Bunker Hill. Here he met 
General Putnam, who ordered him to return. Callender 
returned ; but soon left his post, and was soon deserted by his 
men.^ About this time, Capt. Ford's company, of Bridge's 
regiment, came on to the field, and, at the pressing request 
of General Putnam, drew the deserted pieces to the rail 
fence. Meantime Colonel Prescott detached Lieut.-col. Robin- 
son and Major Woods, each with a party, to flank the enemy. 
Both behaved with courage and prudence. No details, how- 
ever, are given of their service. Capt. Walker, with a few 
men, probably of one of these parties, met with the British near 
the navy-yard, and fired from the cover of buildings and fences. 
On being driven in, he passed with a few of the party to their 
right flank, along the margin of Mystic River, where he was 
wounded and taken prisoner. The greater part of his men, 
under a heavy fire, succeeded in regaining the redoubt.* 

The general discharge of artillery was intended to cover the 
advance of the British columns. They moved forward in two 
divisions, — General Howe with the right wing, to penetrate 
the American line at the rail fence, and cut off" a retreat from 

' Page's Plan ; Mass. Committee of Safety ; Swett's History. Fenno's 
Orderly Book says : " The fire of three ships, three batteries, several field- 
pieces, a battery on Copp's Hill, from six different directions, all centred on 
the intrenchments." 

'^ General Heath says, Memoirs, p. 20, " A furious cannonade and throw- 
ing of shells took place at the lines on Boston Neck against Roxbury, with, 
intent to burn that town ; but although several shells fell among the houses, 
and some carcasses near them, the balls went through some." One man 
only was killed. 

3 Account of Callender, in the Boston Centinel, 1818; B. Pierce; Israel 
Hunt. Report, 1775. ^ James Varnum ; E.Bancroft; Prescott's Letter. 



ADVANCE OF THE BRITISH. 



139 



the redoubt, — General Pigot with the left wing, to storm the 
breastwork and redoubt.' The artillery, after playing a short 
time, ceased, and General Howe was told that twelve pound 
balls had been sent with which to load six-pounders, when 




he ordered the pieces to be charged with grape. In advancing, 
however, the artillery was soon impeded by the miry ground 
at the base of the hill, and took post near the brick-kilns, 



12# 



' Page ; Bernier ; Gage. 



140 BUNKER HILL BATTLE. 

whence its balls produced but little effect.' The troops moved 
forward slowly, for they were burdened with knapsacks full 
of provisions, obstructed by the tall grass and the fences, and 
heated by a burning sun ; but they felt unbounded confidence 
in their strength, regarded their antagonists with scorn, and 
expected an easy victory.*^ The Americans coolly waited their 
approach. Their officers ordered them to reserve their fire 
until the British were within ten or twelve rods, and then to 
wait until the word was given.^ "Powder was scarce, and 
must not be wasted," they said ; "Fire low;" "Aim at the 
waistbands;" "Wait until you see the white of their eyes ;" 
" Aim at the handsome coats ;" " Pick off the commanders."* 
General Pigot's division consisted of the 5th, 38th, 43d, 
47th, 52d regiments, and the marines, under Major Pitcairn. 
The 38th first took a position behind a stone wall, and being 
joined by the 5th, marched up the hill. The 47th and the 
marines moved from the battery where they landed directly 
towards the redoubt. The 43d and 52d advanced in front of 
the breastwork. The troops kept firing as they approached 
the lines.^ When Colonel Prescott saw the enemy in motion, 
he went round the works to encourage the men, and assured 
them that the red coats would never reach the redoubt if they 
would observe his directions.* The advancing columns, how- 

' Bernier. The letter in the Conduct of the War says : "The -wretched 
blunder of the over-sized balls sprung from the dotage of an officer of rank in 
that corps, who spends his whole time in dallying with the school-master's 
daughters." 

2 Stedman, i., 128. " Let us take the bull by the horns," was the phrase 
of some great men among us, as we marched on. — Conduct of the War. 
A British account states of the fences : " These posts and rails were too 
strong for the columns to push down, and the march was so retarded by 
the getting over them, that the next morning they were found studded with 
bullets, not a hand's breadth from each other." 

2 Mass. Committee of Safety Account. * These phrases occur frequently 
in the depositions, the same one being often ascribed to different officers. 
Philip Johnson states of Putnam : " I distinctly heard him say, ' Men, you 
are all marksmen — don't one of you fire until you see the white of their 
eyes.' " 

° I follow mostly Page's plan : Gage's account is confused as to the move- 
ments of his regiments ; Bernier differs in some points from Page. 

® Judge Prescott's Memoir. 



ATTACK ON THE REDOUBT. 141 

ever, having got within gunshot, a few of the Americans 
could not resist the temptation to return their fire, without 
waiting for orders. Prescott indignantly remonstrated at this 
disobedience, and appealed to their often expressed confidence 
in him as their leader ; while his officers seconded his exer- 
tions, and some' ran round the top of the parapet and kicked 
up the guns. At length the British troops reached the pre- 
scribed distance, and the order was given to fire ; when 
there was a simultaneous discharge from the redoubt and 
breastwork, that did terrible execution on the British ranks. 
But it was received with veteran firmness, and for a few 
minutes was sharply returned. The Americans, being pro- 
tected by their works, suffered but little ; but their murder- 
ous balls literally strewed the ground with the dead and 
wounded of the enemy. General Pigot was obliged to order 
a retreat, when the exulting shout of victory rose from the 
American lines.^ 

General Howe, in the mean time, led the right wing against 
the rail fence. The light-infantry moved along the shore of 
Mystic River, to turn the extreme left of the American line, 
while the grenadiers advanced directly in front.^ The Ameri- 
cans first opened on them with their field-pieces (Callender's) 
with great effect, some of the discharges being directed by 
Putnam;* and when the advancing troops deployed into line, 
a few, as at the redoubt, fired without waiting for the word, 
when Putnam hastened to the spot, and threatened to cut 
down the next man who disobeyed.^ This drew the enemy's 
fire, which they continued with the regularity of troops on 
parade ; but their balls passed over the heads of the Ameri- 
cans. At length the officers gave the word, when the fire 

' Brooks ; J. Pearce ; E. Bancroft. 

"^ The British account, in the Conduct of the War, says, " On the left Pigot 
was staggered, and actually retreated by orders : great pains have been taken 
to huddle up this matter." 

3 Page's and Bernier's Plans. * Hunt ; Wade ; Swett. ^ R. Kemp ; 
Swett. 

" Our officers ordered our men not to fire till the word was given. Lieuten- 
ant Dana tells me he was the first man that fired, and that he did it singly and 
with a view to draw the enemy's fire, and he obtained his end fully, without 
any damage to our party." — Chester's Letter. 



1^ BUNKER HILL BATTLE. 

from the American line was given with great effect. Many 
were marksmen, intent on cutting down the British officers ; 
and when one was in sight, they exclaimed, "There! See 
that officer ! " " Let us have a shot at him ! " — when two or 
three would fire at the same moment. They used the fence 
as a rest for their pieces, and the bullets were true to their 
message. The companies were cut up with terrible severity , 
and so great was the carnage, that the columns, a few 
moments before so proud and firm in their array, were dis- 
concerted, partly broken, and then retreated. Many of the 
Americans were in favor of pursuing them, and some, with 
exulting huzzas, jumped over the fence for this purpose, but 
were prevented by the prudence of their officers.' 

And now moments of joy succeeded the long hours of toil, 
anxiety, and peril. The American volunteer saw the veterans 
of England fly before his fire, and felt a new confidence in 
himself The result was obtained, too, with but little loss 
on his side.^ Colonel Prescott mingled freely among his 
troops, praised their good conduct, and congratulated them on 
their success. He felt confident that another attack would 
soon be made, and he renewed his caution to reserve the fire 
until he gave the command. He found his men in high spirits, 
and elated by the retreat. In their eyes the regulars were no 
longer invincible. General Putnam rode to Bunker Hill and 
to the rear of it, to urge on reinforcements. Some had arrived 

' Chester ; Dearborn ; Capt. Mann, of Reed's regiment, in his excellent 
account, (Ms.,) agrees with Chester: " During the engagement, a portion 
of the company twice passed the fence huzzaing, supposing, at the time, that 
we had driven the enemy." 

A British letter, July 5, 1775, says : " Our light-infantry were served up 
in companies against the grass fence, without being able to penetrate ; — indeed, 
how could we penetrate? Most of our grenadiers and light-infantry, the 
moment of presenting themselves, lost three fourths, and many nine tenths of 
their men. Some had only eight and nine men a company left ; some only 
three, four, and five." Another British letter says : " It was found to be 
the strongest post that was ever occupied by any set of men." 

'^ Judge Prescott's Memoir: — " Colonel Prescott said they (the British) 
had commenced firing too soon, and generally fired over the heads of his 
troops ; and as they were partially covered by the works, but few were killed 
or wounded." 



SECOND ATTACK BURNING OF CHARLESTOWN. 143 

at Charlestown Neck, but were deterred from crossing it by 
the severe fire that raked it. Portions of regiments had 
reached Bunker Hill, where they scattered. Colonel Gerrish 
was here, and confessed that he was exhausted. General 
Putnam endeavored to rally these troops. He used entreaty 
and command, and offered to lead them into action, but with- 
out much effect. It is doubtful whether any considerable 
reinforcement reached the line of defence during the short 
interval that elapsed before a second attack was made by the 
British troops.' 

General Howe in a short time rallied his troops, and imme- 
diately ordered another assault. They marched in the same 
order as before, and continued to fire as they approached the 
lines. But, in addition to the previous obstacles, they were 
obliged to step over the bodies of their fallen countrymen.*^ 
The artillery did more service on this attack. It moved along 
the narrow road, between the tongue of land and Breed's Hill, 
until within three hundred yards of the rail fence, and nearly 
on a line with the breastwork, when it opened a severe fire to 
cover the advance of the infantry. The American ofiicers, 
grown confident in the success of their manoeuvre, ordered 
their men to withhold their fire until the enemy were within 
five or six rods of the works.^ 

Charlestown, in the mean time, had been set on fire ; — in the 
square by shells thrown from Copps Hill, and in the easterly 
part by a party of marines from the Somerset. As the build- 
ings were chiefly of wood, the conflagration spread with great 

* " In the interval between the first and second attack of the British on our 
lines, he (General Putnam) rode back to Bunker Hill, and in the rear of it, 
to urge on reinforcements." — " Found part of Gerrish's regiment there, with 
their colonel." — Daniel Putnam's Letter, Oct. 19, 1825, Ms., confirmed by 
Samuel Basset, 1818, and others. " The men that went to intrenching 
over night were in the warmest of the battle, and by all accounts they fought 
most manfully. They had got hardened to the noise of cannon ; but those 
that came up as recruits were evidently most terribly frightened, many of 
them, and did not march up with that true courage that their cause ought 
to have inspired them with." — Chester's Letter. 

^ It was surprising to see how they would step over their dead bodies, as 
though they had been logs of wood. — Rivington's Gazette. ^ Svvett's 
History ; Committee of Safety. 



144 BUNKER HILL BATTLE. 

rapidity. And now ensued one of the greatest scenes of war 
that can be conceived. To fill the eye, — a brilliantly ap- 
pointed army advancing to the attack and storming the 
works, supported by cooperating ships and batteries; the 
blaze of the burning town, coursing whole streets or curling 
up the spires of public edifices; the air above filled with 
clouds of dense black smoke, and the surrounding hills, fields, 
roofs and steeples, occupied by crowds of spectators : to fill the 
ear, — the shouts of the contending armies, the crash of the 
falling buildings, and the roar of the cannon, mortars and 
musketry: to fill the mind, — the high courage of men stak- 
ing not only their lives, but their reputation, on the uncertain 
issue of a civil war, and the intense emotions of the near and 
dear connections standing in their presence ; and, on the other 
side, the reflection that a defeat of the regulars would be a 
final loss to British empire in America.^ And yet, in strange 
contrast to this terrific scene, the day was calm and clear, — 
nature in its beauty and repose smiling serenely upon it all, as 
if in token of the triumphant end of the great conflict. 

The burning of the town neither intimidated the Americans 
nor covered the attack on their lines. The wind directed the 

' Burgoyne's Letter : Hon. Daniel Webster, in N. American Review, 
vol. VII., p. 226. The descriptions of this terrific scene are numerous. " A 
complication of horror and importance beyond anything that ever came to my 
lot to witness." — Burgoyne. " Sure I am nothing ever has or can be more 
dreadfully terrible than what was to be seen or heard at this time. The most 
incessant discharge of guns that ever was heard with mortal ears," &c. — 
Letter, June 24. 

The eulogy on General Warren, already quoted, contains the following : — 

" Amazing scene ! what shuddering prospects rise ! 
What horrors glare beneath the angry skies ! 
The rapid flames o'er Charlestown's height ascend, — 
To heaven they reach ! urged by the boisterous wind. 
The mournful crash of falling domes resound. 
And tottering spires with sparkles seek the ground. 
One general burst of ruin reigns o'er all ; 
The burning city thunders to its fall ! 
O'er mingled noises the vast ruin sounds. 
Spectators weep ! earth from her centre groans ! 
Beneath prodigious unextinguished fires, 
Ill-fated Charlestown welters and expires. 



SECOND RETREAT. 145 

smoke so as to leave a full view of the approach of the British 
columns,' which kept firing as they advanced. Colonels 
Brewer, Nixon, and Buckminster were wounded, and Major 
Moore was mortally wounded. In general, however, the balls 
of the British did but little execution, as their aim was bad, 
and the intrenchments protected the Americans. At length, 
at the prescribed distance, the fire was again given, which, in 
its fatal impartiality, prostrated whole ranks of officers and 
men. The enemy stood the shock, and continued to advance 
with great spirit ; but the continued stream of fire that issued 
from the whole American line was even more destructive 
than before.^ General Howe, opposite the rail fence, was in 
the hottest of it. Two of his aids, and other officers near 
him, were shot down, and at times he was left almost alone.' 
His officers were seen to remonstrate and to threaten, and 
even to prick and strike the men, to urge them on. But it 
was in vain. The British were compelled again ^ to give way, 

' Mass. Com. Safety. ^ Prescott's Memoir. 

^ Stedman, vol. i., p. 127. General Howe was three times in the field left 
by himself, so numerous were the killed and wounded about him. — British 
officer, June 25. " They once ran and filled some of their boats, the fire was 
so hot." — Rivington's Gazette, Aug. 3, 1775. 

^The British accounts acknowledge that their troops were twice driven 
back: " Twice were they stopped, and twice returned to the charge." — 
Stedman, vol. i., p. 128. Again, p. 127: "It required the utmost exertion 
in all the officers, from the generals down to the subalterns, to repair the 
disorder which this hot and unexpected fire produced." A British officer, 
June 23, says : " The king's troops gave way several times, and it required 
the utmost effijrts of the generals to rally them." Burgoyne says: " A 
moment of the day was critical ; Howe's left was staggered." 

Judge Prescott writes of the American fire, on the second assault, as fol- 
lows : "The discharge was simultaneous the whole length of the line, and 
though more destructive, as Col. Prescott thought, than on the former assault, 
the enemy stood the first shock, and continued to advance and fire with great 
spirit ; but before reaching the redoubt, the continuous, well directed fire of 
the Americans compelled them to give way, and they retreated a second time, 
in greater disorder than before. Their officers were seen remonstrating, 
threatening, and even pricking and striking the soldiers, to urge them on, but 
in vain. Colonel Prescott spoke of it as a continued stream of fire from his 
whole line, from the first discharge until the retreat. The ground in front 
of the works was covered with the dead and wounded, — some lying within 
a few yards." 



146 BUNKER HILL BATTLE. 

and they retreated even in greater disorder than before, — 
many running towards the boats. The ground in front of 
the American works was covered with the killed and the 
wounded. 

So long a time elapsed before the British came up again, 
that some of the officers thought they would not renew the 
attack.' General Putnam was on Bunker Hill and in the 
rear of it, urging forward the reinforcements. Much delay 
occurred in marching these to the field. Indeed, great con- 
fusion existed at Cambridge. General Ward was not suffi- 
ciently supplied with staff officers to bear his orders; and some 
were neglected, and others were given incorrectly. Henryi 
Knox, afterwards General Knox, aided as a volunteer during 
the day, and was engaged in reconnoitre service. Late in the 
day General Ward despatched his own regiment, Patterson's 
and Gardner's, to the battle-field. Col. Gardner arrived on 
Bunker Hill, when Putnam detained a part of his regiment to 
labor on the works commenced there, while one company, 
under Captain Josiah Harris, took post at the rail fence. 
Part of a regiment, under Lieut.-col. Ward, arrived at a critical 
time of the battle. Other regiments, from various causes, 
failed to reach the lines. Major Gridley, of the artillery, 
inadequate to his position, with part of the battalion, marched 
a short distance on Cambridge road, then halted, and resolved 
to cover the retreat, which he thought to be inevitable. Col. 
Frye, fresh from the battle, urged him forward ; but Gridley, 
appalled by the horrors of the scene, ordered his men to fire 
at the Glasgow, and batteries from Cobble Hill. He also 
ordered Colonel Mansfield to support him with his regiment, 
who, violating his orders, obeyed. Captain Trevett, however, 
disobeyed his superior, led his company, with two field-pieces, 
to Bunker Hill, where he lost one of them, but drew the other 
to the rail fence. Colonel Scammans was ordered to go where 
the fighting was, and went to Lechmere's Point. Here he was 
ordered to march to the hill, which he understood to mean 
Cobble Hill, whence he sent a messenger to General Putnam 
to inquire whether his regiment was wanted. This delay 
prevented it from reaching the field in season to do any good. 

'Joseph Pearce and others. 



THE AMERICAN REINFORCEMENTS. 147 

A part of Gerrish's regiment, niider Migliil, marched from 
Cambridge to Ploughed Hill, where Adjutant Christian Febi- 
ger, a gallant Danish soldier who had seen service, took the 
command, called upon the men to follow him, and reached 
the heights in season to render valuable service,' Three 
additional Connecticut companies, at least, under Captains 
Chester, Clark, and Coit, arrived in time to take part in the 
battle ; as did also Major Durkee, an old comrade of General 
Putnam.*^ Captain Chester marched on near the close of the 
engagement, while the British were coming up the third time. 
Three regiments were near him when he left Cambridge, 
which hastened forward in advance of his company; but 
Avhen Chester overtook them, at Bunker Hill, there was 
hardly a company in any kind of order. The men had scat- 
tered behind rocks, hay-cocks, and apple-trees. Parties, also, 
v/ere continually retreating from the field ; some alleging 
they had left the fort with leave because they had been all 
night and day on fatigue without sleep or refreshment; some 
that they had no officers to lead them ; frequently, twenty 
were about a wounded man, when not a quarter part could 
touch him to advantage ; while others were going oflf without 
any excuse. Chester obliged one company, rank and file, to 
return to the lines.^ 

While such was the confusion on Bunker Hill, good order 
prevailed at the redoubt. Colonel Prescott remained at his 
post, determined in his purpose, undaunted in his bearing, 
inspiring his command with hope and confidence, and yet 
chagrined, that, in this hour of peril and glory, adequate sup- 
port had not reached him. He passed round the lines to 
encourage his men, and assured them that if the British were 
once more driven back they could not be rallied again. His 
men cheered him as they replied, "We are ready for the red 
coats again!" But his worst apprehensions, as to ammuni- 
tion, were realized, as the report was made to him that a few 
artillery cartridges constituted the whole stock of powder on 

' Scammans' Trial, in Essex Gazette, January, 1776 ; S. R. Trevett's 
Letter ; William Mardin's Letter ; various Ms. depositions. See, also, 
Swett's History, pp. 40, 4L '^Article in Newspaper; Clark's Letter. 
2 Chester's letter supplies these details. 

13 



148 BUNKER HILL BATTLE. 

hand. He ordered them to be opened, and the powder to be 
distributed. He charged his soldiers "not to waste a kernel 
of it, but to make it certain that every shot should tell." ' He 
directed the few who had bayonets to be stationed at the 
points most likely to be scaled. These were the only prepara- 
tions it was in his power to make to meet his powerful antago- 
nist. 

General Howe, exasperated at the repeated repulses of his 
troops, resolved to make another assault. Some of his officers 
remonstrated against this decision, and averred that it would 
be downright butchery to lead the men on again ; but British 
honor was at stake, and other officers preferred any sacrifice 
rather than suffer defeat from a collection of armed rustics.'' 
The boats were at Boston; there was no retreat; — "Fight, 
conquer, or die!" was their repeated exclamation.^ A second 
reinforcement, of four hundred marines, under Major Small, 
had landed; and General Clinton, who had witnessed from 
Copp's Hill the discomfiture of the British veterans, and saw 
two regiments on the beach in confusion, threw himself into a 
boat, crossed the river, joined General Howe as a volunteer, 
and rendered essential aid in rallying the troops.* The latter 
had lost their confident air, appeared disheartened, and 
manifested great reluctance to marching up a third time.^ 
The officers, at length, formed them for the last desperate 
assault. The British general had learned to respect his 
enemy, and adopted a wiser mode of attack. He ordered the 
men to lay aside their knapsacks, to move forward in column, 
to reserve their fire, to rely on the bayonet, to direct their 
main attack on the redoubt, and to push the artillery forward 
to a position that would enable it to rake the breastwork. 
The gallant execution of these orders reversed the fortunes of 
the day." 

1 Judge Prescott's Memoir. ^ Gordon, vol. i., p. 365. ^ Webb's Letter. 

* We should have been forced to retire if General Clinton had not come 
up with a reinforcement of five or six hundred men. — Conduct of War, p. 
14. Clinton, from Copp's Hill, saw on the beach two regiments in seeming 
embarrassment which way to march. — Burgoyne's Letter. 

5 Committee of Safety Account ; Prescott's Memoir. 

^ Stedman ; Winslow ; Swett ; Prescott. A letter dated June 20, 1775, 



THE THIRD ASSAULT. 149 

General Howe, whose fine figure and gallant bearing were 
observed at the American lines,' led the grenadiers and light- 
infantry in front of the breastwork, while Generals Clinton 
and Pigot led the extreme left of the troops to scale the 
redoubt."^ A demonstration only was made against the rail 
fence. A party of Americans occupied a few houses and 
barns that had escaped the conflagration on the acclivity of 
Breed's Hill, and feebly annoyed the advancing columns.^ 
They, in return, only discharged a few scattering guns as they 
marched forward.^ On their right the artillery soon gained 
its appointed station, enfiladed the line of the breastwork, 
drove its defenders into the redoubt for protection, and did 
much execution within it by sending its balls through the 
passage-way.^ All this did not escape the keen and anxious 
eye of Prescott. When he saw the new dispositions of his 
antagonist, the artillery wheeling into its murderous position, 
and the columns withholding their fire, he well understood his 
intention to concentrate his whole force on the redoubt, and 
believed that it must inevitably be carried. He thought, how- 
ever, that duty, honor, and the interest of the country, required 
that it should be defended to the last extremity, although at a 
certain sacrifice of many lives. In this trying moment, he 
continued to give his orders coolly. Most of his men had 
remaining only one round of ammunition, and few more than 
three rounds, and he directed them to reserve their fire until 
the British were within twenty yards. At this distance a 
deadly volley was poured upon the advancing columns, which 
made them waver for an instant, but they sprang forward 
without returning it.^ The American fire soon slackened for 
want of means, while the columns of Clinton and Pigot 
reached a position on the southern and eastern sides of the 
redoubt, where they were protected by its walls. It was now 
attacked on three sides at once. Prescott ordered those who 

says : " In one of the attacks one of our people imprudently spoke aloud that 
their powder was all gone, which being heard by some of the regular offi- 
cers, they encouraged their men to march up to the intrenchments with fixed 
bayonets." 

^ Prescott's Memoir. ^ Page's Plan. ^ Bernier's Plan, and Swett. 
* Prescott's Memoir. ' Committee of Safety Account. ® Prescott's Memoir. 



150 BUNKER HILL BATTLE. 

had no bayonets to retire to the back part of it, and fire on the 
enemy as they showed themselves on the ])arapet. A soldier 
of noble bearing mounted the southern side, and had barely 
shouted, " The day is ours ! " when he was shot down, and 
the whole front rank shared his fate.' But the defenders had 
spent their ammunition, — another cannon cartridge furnishing 
the powder for the last muskets that were fired ; and its sub- 
stitute, stones, revealed their weakness, and filled the enemy 
with hope. The redoubt was soon successfully scaled. Gen- 
eral Pigot, by the aid of a tree, mounted a corner of it, and 
Avas closely followed by his men, when one side of it literally 
bristled with bayonets. The conflict was now carried on 
hand to hand. Many stood and received wounds with 
swords and bayonets. But the British continued to enter, and 
were advancing towards the Americans, when Colonel-Pres- 
cott gave the order to retreat.*^ 

When the Americans left the redoubt, the dust arising from 
the dry, loose dirt was so great that the outlet was hardly 
visible.^ Some ran over the top, and others hewed their way 
through the enemy's ranks. Prescott, among the last to leave, 
was surrounded by the British, who made passes at him with 
the bayonet, which he skilfully parried with his sword. " He 
did not run, but stepped long, with his sword up," * escaping 
unharmed, though his banyan and waistcoat were pierced in 
several places.® The retiring troops passed between two 

' LeUer, June 22, 1775. A newspaper of 1775 states that young Rich- 
ardson, of the Royal Irish, was the first to mount the parapet. In Clark's 
Narrative it is stated that the remains of a company of the C3d regiment of 
grenadiers were the first that succeeded in entering the redouht. After Cap- 
tain Horsford had been wounded, and Lieutenant Dalrymple had been killed, 
a sergeant took the command, made a speech to the few men left, saying, 
" We must either conquer or die," and entered the works. General Gage 
recommended the brave sergeant for promotion. — 2d Edition, p. 33. 

^ Mass. Committee of Safety; Judge Prescott's Memoir. ^ Rivington's 
Gazette * Joseph Pearce. 

^ Judge Prescott writes : " The British had entered the redoubt, and were 
advancing, when Colonel Prescott ordered a retreat. He was among the 
last ; and before leaving it, was surrounded by the enemy, who had entered, 
and had several passes with the bayonet made at his body, which he parried 
with his sword, — of the use of which he had some knowledge." He wore 
a banyan during the battle. In a note. Judge Prescott writes : " My late 



RETREAT OF THE AMERICANS. 151 

divisions of the British, one of which had turned the north- 
eastern end of the breastwork, and the other had come round 
the angle of the redoubt ; but they were too much exhausted 
to use the bayonet effectually, and the combatants, for fifteen 
or twenty rods from the redoubt, were so mingled together 
that firing would have destroyed friend and foe.^ The Brit- 
ish, with cheers, took possession of the works, but immediately 
formed, and delivered a destructive fire upon the retreating 
troops. Warren, at this period, was killed, and left on the 
field; Gridley was- wounded; Bridge was again wounded; 
and the loss of the Americans was greater than at any previ- 
ous period of the action.^ Colonel Gardner, leading on a part 
of his regiment, was descending Bunker Hill, when he received 
his death wound. Still his men, under Major Jackson, pressed 
forward, and with Cushing's, Smith's, and Washburn's com- 
panies, of Ward's regiment, and Febiger's party, of Gerrish's 
regiment, poured between Breed's and Bunker Hill a well- 
directed fire upon the enemy, and gallantly covered the 
retreat.^ 

In the mean time the Americans at the rail fence, under 
Stark, Reed, and Knowlton, reinforced by Clark's, Coit's, and 
Chester's'' Connecticut companies, Captain Harris' company, 
of Gardner's regiment, Lieutenant-colonel Ward, and a few 
troops, maintained their ground with great firmness and intre- 
pidity, and successfully resisted every attempt to turn their 
flank. This line, indeed, was nobly defended. The force 
here did a great service, for it saved the main body, who were 
retreating in disorder from the redouR^from being cut off by 

friend, Doctor 0. Prescott, states the fact. He says that soon after the battle 
he was at his uncle, Colonel Prescott's house, in Pepperell, and that he shew 
him his banyan and waistcoat, that had several holes pierced through, and 
rents made in several places in them, which he told him had been made by 
British bayonets on Bunker Hill. I also recollect the same thing. Holes 
were perforated in several places in both banyan and waistcoat." 

* Gov. Brooks. ^ Brooks ; E. Bancroft ; Rivington's Gazette. ^ E. Ban- 
croft ; Swett ; and Mss. 

* " We joined our army on the right of the centre, just by a poor stone 
fence, two or three feet high and very thin, so that the bullets came through." 
— Chester's Letter. 

13* 



152 BUNKKR HILL BATTLE, 

the enemy. ^ When it was perceived at the rail fence that the 
force under Colonel Prescott had left the hill, these brave men 
" gave ground, but with more regularity than could have been 
expected of troops who had been no longer under discipline, 
and many of whom never before saw an engagement." ^ The 
whole body of Americans were now in full retreat, the greater 
part over the top of Bunker Hill. 

The brow of Bunker Hill was a place of great slaughter.^ 
general Putnam here rode to the rear of the retreating troops, 
^and regardless of the balls flying about him, with his sword 
drawn, and still undaunted in his bearing, urged them to 
renew the fight in the unfinished works. " Make a stand 
here," he exclaimed; "we can stop them yet!" "In God's 
name, form, and give them one shot more ! " ^ It was here 
that he stood by an artillery piece until the enemy's bayonets 
were almost upon him. The veteran Pomeroy, too, with his 
shattered musket in his hand, and his face to the. foe, endeav- 
ored to rally the men. It was not possible, however, to check 
the retreat. Captain Trevett and a iew of his men, with 
great difficulty and great gallantry, drew off the only field- 
piece that was saved of the six that were in the action. 
Colonel Scammans, with part of his regiment, and Captain 
Foster's artillery company, on their way to the field of battle, 
reached the top of Bunker Hill, but immediately retreated. 
The whole body retired over the Neck, amidst the shot from 
the enemy's ships and batteries, and were met by additional 
troops on their way to the heights. Among them Major 
Brooks, with two remaining companies of Bridge's regiment. 
One piece of cannon at the Neck opened on the enemy, and 
covered the retreat.^ 

The British troops, about five o'clock, with a parade of tri- 
umph, took possession of the same hill that had served them 
for a retreat on the memorable nineteenth of April. General 
Howe was here advised by General Clinton to follow up his 

' The Committee of Safety Account. Gordon, vol. i., p. 366. Heath 
says this line " was nobly defended." 

^ Committee of Safety Account. ^ Gov. Brooks says " the principal place 
of slaughter." ^ Among those who state this are Eiihu Wyman, Anderson 
Minor, and Colonel Wade. ^ Swett, pp. 47, 48. 



PRESCOTT AT CAMBRIDGE. 153 

success by an immediate attack on Cambridge.' But the 
reception he had met made the British commander cautious, 
if not timid ; and he only fired two field-pieces upon the 
Americans,^ who retreated to Winter Hill, Prospect Hill, and 
Cambridge. Similar apprehensions were entertained on both 
sides respecting a renewal of the attack : the Americans at 
Winter and Prospect Hills lay on their arms, while the Brit- 
ish, reinforced by additional troops from Boston, threw up 
during the night a line of breastwork on the northern side of 
Bunker Hill. Both sides, however, felt indisposed to renew 
the action. The loss of the peninsula damped the ardor of 
the Americans, and the loss of men depressed the spirit of the 
British.' 

Colonel Prescott, indignant at the absence of support when 
victory was within his grasp,* repaired to head quarters, 
reported the issue of the battle, already too well known, and 
received the thanks of the commander-in-chief He found 
General Ward under great apprehensions lest the enemy, 
encouraged by success, should advance on Cambridge, where 
he had neither disciplined troops nor an adequate suppiy of 
ammunition to receive him. Colonel Prescott, however, 
assured him that the confidence of the British would not be 
increased by the result of the battle ; and he offered to retake 
the hill that night, or perish in the attempt, if three regiments 
of fifteen hundred men, well equipped with ammunition and 
bayonets, Avere put under his commaud. General Ward 
wisely decided that the condition of his army would not jus- 
tify so bold a measure.^ Nor was it needed to fill the measure 
of Prescott's fame. " He had not yet done enough to satisfy 
himself, though he had done enough to satisfy his country. 
He had not, indeed, secured final victory, but he had secured 
a glorious immortality." ^ 

1 Conduct of the War. ^ Brooks. ^ Gordon. 

* Judge Prescott writes : " Colonel Prescott always thought he could have 
maintained his post with the handful of men under his command, exhausted 
as they were by fatigue and hunger, if they had been supplied with sufficient 
ammunition, and with bayonets. In their last attack the British wavered 
under the first fire of the Americans, and if it could have been continued, he 
felt confident they would have been repulsed, and would never have rallied 
again." ^ Prescott's Memoir. ^ Colonel Swell's History, p. 49. 

/ 



154 THE SIEGE OF BOSTON. 



CHAPTER YI. 

Character of the Bunker Hill Battle. The Question of Command. Prescott. 
Putnam. ' Warren. Pomeroy. 

No engagement of the Revolution possesses an interest so 
deep and peculiar, or produced consequences so important, 
as the battle of Bunker Hill; and no other engagement is 
involved in so much obscurity, perplexity, and controversy. 
It is remarkable on many accounts; — in being the first great 
battle of the contest ; in the astonishing resistance made by 
inexperienced militia against veteran troops ; in the affecting 
character of its prominent incidents; in the sublimity of its 
spectacle ; and in its influence on the politics of the day, and 
the fortunes of the war. It proved the quality of the Ameri- 
can soldier, drew definitely the lines of party, and established 
the fact of open war between the colonies and the mother 
country. It was a victory, with all the moral effect of victory, 
under the name of a defeat. And yet, at first, it was regarded 
with disappointment, and even with indignation; and con- 
temporary accounts of it, whether private or official, are 
rather in the tone of apology, or of censure, than of exulta- 
tion. The enterprise, on the whole, was pronounced rash in 
the conception and discreditable in the execution ; and a 
severe scrutiny was instituted into the conduct of those who 
were charged with having contributed by their backwardness 
to the result. No one, for years, came forward to claim the 
honor of having directed it ; no notice was taken of its return- 
ing anniversary ; and no narrative did justice to the regiments 
that were engaged, or to the officers who were in command. 
Passing events are seldom accurately estimated. The bravery, 
however, of those who fought it was so resolute, and their 
self-devotion was so lofty, as at once to elicit, from all quar- 
ters, the most glowing commendation, and to become the 



OBJECT OF THE BATTLE. 155 

theme of the poet and the orator ; ' and as time rolled on, its 
connection with the great movement of the age appeared in 
its true light. Hence the battle of Bunker Hill now stands 
out as the grand opening scene in the drama of the American 
Revolution. 

It has been remarked, that in a military point of view it 
would be difficult to assign a just motive to either party for 
this conflict. It was not very important for the American 
army to hem in the British army in Boston, by a force posted 
so near as Bunker Hill, when that object could be accom- 
plished by a force a little further in the rear. While, on the 
other hand, if the British officers had nothing else in view but 
to dislodge the occupants of Breed's Hill, it was perfectly 
competent for them, as they commanded the Mystic and the 
Charles Rivers, to cut off all communication, and to reduce 
Prescott and his men to famine. The truth is, both parties 
were ready and anxious and determined to try the strength 
of their arms.'' The Americans were elated — perhaps too 
much elated — by their success on the nineteenth of April, and 
at Noddle's Island, and in the skirmishes in the harbor. 
They felt confident in their a.bility at least to prevent another 
excursion into the country, and would be satisfied with noth- 
ing short of an expulsion of the British troops fror^i Boston.^ 
So bold had they become in bidding defiance to Great Britain ! 
On the other hand, British pride was touched by this exulta- 
tion and daring, and by the reflection that predictions as to 
the courage of the Americans and the invincibility of the 

' Governor Johnstone, in a speech in the House of Commons, October 30, 
1775, said : " To a mind who loves to contemplate the glorious spirit of free- 
dom, no spectacle can be more affecting than the action at Bunker's Hill. To 
see an irregular peasantry, commanded by a pliysician, inferior in number, 
opposed by every circumstance of cannon and bombs that could terrify timid 
minds, calmly wait the attack of the gallant Howe, leading on the best troops 
in the world, with an excellent train of artillery, and twice repulsing those 
very troops, who had often chased the chosen battalions of France, and at 
last retiring for want of ammunition, but in so respectable a manner that 
they were not even pursued, — who can reflect on such scenes, and not adore 
the constitution of government which could breed such men ! " 

^ Address of Hon. Daniel Webster, 1843. ^ See Letter of the Committee 
of Safety, p. 104. 



15G BUNKER HILL BATTLE. 

regulars had been so completely falsified. Two regiments, — it 
had been written, — were sufficient to beat the whole strength 
of the province ; ' and a force of five thousand was sufficient 
to overrun the whole of the colonies. Never had high-sound- 
ing manifesto been followed by such mortifying results. The 
veterans of this triumphal march were so closely blockaded, 
by the force that was pronounced so impotent and was so 
despised, that their luxurious fare was suddenly changed^ into 
salt provision. Thus their daily food stimulated their desire 
for retaliation. Besides, the army was sent over to bring the 
Americans to a sense of their duty, and it longed to give them 
one good drubbing as a necessary step towards it.*^ When, 
therefore, the British officers saw the redoubt, and saw it 
filled with its daring band, they could not permit that it 
should " stand in their very face, and defy them to their teeth." 
Without calculating the cost, or without caring for it, their 
object was to destroy the works at once, by the power of the 
royal army, and to take vengeance, as well as to attain 
security.' 

The reason for issuing the order to fortify Bunker Hill has 
been stated. The council of war had decided not to occupy 
so exposed a post until the army was better prepared to defend 
it. But when it was certainly known that the enemy had 
determined to move into the country, the committee of safety, 
with that disregard of consequences which characterizes so 
remarkably the early stage of the revolutionary struggle, 
advised that this movement should be anticipated. The 
decision has been pronounced rash. It was followed by 
desolation and carnage. Much precious blood was shed. 
Even the "beauty of Israel fell upon his high places." This 
daring decision, however, was productive of consequences of 
the highest importance, which a less terrible ordeal would 
scarcely have produced. They extended throughout the 

> Letter on page 44. ^ Harris writes, June 12, 1775, — " A (fairs at pres- 
ent wear a serious aspect. 1 wish the Americans may be brought to a sense 
of their duty. One good drubbing, which I long to give them by way of 
retaliation, might have a good effect towards it. * * At present, we are 
completely blockaded, and subsisting almost on salt provision," &c. — Life 
of Lord Harris, p. 52. ^ Webster's Address, 1843. 



CONSEQUENCES OF THE BATTLE. 157 

war/ This is not, however, the place to dwell on them. 
One of the more immediate of its results — the great political 
service of the battle — was to establish a state of general hos- 
tility. This already existed in Massachusetts, where war, 
and nothing short of war, had been fully resolved upon ; but 
it did not exist in some of the other colonies, where the spirit 
raised by the Lexington alarm had softened into a desire of 
reconciliation. How different, for instance, was the state of 
things in New York, where the same military companies were 
directed by the Provincial Congress to escort, on the same 
day, General Washington to the seat of war, and Governor 
Tryon to the seat of power ! But after it had been demon- 
strated that the New England militia had stood the attack of 
the British regulars, and had twice repulsed them,^ after War- 

' General Wilkinson's Review of the Battle, though clouded by prejudice, 
and incorrect in some of its details, contains the following discriminating and 
just remarks on its influence : — " The resolution displayed by the provin- 
cials on this memorable day produced effects auspicious to the American 
cause, and coextensive with the war ; for, although compelled by superior 
numbers to yield the ground, the obstinacy of their resistance put an end to 
that confidence with which they had been first attacked, and produced meas- 
ures of caution, bordering on timidity. There can be no doubt that we were 
indebted to these causes for the unmolested occupancy of our position before 
Boston." * * "To the coo] courage and obstinacy displayed on the 
occasion, and the moral influence of the bloody lesson which Sir William 
Howe received on that day, we must ascribe the military phenomenon of a 
motley band of undisciplined American yeomanry, scarcely superior in num- 
ber, holding an army of British veterans in close siege for nine months ; and 
hence it might fairly be inferred that our independence was essentially pro- 
moted by the consequence of this single battle." 

General Lee, also a soldier of the revolution, regards the severe admo- 
nition Sir William Howe received on this day as the most probable explana- 
tion of his subsequent timid line of policy. He says : " The sad and 
impressive experience of this murderous day sunk deep into the mhid of Sir 
William Howe ; and it seems to have had its influence on all its subsequent 
operations, with decisive control." 

^ Hon. Daniel Webster, in his address of 1843, states, that it rested on 
indisputable authority, that, when Washington heard of the battle of Bunker's 
Hill, and was told that for want of ammunition and other causes the militia 
yielded- the ground to the British troops, he asked if the militia of New 
England stood the fire of the British regular troops ; and being told they did, 
and reserved their own until the enemy were within eight rods, and then 



158 BUNKER HILL BATTLE. 

ren had fallen, and Charlestown had been destroyed, affairs 
changed their aspect. New confidence was felt in the Ameri- 
can arms. There were new justifying causes for open war. 
The other colonies became arrayed in hostility, side by side, 
with Massachusetts. And it was certain that peace could 
never be established between the two countries, except on the 
basis of an acknowledgment of American independence ! ' 

The commanding officers felt that the army was not pre- 
pared for such a conflict. The want of subordination and 
discipline rendered efficient military command impossible, and 
hence the proceedings throughout the day were characterized 
by great confusion. The evidence on this point, early and 
late, is uniform and decisive, and it relates both to transac- 
tions at Cambridge and at Charlestown. During the battle 
the influence of Colonel Prescott over his men'"' preserved 
order at his position, but in other parts of the field the troops 
fought rather in platoons, or individually, — companies entirely 
losing their order, — than under regular commands; and in 
some instances, where superior officers attempted to exercise 
authority, their orders were openly disregarded. Even the 
orders of General Ward were but feebly carried into effect. 
Much of this delinquency must be placed at the door of ineffi- 
ciency on the part of some of the officers ; but much of it also 

discharged it with fearful effect, he then exclaimed, " The liberties of the 
country are safe ! " Washington, on the 10th of February, 1776, wrote to 
Joseph Reed: " With respect to myself, I have never entertained an idea 
of an accommodation, since I heard of the measures which were adopted in 
consequence of the Bunker's Hill fight. The king's speech has confirmed 
the sentiments I entertained upon the news of that affair ; and if every man 
was of my mind, the ministers of Great Britain should know, in a few words, 
upon what issue the cause should be put." This issue was a determination to 
shake off all connection with Great Britain. " This I Avbuld tell them, not 
under cover, but in words as clear as the sun in its meridian brightness." 

' Hon. Daniel Webster's Address, 1843. 

^ Perfectly understanding his countrymen, remarks Colonel Swett, they were 
entirely under his control. — p. 22. The depositions often describe his effi- 
ciency. Captain Bancroft, who was in the redoubt, thus speaks of Colonel 
Prescott: "He continued through the hottest of the fight to display admira- 
ble coolness, and a self-possession that would do honor to the great(!st hero 
of any age. He gave his orders deliberately, and how effectually they were 
obeyed I need not tell." — Ms. 



THE QUESTION OF COMMAND. 159 

must be ascribed to an absence of the principle of subordina- 
tion, from the generals to the lower officers. The prompt 
action of Connecticut, relative to a commander-in-chief, shows 
that the evil was felt in its full force. 

It is from this cause — the want of subordination, and the 
confusion — that it is a question whether there was a general 
authorized commander in the battle. Had the army been 
full}'' organized, and had the rank of the officers been estab- 
lished, such a question could not have arisen. It is not one 
of recent origin, for there was the same perplexity on this 
point, immediately after the battle, that exists now ; and 
inquiries in relation to it elicited equally unsatisfactory 
answers. The orderly book of General Ward not only is 
silent on it, but contains no orders for the conduct of the 
enterprise. Nor is this deficiency entirely supplied by any 
contemporary document. Yet it is from authorities of this 
character that a correct conclusion must be drawn. In the 
place of a labored argument on this delicate subject, I prefer 
to state, as fairly as I am able to do it, the evidence in rela- 
tion to It that has fallen in my way, state the conclusion it 
seems to warrant, and leave the subject to the candid reader. 

The Massachusetts committee of safety appointed Reverend 
Messrs. Cooper, Gardner, and Thatcher, to prepare an account 
of the battle, in which it is stated that the "commander of 
the party" gave the order to retreat from the redoubt. This 
is dated July 25, 177.5. it was written by Rev. Peter 
Thatcher, who subsequently stated : '■' What facts he did not 
see himself were communicated to him by Colonel Prescott, 
(who commanded the provincials.) and by other persons who v 
were personally conversant in the scenes which the narrative 
describes." 

Gen. Ward, in a letter addressed to John Adams, dated Oct. 
3U, 177.5, says : " There has been no one action with the enemy 
which has not been conducted by an officer of this colony, ^ 
except that at Chelsea, which was conducted by Gen. Putnam." 

Rev. John Martin, who was in the battle, related its inci- 
dents to President Stiles, who recorded them in his diary, 
June 30, 1775. He states that the Americans took possession 
of the hill, "under the command of Colonel Prescott," and 
14 



160 BUNKER HILL BATTLE. 

that application to General Ward for aid " brought Colonel 
Putnam and a large reinforcement about noon." 

Dr. James Thatcher's military journal contains a narrative 
of the battle, under the date of July, 1775, which purports to 
have been recorded at the time. He says: "On the Ameri- 
can side, Generals Putnam, Warren, Pomeroy, and Colonel 
Prescott, were emphatically the heroes of the day, and their 
unexampled efforts were crowned with glory. The incom- 
parable Colonel Prescott marched at the head of the detach- 
ment ; and though several general officers were present, he 
retained the command during the action." 

John Pitts, Esq., in a letter dated Watertown, July 20, 177.5, 
addressed to Samuel Adams, then in Congress, says : " I find 
the letters, in general, from you, and the rest of our friends, 
complain of not having particular information relative to the 
late battle of Charlestown. I do assure you, the particulars, 
any further than what I have already wrote you, I have not 
been able to obtain from any one. To be plain, it appears to 
me there never was more confusion and less command. No 
one appeared to have any but Colonel Prescott, whose bravery 
can never be enough acknowledged and applauded. General 
Putnam was employed in collecting the men, but there were 
not officers enough to lead them on." ' 

Colonel James Scammans printed in the New England 
Chronicle, February 29, 1776, a report of the court-martial 
that tried him for alleged misconduct on the day of the 
battle, with a sketch of the evidence. This report was inter- 
spersed with notes. In one of them it is remarked, that " there 
was no general officer who commanded on Bunker Hill." 
The notes were undoubtedly by Scammans. 

General Charles Lee, in his vindication, in 1778, has a cas- 
ual allusion to the battle, in adducing proofs of the courage 
and good qualities of the American soldier. He says : "The 
Americans were composed in part of raw lads and old men, 
half armed, with no practice or discipline, commanded with- 
out order, and God knows by whom." 

Rev. William Gordon, 1788, says : " Orders were issued on 

' This extract was first printed in the oration on the battle delivered by 
Rev. George E. Ellis. 



THE QUESTION OF COMMAND. 161 

the 16th of June, that a detachment of a thousand men, under 
Colonel Prescott, do march at evening, and intrench upon the 
hill." " General Warren joins the Massachusetts forces in 
one place, and General Pomeroy in another. General Putnam 
is busily engaged in aiding and encouraging here and there, as 
the case requires." 

General Heath (1798) says in his memoirs : " Perhaps there 
never was a better fought battle than this, all things consid- 
ered ; and too much praise can never be bestowed on the con- 
duct of Colonel William Prescott, who, notwithstanding any- 
thing that may have been said, was the proper commanding 
officer^ at the redoubt, and nobly acted his part as such, during 
the whole action." The italics are by General Heath. 

General Lee, in his memoirs, (1812,) after stating that Gen- 
eral Howe found his enemy posted on Breed's Hill, "com- 
manded by Colonel Prescott," says : " The military annals of 
the world rarely furnish an achievement which equals the 
firmness and courage displayed on that proud day by the gal- 
lant band of Americans ; and it certainly stands first in the 
brilhant events of our war. When future generations shall 
inquire where are the men who gained the highest prize of 
glory in the arduous contest which ushered in our nation's 
birth, upon Prescott and his companions will the eye of his- 
tory beam." 

Hon. William Tudor, judge advocate in the trials of the 
delinquent officers, in a communication printed in the Colum- 
bian Sentinel and N. A. Review, 1818, states as follows : 
" Soon after the arrival of General Washington, as command- 
er-in-chief of the American forces, at Cambridge, in July, 
1775, court-martials were ordered to be holden for the trials 
of different officers, who were supposed to have misbehaved 
in the important action on Breed's Hill, on the seventeenth of 
June; at all of which I acted as judge advocate. In the 
inquiry which these trials occasioned, I never heard any 
insinuation against the conduct of General Putnam, who 
appeared to have been there without any command ; for there 
was no authorized commander. Colonel Prescott appeared to 
have been the chief; and according to my best recollections, 
after forty-three years, the whole business appeared to have 



162 BUNKER HILL BATTLE. 

been conducted without order or regular command. Each 
man fought for himself, loaded and fired as he could, and took 
care to waste no powder, which was a scarce article at the 
time." 

These statements were made by contemporaries, who, out 
of professional curiosity, or out of fidelity to history, endeav- 
ored to ascertain the facts in the case. They were made 
mostly before controversy had arisen on the subject, and there- 
fore are not warped by known prejudice or partiality. They 
are also chiefly independent testimonies, — some of them never 
having been printed before. Rev, Peter Thatcher, whose 
acconnt is remarkably accurate, and Rev. John Martin, who 
was in the battle, are equally clear and positive.^ Gordon, a 
historian of established reputation for fidelity, was the first 
to state in print the positions of the commanding officers. He 
was in the neighborhood at the time, and wrote, probably, 
with the order before him ; and he uses careful and discrim- 
inating language. General Heath was one of the council of 
war that issued the order, and must have known to whom the 
command was intrusted. His language agrees with the oth- 
ers. General Ward's remark is decisive that a Massachusetts 
officer conducted the battle. Dr. James Thatcher, who acted 
as surgeon in Cambridge, and purports to write at the time, 
uses unequivocal language, and disposes of the difficulty 
as to general officers being present. The characteristic allu- 
sion of General Charles Lee, and the letter of John Pitts, indi- 
cate the early uncertainty on the subject. The statement 
made by Scammans, that no general officer commanded, 
elicited no contradiction at the time, and is confirmed by the 
words of Judge Advocate Tudor. 

To these authorities must be added another, of such high 
character as to be, of itself, almost conclusive, — that of 
Judge WilUam Prescott, the son of Colonel Prescott. He 
states in his memoir : "1 have always understood and believe 
that the detachment was originally placed under the command 

' The statement of Thatcher I found at the Antiquarian Hall, Worcester, 
in his own hand-writing. The relation of Martin is in Stiles' Journal, — 
copies of which were loaned to me by Hon. Geo. Bancroft and President 
Sparks. 



THE QUESTION OF COMMAND. 163 

of Colonel Prescott, with orders, in writing, from the command- 
er-in-chief; that they marched to Breed's Hill under his com- 
mand, and there threw up the works ; and that neither Gen- 
eral Putnam, nor any other officer, ever exercised or claimed 
any authority or command over him, or the detachment, 
before or in the battle ; that General Putnam was not in the 
redoubt during the action. All this I have often heard stated 
by my father, as well as other officers of the detachment." 

The conclusion warranted by this evidence is, that the orig- 
inal detachment was placed under the orders of Colonel Pres- 
cott, and that no general officer was authorized to command 
over him during the battle. 

Nor, previous to the year 1790, is there in any document, 
written or printed, that is known to me, an assertion to the 
contrary, except where the command is assigned to General 
Warren.' It was announced then that a general officer com- 
manded during the whole affair, from beginning to the end. 
This announcement was made under the following circum- 
stances. General David Humphries published an essay on 
the life of General Putnam, who was then alive, dated Mount 
Vernon, July 4, 1788, in which, in a brief account of the 
battle, he says : "In this battle the presence and example of 
General Putnam, who arrived with the reinforcement, were 
not less conspicuous than useful." This language, it will be 
noticed, agrees remarkably with that of some of the earlier 
authorities, — especially with Martin, Dr. Thatcher, Pitts, and 
Gordon, — already quoted. General Putnam died May 29, 
1790. Rev. Josiah Whitney preached his funeral sermon, 
which was published. In a note to this sermon, after remark- 

' Immediately after the battle it was reported in Boston that General War- 
ren had the command. Hence in all the early British accounts this honor is 
given to him. It is singular, also, that the same statement is made in some 
of the American accounts. A brief narrative of the battle appeared in 
" George's Cambridge Almanack, or the Essex Callender," for 1776, in 
which it is stated that he was " commander-in-chief on this occasion." And 
as late as 1818, in the Analectic Magazine, he is regarded as the commander ; 
and it is said General Putnam " directed the whole, on the fall of General 
Warren." Some of the soldiers also say that, though he went on as a vol- 
unteer, yet he was persuaded to take the command. It is, however, now 
generally admitted, that he served only as a volunteer. 
14^ 



164 BUNKER HILL BATTLE. 

ing that the language of Humphries' essay on the battle was 
not satisfactory to the friends of General Putnam, Mr. Whit- 
ney says : " The detachment was first put under the command 
of General Putnam. With it he took possession of the hill, 
and ordered the battle from beginning to end. These facts 
General Putnam gave me soon after the battle, and also 
repeated them to me after his life was printed." Colonel 
Swett also states that the general made the same declarations 
to his son. 

I have met few contemporary allusions to General Putnam's 
agency in the battle, besides those which have been quoted. 
William Williams, in a letter dated Lebanon, Conn., June 20, 
1775, 10 o'clock at night, and addressed to the Connecticut 
delegates in Congress, says: "I receive it that General Put- 
nam commanded our troops, perhaps not in chief." Captain 
Chester's letter gives the fact that he ordered the Connecticut 
troops to Charlestown after the British landed. In the report 
(1775) made to the Massachusetts Provincial Congress, it is 
stated that on Bunker Hill he ordered Captain Callender, who 
was going down the hill, " to stop and go back ; " and in the 
court-martial held on Colonel Scammans (1775) one of the 
witnesses stated that Colonel Scammans sent to General Put- 
nam to see whether his regiment was wanted, and, on Bunker 
Hill, that the general ordered this regiment forward. Major 
Jackson, in his journal, writes, (June 16, 1775,) " General 
Putnam, with the army, went to intrench on Bunker Hill." 
The same fact is stated in some of the newspapers. President 
Stiles, under the date of June 20, 1775, recorded in his diary 
various rumors from camp, and, among others, that General 
Putnam, with 3U0 men, took possession of Bunker Hill on the 
night of the 16tli. On the 23d, however, he derived additional 
details from several who had visited the camp, been " with 
General Putnam in his tent on Prospect Hill," and heard hira 
describe the battle. He then writes : " Putnam was not at 
Bunker's Hill at the beginning, but soon repah-ed hither, and 
was in the heat of the action till towards night, when he went 
away to fetch across this reinforcement which ought to have 
come before. Soon after, and before he could return, our men 
began to retreat." I have not seen any disparaging comments 



THE QUESTION OF COMMAND. 165 

on General Putnam's services on this day, previous to those in 
Wilkinson's Memoirs, printed in 1816 ; nor any statement that J 
the first detachment was put under his command previous to 
that of Whitney's sermon, delivered in 1790. 

General Putnam, in a letter dated New York, May 22, 
1776, makes an allusion to his services on this day, which has 
a bearing on the case. This letter was addressed to the Cam- 
bridge committee of safety, and remonstrated against the treat- 
ment that Mrs. Putnam had received from an agent of this 
committee. He says : " Pray did not I labor and toil night 
and day, through wet and cold, and venture my life in the 
high places of the field, for the safety of my country, and the 
town of Cambridge in particular ? For it was thought we 
could never hold Cambridge, and that we had better quit it, 
and go back and fortify on the heights of Brookline. I always 
told them we must hold Cambridge ; and pray did not I take 
possession of Prospect Hill the very night after the fight on 
Bunker Hill, without having any orders from any person ? 
And was not I the only general officer that tarried there? 
The taking of said hill I never could obtain leave for before, 
which is allowed by the best judges was the salvation of Cam- 
bridge, if not of the country." ^ 

It is worthy of remark, that, though the general evidently 
considered it to be important to make out a strong case for 
himself, he does not state that the original detachment was 
put under his command, or that he ordered the battle. The 
authority for this statement, if the depositions of the soldiers 

^ The committee, in reply, dated June 18, 1776, state that General Putnam's 
conduct " while in Cambridge, in every respect, and more especially as a 
general, (without having it set forth,) we hold in the highest veneration, and 
ever shall." 

Again, the committee state : "Nothing was ever aimed at treating you or 
yours unbecoming the many obligations that we are under for the extraordi- 
nary services you have done to this town, which must always be acknowl- 
edged with the highest gratitude, not only by us, but by rising generations." 
These extracts, and the one in the text, are taken from original letters, for 
which I am indebted to J. Harlow, Esq. 

How widely different is this language of gratitude and justice from the 
disparaging language of later date ! Rising generations have not always 
acknowledged the patriotism of this brave and noble-hearted man. 



166 BUNKER HILL BATTLE. 

be excepted, appears to rest mainly, if not entirely, on con- 
versations held with General Putnam. Without intending to 
question the honor or the veracity of any one, it is more rea- 
sonable to conclude that the facts communicated by the general 
have not been stated exactly and with the proper discrimina- 
tions, than it is to conclude that so many independent con- 
temporary authorities are incorrect in stating that the first 
detachment was placed under the orders of Colonel Prescott. 

Colonel Prescott, therefore, was the only regular commander 
of the party who fortified Breed's Hill. He was detached 
on a special service, and he faithfully executed his orders. 
He filled at the redoubt, the most important post, the duty 
of a commanding ofiicer, from the hour that ground was 
broken until it was abandoned. He detached guards to 
the shores, directed the labor of the works, called councils 
of war, made applications to General Ward for reinforce- 
ments, posted his men for action, fought with them until 
resistance was unavailing, and gave the order to retreat. 
General officers came to this position, but they did not give 
him an order, nor interfere with his dispositions. When Gen- 
eral Warren, for instance, entered the redoubt. Colonel Pres- 
cott tendered to him the command ; but Warren replied that he 
had not received his commission, and should serve as a volun- 
teer. "I shall be happy," he said, "to learn from a soldier 
of your experience." Colonel Prescott, therefore, was left in 
uncontrolled possession of his post. Nor is there any proof 
that he gave an order at the rail fence, or on Bunker Hill. 
But he remained at the redoubt, and there fought the battle 
with such coolness, bravery,' and discretion, as to win the 
unbounded applause of his contemporaries, and to deserve, 

i-The bravery of Colonel Prescott has been universally acknowledged. 
Thus, Samuel Adams, September 26, 1775, writes to Elbridge Gerry : 
" Until I visited head quarters, at Cambridge, I never heard of the valor of 
Prescott at Bunker's Hill." Hon. Daniel Webster, in the North American 
Review, 1818, says : " In truth, if there was any commander-in-chief in the 
field, it was Prescott. From the first breaking of the ground to the retreat, 
he acted the most important part ; and if it were proper to give the battle a 
name, from any distinguished agent in it, it should be called Prescott's 
battle." See also Colonel Swett's history, and Rev. Geo. E. Ellis' oration. 



COLONEL PRESCOTT, 167 

through all time, the admiration and gratitude of his coun- 
trymen. 

Colonel Prescott, the son of Hon. Benjamin Prescott, of 
Groton, was born in 1726. He served with distinction as 
lieutenant of a company of foot, under General Winslow, at 
the capture of Cape Breton. He was invited to accept a com- 
mission in the regular army, which he declined. He became 
a warm patriot, and was chosen to command the regiment of 
minute-men. On the Lexington alarm, he promptly marched 
to the scene of action at their head. He continued in the 
service through the year 1776, at New York ; and when the 
Americans retreated from the city, he brought off his men in 
such good order as to be publicly commended by Washington. 
He served as a volunteer under General Gates, at the capture 
of Burgoyne. He retired to Pepperell, set off from Groton in 
1753, where he lived on his farm, dispensing a generous hos- 
pitality, until his death. His last military service was in the 
Shays insurrection of 1786, when he repaired to Concord 
with his side-arms to protect the court. He was an acting 
magistrate during the remainder of his life. He died in Pep- 
perell, October 13. 1795. A simple tablet over his grave bears 
an inscription stating his name, the date of his death, and his 
age. 

Colonel Prescott was over six feet in height, of strong and 
nitelligent features, with blue eyes and brown hair. He was 
bald on the top of his head, and wore a tie wig. He was 
large and muscular, but not corpulent. He was kind in his 
disposition, plain but courteous in his manners ; of a limited 
education, but fond of reading; never in a hurry, and cool and 
self-possessed in danger.' 

' Colonel Prescott married Abigail Hale, of Sutton, who died October 21, 
1821, aged 88. They had one son, Hon. William Prescott, of Boston, rep- 
resentative, senator, and judge, who died in 1844, — sustaining through life 
a character which, for modest talent, substantial learning, and absolute fidel- 
ity in every relation of life, was such as rarely adorns the walks of profes- 
sional excellence. Judge Prescott's memoir of the battle has been used with 
a reliance warranted by the clear intellect and high probity of its author. 

Judge Prescott married Catherine G. Hickling, daughter of Thomas Hick- 
ling, Esq., of the Island of St. Michael's. Of their seven children four died 
in infancy. Edward G., an Episcopalian clergyman, died in 1844 ; Elizabeth 



168 BUNKER HILL BATTLE. 

General Putnam exhibited throughout the bravery and 
generous devotion that formed a part of his nature. Though 
of Hmited education, fiery and rough in speech, he was a 
true patriot, and a fine executive ofllcer. He was in com- 
mand of the Connecticut troops stationed in Cambridge, and 
shared with them the peril and glory of this remarkable day. 
In a regularly organized army his appearance on the field, by 
virtue of his rank, would have given him the command. But 
it was an army of allies, whose jealousies had not yielded to 
the vital principle of subordination ; and he was present rather 
as the patriotic volunteer than as the authorized general com- 
mander. He exercised an important agency in the battle. 
He was received as a welcome counsellor, both at the laying 
out of the works and during the morning of the engagement. 
Besides being in the hottest of the action at the rail fence and 
on Bunker Hill, — fighting, beyond a question, with daring 
intrepidity, — he was applied to for orders by the reinforce- 
ments that reached the field, and he gave orders without being 
applied to. Some of the officers not under his immediate 
command respected his authority, while others refused to obey 
him.' But no service was more brilliant than that of the Con- 
necticut troops, whom he was authorized to command. And 
that he was not as successful in leading the Massachusetts 
troops into action ought, in justice, to be ascribed neither to 
his lack of energy nor of conduct, but to the hesitancy of 
inexperienced troops, to the want of spirit in their oflicers, 
and to the absence of subordination and discipline in the army. 

married Hon. Franklin Dexter; and William Hickling is the historian of 
Ferdinand and Isabella, who is adding so much reputation to the name. 
He married the grand-daughter of Captain Linzee, who commanded the 
sloop-of-war Falcon, that cannonaded the works on Breed's Hill. The 
swords used by Colonel Prescott and by Captain Linzee on the 17th .Tune are 
now crossed on the walls of the fine library of the historian. Colonel Pres- 
cott's is quite a neat-looking rapier. — Butler's Groton. Ms. Letter. 

' Col. Sargent, Dec. 20, 1825, states, that he applied three times to Ward 
for permission to march to Charlestown, but it was not until about 4, p. m., 
when it was too late, that he could get it ; and also states that Putnam, then 
on Prospect Hill, " sent an officer to order me on to the hill ; but finding I 
did not attend to his order, he sent a second, who I took no notice of. A 
third came open-mouthed, saying," &c. 



GENERAL PUTNAM. 169 

He did not give an order to Colonel Prescott, nor was he in 
the redoubt during the action.' 

' The mass of matter relative to General Putnam's movements on this day 
presents the following account of them as the most probable: — On the evening 
of June IG, he joined the detachment at Charlestown Neck ; took part in the 
consultation as to the place to be fortified ; returned in the night to Cambridge ; 
went to the heights, on the firing of the Lively, but immediately returned to 
Cambridge ; went again to the heights about ten o'clock ; was in Cambridge 
after the British landed ; ordered on the Connecticut troops, and then went to 
the heights ; was at the rail fence at the time the action commenced ; was in 
the heat of the battle, and during its continuance made great efl^orts to induce 
the reinforcements to advance to the lines ; urged labor on works at Bunker 
Hill ; was on the brow of this hill when the retreat took place ; retreated 
with that part of the army that went to Prospect Hill, and remained here 
through the night. He was on horseback, and in a few minutes' space of 
time could be not only at any part of the heights, but even at Cambridge. It 
is not, therefore, at all strange, that statements made by the soldiers as to the 
time when, and the place where, they saw the general, amid the confusion 
of so terrific a scene, cannot be reconciled ; and more especially as these 
statements were made after an expiration of forty or fifty years. 

The extracts on page 165 will show how General Putnam stood with his 
contemporaries at Cambridge. The following extract from an article on the 
battle, printed in the Connecticut Courant in 1775, shows the popular feel- 
ing : "In this list of heroes, it is needless to expatiate on the character and 
bravery of Major-general Putnam, whose capacity to form and execute great 
designs is known through Europe, and whose undaunted courage and martial 
ibilities strike terror through all the hosts of Midianites, and have raised him 
to an incredible height in the esteem and friendship of his American brethren ; 
it is sufficient to say, that he seems to be inspired by God Almighty with a 
military genius, and formed to work wonders in the sight of those uncircum- 
cised Philistines, at Boston and Bunker Hill, who attempt to ravage this 
country and defy the armies of the living God." 

The officers of the army bear testimony to General Putnam's value and 
bravery. He was not a great general, but he was a useful officer. Thus 
Washington, January 30, 1776, writes : " General Putnam is a valuable 
man and a fine executive officer;" and in March, 1776, he was selected to 
lead four thousand men in the contemplated attack on Boston. On hearing 
of this proposed attack, Joseph Reed, Washington's private secretary for 
some time, wrote to Washington, March 15, as follows : " I suppose Old 
Put was to command the detachment intended for Boston on the 5th instant, 
as I do not know any officer but himself who could have been depended on 
for so hazardous a service." — Reed's Life, vol. i., p. 172. So true was the 
saying of him, that " He dared to lead where any dared to follow." Again : 
when the British landed at Long Island, Reed writes to his wife : " General 
Putnam was made happy by obtaining leave to go over , the brave old 



170 BUNKER HILL BATTLE. 

General Warren exerted great influence in the battle. Hav- 
ing served zealously and honorably in the incipient councils that 
put in motion the machinery of the Revolution, he had decided 
to devote his energies to promote it in its future battle-fields. 
He was accordingly elected major-general on the 14th of June, 
but had not received his commission on the day of the battle. 
Though he is understood to have opposed the measure of 
occupying so exposed a post as Bunker Hill, yet he avowed 
the intention, if it should be resolved upon, to share the peril 
of it ; and to the affectionate remonstrance of Elbridge Gerry 
he replied : Dulce et decorum est pro patria mori. On the 
16th of June he officiated as president of the Provincial Con- 
gress, passed the night at Watertown, and though indisposed, 
repaired on the morning of the 17th to Cambridge, where he 
threw himself on a bed. When he learned that the British 
would attack the works on Breed's Hill, he declared his head- 
ache to be gone ; and, after meeting with the committee of 
safety, armed himself and went to Charlestown. A short 
time before the action commenced, he was seen in conversa- 
tion with General Putnam, at the rail fence, who offered to 
receive his orders. General Warren declined to give any, but 
asked *' Where he could be most useful ? " Putnam directed 
him to the redoubt, remarking, that " There he would be cov- 
ered." " Don't think," said Warren, " I come to seek a place 
of safety; but tell me where the onset will be most furious." 
Putnam still pointed to the redoubt. " That is the enemy's 
object, and if that can be defended the day is ours." General 
Warren passed to the redoubt, where the men received him 
with enthusiastic cheers. Here, again, he was tendered the 
command, by Colonel Prescott. But Warren declined it, — 
said that he came to encourage a good cause, and gave the 
cheering assurance that a reinforcement of two thousand was 
on its way to aid them. He mingled in the fight, behaved 
with great bravery, and was among the last to leave the 
redoubt. He was lingering, even to rashness, in his retreat. 
He had proceeded but a few rods, when a ball struck him in 

man was quite miserable at being kept here." — p. 220. No higher military 
testimony than this can be adduced, for Reed was a soldier, and as capable 
of judging as any person in the army. 



GENERAL WARREN. 171 

tlie forehead, and he fell to the ground. On the next day vis- 
itors to the battle-field — among them Dr. Jeffries and young 
Winslow, afterwards General.Winslow, of Boston — recognized 
his body, and it was buried on the spot whpre he fell. After 
the British had left Boston, the sacred remains were sought 
after, ajid again identified. In April they were re-interred, 
with appropriate ceremonies, when Perez Morton delivered a 
eulogy. They were first deposited in the Tremont Cemetery, 
and subsequently in the family vault under St. Paul's Church, 
in Boston. 

The intelligence of his death spread a gloom over the coun- 
try. The many allusions to him, in contemporary letters 
and in the journals, indicate how strong a hold he had on the 
affections of his countrymen. " The ardor of dear Dr. War- 
ren," says one, "could not be restrained by the entreaty of his 
brethren of the Congress, and he is, alas, among the slain ! 
May eternal happiness be his eternal portion." Mrs. Adams, 
July 5, writes: "Not all the havoc and devastation they 
have made has wounded me like the death of Warren. AVe 
want him in the senate ; we want him in his profession ; we 
want him in the field. We mourn for the citizen, the senator, 
the physician, and the warrior." General Howe could hardly 
credit the report that the president of Congress was among 
the killed ; and when assured of it by Dr. Jeffries, he is said to 
have declared that this victim was worth five hundred of 
their men. Nor was his death known for a certainty at Cam- 
bridge, until a few days after the battle. On the 19th of 
June, the vote of the Provincial Congress, in assigning a time 
to choose his successor, says he was " supposed to be killed." 

Eloquence and song, the good and the great, have united in 
eulogy on this illustrious patriot and early martyr to the 
cause of the freedom of America. No one personified more 
completely the fine enthusiasm and the self-sacrificing patriot- 
ism that first rallied to its support. No one was more Avidely 
beloved, or was more highly valued. The language of the 
committee of safety, who knew his character, and appreciated 
his service, though brief, is full, touching and prophetic. 
" Among the dead was Major-general Joseph Warren ; a man 
whose memory will be endeared to his countrymen, and to 
15 



17'2 BUNKER HILL BATTLE. 

the worthy in every part and age of the world, so long as 
virtue and valor shall be esteemed among mankind." ' 

* The contemporary accounts of the death of General Warren differ much 
from each other ; so, also, do the subsequent statements of the soldiers who 
aver that they saw him fall. Among the relations is that of the connection 
of Major Small with his death. Colonel Trumbull states, March 30, 1818, 
that when in London, in 1786, Colonel Small gave him two anecdotes of the 
battle of Bunker Hill. One — that on the second attack, General Putnam 
saved his (Small's) life, by rushing forward and striking up the muzzles ot 
guns aimed at him : and the other — that on the capture of the redoubt. Small 
endeavored to save the life of Warren. Seeing him fall, Small ran to him, 
spoke to him ; but he only looked up, smiled, and died. Major Alexander 
Garden, also, heard Small's story, and in a letter dated June 2, 1818, says, 
" I myself heard the British General Small, in the year 1791, when I passed 
the summer in England, declare, that to the friendship of Putnam he owed 
his life at the battle of Bunker's Hill, for that when left almost alone, he pre- 
vented his men from firing on him, repeatedly saying, " Kill any but him, but 
spare Small." Major Garden further states, that he met Small at Major 
Pinckney's, where he was sitting to Colonel Trumbull for his portrait. " He 
has paid me the compliment of endeavoring to save the life of Warren, (said 
the general,) but the fact is, that life had fled before I saw his remains." 
These incidents, however, wear too much the air of romance to be implicitly 
relied upon. That Major Small felt grateful for an interference at some time 
in his behalf is undoubtedly true. It might have been the incident given on 
page 79. 

The concluding portion of Captain Chester's excellent letter on the battle 
is lost. I regret that endeavors to recover it have proved unsuccessful. 
It is not improbable that it contains something about Warren. In the 
" Eulogium," printed in 1781, the following passage, coinciding with other 
accounts of his gallantry, indicates that Warren's last words were addressed 
to Captain Chester : — 

" Ah, fatal ball ! Great Warren feels the wound, 
Spouts the black gore ! the shades his eyes surround ; 
Then instant calls, and thus bespeaks with pain 
The mightiest captain of his warring train : — 
Chester,* 't is past ! All earthly prospects fly, 
Death smiles ! and points me to yon radiant sky. 
My friends, my country, force a tender tear, — 
Rush to my thoughts, and claim my parting care. 
When countries groan by rising woes oppressed, 
Their sons by bold exploits attempt relief. 

* Col. John Chester, of Wethersfield, in the State of Connecticut, then a captain, 
who behaved with the greatest intrepidity in the battle of Bunker HiU. 



GENERAL POMEROY. 173 

General Seth Pomeroy behaved so well in the battle, that in 
some of the accounts he is assigned a separate command. 
Thus President John Adams, in a letter,' (June 19, 1818,) says : 
" Who was the first officer of Massachusetts, on Bunker Hill 
or Breed's Hill 7 I have always understood, he was Colonel 
Pomeroy, or General Pomeroy. Colonel Prescott might be the / 
most determined, persevering, and efficacious officer of Massa- 
chusetts; but Pomeroy was certainly his superior in com- 
mand." General Pomeroy was a Veteran of the French wars, 
as brave as he was patriotic. It is admitted that he also served 
as a volunteer. He requested of General Ward a horse to take 
him to the field, and one was supplied. On his arrival at 
Charlestown Neck, he declined to expose the horse to the 
severe fire that raked it, and coolly walked across. He joined 

Already, long, unaided we 've withstood 

Albion's whole force, and bathed the fields with blood. 

No more, my friend, our country asks no more ; 

Wisdom forbids to urge the unequal war. 

No longer trust your unavailing might, 

Haste, — lead our troops from the unequal fight ! — 

Farewell I — 
Senates shall hail you with their glad acclaim, 
And nations learn to dread Columbia's name. 
He could no more i — thick mists obscure his eyes, 
And from his cheeks the rosy color flies. 
His active soul, disburdened of its clay, 
To distant regions wings ito rapid way." 

' President Adams, in this letter, makes the following remarks in relation 
to the army : " The army at Cambridge was not a national army, for there 
was no nation. It was not an United States army, for there were no United 
States. It was not an army of united colonies, for it could not be said in any 
sense that the colonies were united. The centre of their union, the Congress 
of Philadelphia, had not adopted nor acknowledged the army at Cambridge. 
It was not a New England army, for New England had not associated. New 
England had no legal legislature, nor any common executive authority, even 
upon the principles of original authority, or even of original power in the 
people. Massachusetts had her army, Connecticut her army, New Hamp- 
shire her army, and Rhode Island her army. These four armies met at 
Cambridge, and imprisoned the British army in Boston. But who was the 
sovereign of this united, or rather congregated, army, and who its com- 
mander-in-chief? It had none. Putnam, Poor, and Greene were as inde- 
pendent of Ward as Ward was of them." 



174 BUNKER HILL BATTLE. 

the force at the rail fence, and was received with cheers. He 
fought with great spirit, and kept with the troops until the 
retreat. His musket was shattered by a ball, but he retained 
it, and with it continued to animate the men. He thought it 
strange that Warren, " the young and chivalrous soldier," 
says Colonel Swett, " the eloquent and enlightened legislator, 
should fall, and he escape, old and useless, unhurt." Soon 
after the battle, he declined, on account of age, the appoint- 
ment as first brigadier-general of the army, but as- colonel 
commanded a regiment in the Jerseys. His exposure brought 
on pleurisy, and he died at Peekskill, New York. 



prescott's regiment. 175 



CHAPTER VII. 

Services of the Regiments. Notices of the Officers. Numbers engaged. 
British Criticism. Destruction of Charlestown. 

It is difficult to assign with precision the credit due to the 
American regiments engaged in the Bunker Hill battle. None 
of the early accounts mention them in detail. No official 
report specifies the service they performed. And the only 
guide, in the printed material of 1775, is a list of the killed 
and wounded of each regiment, that appeared in a Providence 
newspaper. The official returns of the army, previous to 
June 17, are very imperfect, while those of a later date con- 
tain names of soldiers not in the action. I propose to devote 
a few pages to such notices of the regiments and their offi- 
cers, and such incidents connected with the battle, as appear 
authentic' 

William Prescott's regiment, from Middlesex, was commis- 
sioned May 26, and a return of this date is the latest, before 
the battle, I have seen. Its lieutenant-colonel, John Robin- 
son, and its major, Henry Wood, behaved with great coolness 
and bravery. Its adjutant, William Green, was wounded. 
Captains Maxwell and Farwell were badly wounded; and 
Lieutenants Faucett and Brown were wounded, — the former 
mortally, and was left in the hands of the enemy. Lieut. Pres- 
cott, a nephew of the colonel, and probably of this regiment, 
received a ball in the arm, but continued to load his musket, 
and was passing by the sally-port to discharge it, when a 
cannon shot cut him in pieces. 

James Frye's regiment, from Essex, was commissioned 
May 20. The latest return is dated May 26. James Bricket 
was lieutenant-colonel ; Thomas Poor, major ; Daniel Hardy, 
adjutant ; Thomas Kittredge, surgeon. Colonel Frye did not 

1 See the Appendix for a table of the companies of the several regiments, 
and the number of the men. 
15^ 



176 BUNKER HILL BATTLE. 

go to Breed's Hill with his regiment on the evening of June 
16, on account of indisposition ; but was in the battle, behaved 
with spirit, and was active in urging on reinforcements. 
Lieutenant-colonel Bricket, a physician, was wounded early 
in the action, and, with other surgeons, repaired to the north 
side of Bunker Hill, and remained in attendance on the 
wounded. 

Ebenezer Bridge's regiment was commissioned May 27. 
Moses Parker was lieutenant-colonel ; John Brooks, major ; 
Joseph Fox, adjutant ; John Bridge, quartermaster. A return, 
dated June 23, gives but nine companies belonging to it. 
Though the whole regiment was ordered to parade on the 
16th of June, yet, it is stated that three of its companies did 
not go on under Colonel Prescott. Ford's company reached 
the field just before the action began ; and a portion of this 
regiment, — two companies, — under Major Brooks, were on 
the way to the hill wlien the Americans were retreating. 
Colonel Bridge, though wounded on the head and in the neck 
by a sword cut, and though he was one of the last to retreat, 
did not escape the scrutiny that took place in relation to the 
battle. It was charged against him that he kept too cau- 
tiously covered in the redoubt. He was tried, and acquitted 
on the ground of indisposition of body. 

Lieutenant-colonel Parker was a skilful and brave veteran 
of the French wars, and behaved with great gallantry in the 
action. A ball fractured his knee, and he was left in the 
redoubt. The British carried him a prisoner to Boston, lodged 
him in the jail, where, after the amputation of his leg, he 
died on the 4th of July, aged forty-three. He was a good 
officer, much beloved by his regiment, and his loss was 
severely felt. An obituary notice of him, — in the New Eng- 
land Chronicle, July 21, 1775, — says: "In him fortitude, 
prudence, humanity, and compassion, all conspired to heighten 
the lustre of his military virtues;" and it states, that " through 
the several commissions to which his merit entitled him, he 
had always the pleasure to find that he possessed the esteem 
and respect of his soldiers, and the applause of his country- 
men." The notice concludes in the following strain : "God 
grant each individual that now is, or may be, engaged in the 



little's regiment. 177 

American army, an equal magnitude of soul : so shall their 
names, unsullied, be transmitted in the latest catalogue of 
fame ; and if any vestiges of liberty shall remain, their praises 
shall be rehearsed through the earth ' till the sickle of time 
shall crop the creation.' " 

Major Brooks — afterwards Governor Brooks — was not on 
the hill in the afternoon. His duties on this day have been 
stated. Captain Walker, whose daring reconnoitre service 
has been described, was carried to Boston, severely wounded. 
His leg was amputated, but he did not receive proper atten- 
tion, and died during the following August, Captain Coburn's 
clothes were riddled with balls. Captain Bancroft fought 
nobly in the redoubt, and was wounded. Captain Ford 
behaved with much spirit. 

Moses Little's regiment was not commissioned until Jmie 
26. A return, dated June 1.5, of nine companies, reports 
Captain Collins' company in Gloucester, and Captain Parker's 
as ready to march from Ipswich. Depositions state that, on 
the evening of June 16, Captains Gerrish and Perkins were at 
West Cambridge, and that Captain Lunt was detached to 
Lechmere's Point, as a guard. Captain Perkins', Wade's, and 
Warner's companies were led on by Colonel Little, before the 
action commenced ; Captain Lunt went on near its close. 
Colonel Swett states that Captain Warner, who narrowly 
escaped, led on but twenty-three men, and that seventeen of 
these were either killed or wounded. Only forty are returned 
as killed and wounded of this regiment. Colonel Little is 
mentioned as behaving with spirit. Depositions state that 

Isaac Smith was lieutenant-colonel, Collins, major, and 

Stephen Jenkins, adjutant. The accounts of this regiment 
are very confused. 

Ephraim Doolittle's ' regiment was commissioned June 12, 

* Doolittle's orderly book contains the following. June 16. — Parole, Leb- 
anon. Countersign, Coventry. Field-officer of the day, Colonel Nixon ; of 
the picket guard to-night, Major Brooks. Field-officer of the main guard 
to-morrow morning, Lt.-col. Hutchinson. Adjutant of the day, Holden. 

June 17. — Parole, Deerfield. Countersign, Conway. Field-officer of 
the day, Col. Gerrish. Field-officer of the picket guard to-night, Major 
Wood. Field-officer of the main guard to-morrow morning, Lt.-col. Bald- 
win. Adjutant of the day, Febiger. 



17S BUNKER HILL BATTLE. 

when a return names only seven companies. The colonel and 
lieutenant-colonel were absent on the day of the battle, and 
Major Willard Moore led on, it is stated, three hundred of its 
men. Few details are preserved of the service of this reg- 
iment, or of the conduct of its officers. The depositions speak 
in glowing terms of the good qualities of Major Moore. He 
was a firm patriot, and a generous and chivalrous soldier. On 
the second attack he received a ball in the thigh, and while 
his men were carrying him to the rear another ball went 
through his body. He called for water, but none could be 
obtained nearer than the Neck. He lingered until the time of 
the retreat, when, feeling his wounds to be mortal, he request- 
ed his attendants to lay him down, leave him, and take care 
of themselves. He met with a soldier's death. He was from 
Paxton. He took a prominent part in the Worcester Conven- 
tion of January, 1774 ; was chosen captain of the minute-men 
January 17, 1775 ; and, on the Lexington alarm, immediately 
marched for Cambridge. Few notices appear of individuals 
of this regiment. Robert Steele, a drummer, stated in 1825, 
that he "beat to Yankee Doodle when he mustered for Bun- 
ker Hill on the morning of the 17th of June, 1775." 

Samuel Gerrish's regiment, about which so much has been 
written, was neither full nor commissioned. On the 19th of 
May it was reported to be complete ; but there were difficul- 
ties in relation to six of the companies, which were investi- 
gated June 2. Four companies were in commission June 17, 
and four more were commissioned June 22. Depositions sta- 
tion, June 16, three companies at Chelsea, three at Cambridge, 
and two at Sewall's Point. At a meeting of eight captains of 
this regiment, June 16, at Chelsea, Loammi Baldwin was 
chosen lieutenant-colonel, Richard Dodge, major. Christian 
Febiger was adjutant, Michael Farley was quartermaster, and 
David Jones, surgeon. The conduct of the colonel of this 
regiment became the occasion of severe comment. A dis- 
paraging allusion to him occurs in Dr. Church's traitorous 
letter, in 1775 ; Wilkinson stations him on Bunker Hill, and 
with him all the reinforcements that came on after Stark 
passed to the rail fence ; the revolutionary depositions are 
equally severe. In some of the statements the whole reg- 



COLONEL GARDNER. 179 

iment is also included. This, however, does gross injustice 
to a part of it, if not to the whole of it. Part of it went on, 
under its gallant adjutant, Febiger, and did good service. Of 
Colonel Gerrish's conduct. Colonel Swett says : " A com- 
plaint was lodged against him, with Ward, immediately after 
the battle, who refused to notice it, on account of the unorgan- 
ized state of the army. He was stationed at SewalFs Point, 
which was fortified; in a few weeks, a floating battery made 
an attack on the place, which he did not attempt to repel, 
observing, ' The rascals can do us no harm, and it would be 
a mere waste of powder to fire at them with our four-pound- 
ers.' It was evening, the lights were extinguished, and all 
the British balls flew wide of the fort. For his conduct on 
this occasion, and at Bunker Hill, he was arrested immedi- 
ately, tried, found guilty of 'conduct unworthy an officer,' 
and cashiered." This was August 19, 1775. It was thought 
by the judge advocate of the court that he was treated far too 
severely. 

Adjutant Christian Febiger behaved with great gallantry in 
leading on a portion of this regiment in time to do efficient 
service. He was a Danish lieutenant, and enlisted April 28. 
He afterwards went with Arnold to Quebec, where he 
behaved with the resolution and intrepidity of a veteran, and 
gave many proofs of great military abilities. He was taken 
prisoner in the attack. He subsequently rose to the rank of 
colonel, and distinguished himself at the memorable storming 
of Stony Point, in 1779, where he led a column by the side 
of General Wayne. 

Thomas Gardner's regiment, of Middlesex, was commis- 
sioned on the 2d of June. William Bond was lieutenant- 
colonel, and Michael Jackson was major. After the British 
landed, this regiment was stationed in the road leading to 
Lechmere's Point, and late in the day was ordered to Charles- 
town. On arriving at Bunker Hill, General Putnam ordered 
part of it to assist in throwing up defences commenced at this 
place. One company went to the rail fence. The greater 
part, under the lead of their colonel, on the third attack, 
advanced towards the redoubt. On the way. Colonel Gard- 
ner was struck by a ball, which inflicted a mortal wound. 



180 BUNKER HILL BATTLE. 

While a party was carrying him off, he had an affecting 
interview with his son, a youth of nineteen, who was anxious 
to aid in bearing him from the field. His heroic father pro- 
hibited him, and he was borne on a htter of rails over Winter 
Hill. Here he was overtaken by the retreating troops. He 
raised himself on his rude couch, and addressed to them 
cheering words. He lingered until July 3, when he died. 
On the 5th he was buried with the honors of war.' He was 
in his fifty-second year, and had been a member of the General 
Court, and of the Provincial Congress. He was a true patriot, 
a brave soldier, and an upright man. An obituary notice of 
him in the Essex Gazette, July 13, 1775, says: "From the 
era of our public difficulties he distinguished himself as an 
ardent friend to the expiring liberties of America; and by the 
unanimous suffrages of his townsmen was for some years 
elected a member of the General Assembly; but when the 
daring encroachments of intruding despotism deprived us 
of a constitutional convention, and the first law of nature 
demanded a substitute, he was chosen one of the Provincial 
Congress; in which departments he was vigilant and indefati- 
gable in defeating every effort of tyranny. To promote the 
interest of his country was the delight of his soul. An inflexi- 
ble zeal for freedom caused him to behold every engine of 
oppression with contempt, horror, and aversion." He devoted 
to military affairs not only a large share of his time, but of 
his fortune. His private character is highly eulogized. He 
was, "to his family kind, tender, and indulgent; to his 
friends, unreserved and sincere; to the whole circle of his 
acquaintance, affable, condescending, and obliging; while 
veneration for religion augmented the splendor of his sister 
virtues." ^ 

' Extract from Washington's orders, July 4, 1775. " Colonel Gardner is 
to be buried to-morrow, at three o'clock, p. m., with the military honors due 
to so brave and gallant an officer, who fought, bled, and died in the cause of 
his country and mankind. His own regiment, except the company at Mai- 
den, to attend on this mournful occasion. The place of these companies, in 
the lines, on Prospect Hill, to be supplied by Colonel Glover's regiment, till 
the funeral is over." 

2 In 1776, a tract was published in Philadelphia, entitled " The Battle of 
Bunker's Hill. A Dramatic Piece, of five acts, in Heroic Measure. By a 



ward's regiment. 181 

Blajor Jackson had a personal encounter with a British 
officer, whom he killed, while he received a ball through his 
side. His life was preserved by his sword belt. He was 
recognized by his antagonist, with whom he had served in 
former wars. 

One of the companies of this regiment — Captain Josiah 
Harris' — was raised in Charlestown. Colonel Swett pays 
this company — the last to retreat — the following compli- 
ment: "They were fighting at their own doors, on their 
own natal soil. They were on the extreme left, covered by 
some loose stones thrown up on the shore of the Mystic, dur- 
ing the day, by order of Colonel Stark. At this most import- 
ant pass into the country, against which the enemy made the 
most desperate efforts, like Leonidas' band, they had taken 
post, and like them they defended it till the enemy had 
discovered another." 

General Ward's regiment, of Worcester, was commissioned 
May 23. Jonathan Ward was lieutenant-colonel; Edward 
Barnes, major ; Timothy Bigelow, second major ; James Hart, 
adjutant; William Boyd, quartermaster. This regim^t 
was not ordered to Charlestown until late in the afternoon, 
and halted on its way ; but a detachment from it pushed on, 
and arrived m season to take part in the action. Lieutenant- 
colonel Ward, with a few troops, reached the rail fence ; and 
Captains Cushing and Washburn, and another company, 
fired upon the British after the retreat commenced from the 

Grentleman of Maryland." In the dedication, the author says, " It was at first 
drawn up for an exercise in oratory." The three American officers named 
are Warren, Putnam, and Gardner. Several speeches are put into the mouth 
of Gardner. One, after he had been desperately wounded, will give a suffi- 
cient idea of the matter and style of the piece : — 

" A musket ball, death-winged, has pierced my groin, 
And v/idely op'd the swift curr'nt of my veins. 
Bear me, then, soldiers, to that hollow space, 
A little hence, just in the hill's decline. 
A surgeon there may stop the gushing wound. 
And gain a short, respite to life, that yet 
I may return, and fight one half hour more. 
Then shall I die in peace, and to my God 
Surrender up the spirit which he gave." 



182 BUNKER HILL BATTLE, 

redoubt. The remainder of the regiment, under Major Barnes, 
retreated before it got near enough to engage the enemy. 

Jonathan Brewer's regiment, of Worcester and Middlesex, 
consisted, .Tune 15, of 397 men. William Buckminster was 
lieutenant-colonel, and Nathaniel Cudworth major, — all of 
whom did excellent duty in the battle. On the same day, the 
committee of safety recommended the officers of this regiment 
to be commissioned, with the exception of Captain Stebbins, 
who did not have the requisite number of men. Colonel 
Swett states that this regiment went on about three hundred 
strong; revolutionary depositions state one hundred and fifty. 
It was stationed mostly on the diagonal line between the 
breastwork and rail fence. Few details are given respecting 
Colonel Brewer, other than that he was consulted often by 
Prescott, behaved with spirit, and was wounded ; or of Major 
Cudworth, — the same who led the Sudbury minute-men to 
attack the British troops on the 19th of April. Lieutenant- 
colonel Buckminster acquired much reputation for bravery 
and prudence in the battle. Just before the retreat, he 
received a dangerous wound from a musket ball entering his 
right shoulder, and coming out in the middle of his back. 
This made him a cripple during life. He was much respected 
for his sterling integrity, patriotism, and goodness of heart. 
He was born in Framingham in 1736, removed in 1757 to 
Barre, was elected in 1774 to command the minute-men, and 
after his arrival in camp was chosen lieutenant-colonel. He 
died in 1786.^ 

John Nixon's regiment, from Middlesex and Worcester, was 
neither full nor commissioned, and both the returns and the 
details of it are very meagre. Only three companies appear 
in a list dated June 16, and the officers of them are all that 
appear to have been in commission at this date. Colonel 
Swett states that three hundred were led on to the field 

• The inscription on his monument is said to faithfully describe his charac- 
ter: — "Sacred to the memory of Colonel William Buckminster. An 
industrious farmer, a useful citizen, an honest man, a sincere Christian, a 
brave officer, and a friend to his country ; in whose cause he courageously 
fought, and was dangerously wounded at the battle of Bunker's Hill. He 
was born Dec. 15, a. d. 1736. Died June 22, a. d. 1786." 



gridley's battalion. 183 

by Colonel Nixon, who behaved with great gallantry. He 
was badly wounded, and carried off the hill. 

Benjamin R. Woodbridge's regiment, of Hampshire, also, 
was not commissioned, and there are few details of it, or of its 
officers, in the accounts of the battle. A return dated June 
16 names eight captains, four lieutenants, four ensigiis, and 
three hundred and sixty-three men. Abijah Brown was lieu- 
tenant-colonel, and William Stacy major. Colonel Swett 
names this regiment, also, as going on three hundred strong. 
But in this case, and in the case of Nixon's, it is probably 
too high an estimate. 

Asa Whitcomb's regiment, of Worcester, had but few com- 
panies in the battle. One account, by a soldier, states that 
Captain Benjamin Hastings, belonging to it, led on a company 
of thirty-four, and took post at the rail fence. This name 
does not occur in a return dated June 3. Two companies. 
Captains Burt's and Wilder's, were probably in the battle. 

James Scammans' regiment, from Maine, did not advance 
nearer the battle than Bunker Hill ; and its colonel was tried 
for disobedience of orders, but acquitted. This trial was 
printed at length, in the N. E. Journal of February 1776. 
In a petition, dated November 14, 1776, he requested a com- 
mission to raise a regiment. " being willing to show his 
country that he was ready at all times to risk his fortune and 
life in defence of it." It commenced as follows: "Whereas 
his conduct has been called in question respecting the battle 
of Charlestown, in June, 1775, wherein the dispositions made 
were such as could render but little prospect of success." 

John Mansfield's regiment was ordered to Charlestown, but 
marched to Cobble Hill, to protect the detachment of artillery, 
under Major Scarborough Gridley. Colonel Mansfield was 
tried for "remissness and backwardness in the execution of 
his duty," sentenced "to be cashiered, and rendered unfit to 
serve in the continental army."^ Colonel Swett remarks, 
that he " was obviously guilty of an error only, arising from 
inexperience." 

Richard Gridley's battalion of artillery, notwithstanding 
the great exertions that had been made to complete it. was 
not settled at the time of the battle. It consisted of ten com- 
16 



184 BUNKER HILL BATTLE. 

panics, — four hundred and seventeen men. In a return 
dated June 16, Scarborough Gridley, son of the colonel, is 
titled lieutenant-colonel, and William Burbeck major; but 
the committee of safety of this date recommended Congress 
to commission the captains and subalterns of the train, and 
William Burbeck as lieutenant-colonel, Scarborough Gridley 
as first major and David Mason as second major. But these 
officers were not commissioned until June 21, when Gridley 
was made second major. Three companies were in battle : 
Captain Gridley's, Trevett's, and Callender's. One other — 
Capt. Foster's — advanced as far as Bunker Hill, when it was 
obliged to retreat. Details of the conduct of these companies 
have been given. All accounts agree that the artillery, in 
general, was badly served. 

Colonel Richard Gridley, the chief engineer of the army, 
who planned the works on Breed's Hill, was a veteran of the 
French wars, and distinguished himself at the siege of Louis- 
burg. He was taken ill on the morning of the 17th, after the 
fatigue of the night, and left the hill ; but returned before the 
action commenced, and fought until the retreat, aiding in dis- 
charging one of the field-pieces. He was struck, near the 
close of the battle, by a ball, and entered his sulky to be 
caxried off; but meeting with some obstruction, had but just 
left it, when the horse was killed and the sulky was riddled 
by the enemy's shot. The veteran engineer was active in 
planning the fortifications that were thrown up immediately 
after the battle. He received from the Provincial Congress 
the rank of major-general ; and commissioned September 20, 
177.5, to take the command of the artillery in the continental 
army. In November, he was superseded by Colonel Knox. 
Washington, December 31, stated to Congress that no one in 
the army was better qualified to be chief engineer ; and his 
services were again called for, on the memorable night when 
Dorchester Heights were fortified. After the British had 

left Boston, he was intrusted with the duty of again throw- 
ing up works in Charlestown, and other points about the 
harbor. He died at Stoughton, June 21, 1796, aged eighty- 
four. 

Major Scarborough Gridley, who was ordered with addi- 



CAPTAIN CALLENDER. 185 

tional artillery companies to Charlestown, but took post at 
Cobble Hill to fire at the Glasgow frigate, was tried by a 
court-martial, of which General Greene was president. The 
following was the sentence, September 24, 1775: "Major 
Scarborough Gridley, tried at a late court-martial, whereof 
Brigadier-general Greene was president, for ' being deficient in 
his duty upon the 17th of June last, the day of the action upon 
Bunker's Hill,' the court find Major Scarborough Gridley 
guilty of a breach of orders. They do, therefore, dismiss him 
from the Massachusetts service ; but, on account of his inex- 
perience and youth, and the great confusion that attended that 
day's transactions in general, they do not consider him incapa- 
ble of a continental commission, should the general officers 
recommend him to his excellency." He was a son of Colonel 
Gridley ; and parental partiality procured his appointment in 
preference to that of Benjamin Thompson, afterwards the 
celebrated Count Rumford. The latter accompanied Major 
Brooks the last time he was ordered on, and met the Ameri- 
cans in their retreat. 

Captain Callender, for disobedience of orders and alleged 
cowardice, was tried June 27, — the first of the trials on 
account of this battle. The court sentenced him to be cash- 
iered ; and Washington, in an order, July 7, declared him to 
be "dismissed from all further service in the continental ser- 
vice as an officer." But Capt. Callender despised the charge 
of cowardice; and, determining to wipe out the unjust stigma, 
continued in the army as a volunteer. At the battle of Long 
Island he fought with such signal bravery that Washing- 
ton ordered the sentence to be erased from the orderly book, 
and his commission to be restored to him. He was taken 
prisoner by the enemy, August 27, 1776. He remained over 
a year in the hands of the British. A touching petition, dated 
September 15, 1777, was addressed to the government of Mas- 
sachusetts by his wife, in his behalf. "Your petitioner," it 
says, " with four helpless infants, is now, through the dis- 
tress of a kind and loving husband, a tender and atfectionate 
parent, reduced to a state of misery and wretchedness and 
want, truly pitiable." Her devotion had found a way of 
relief, by an exchange, and it was successful. Colonel Swett 



186 BUNKER HILL BATTLE. 

States that this brave soldier left the service at the peace with 
the highest honor and reputation. 

Captain S. R. Trevett's gallantry and perseverance rescued 
the only field-piece saved of the six taken to the field. He lived 
to an advanced age. 

The New Hampshire troops consisted of the regiments of 
Colonels Stark and Reed, and one company, Reuben Dow's, 
in Prescott's regiment. They fought with great bravery. 

Colonel John Stark's regiment was large and full. There 
is no return, however, specifying the number of men, in the 
office of the secretary of state of New Hampshire. In the roll 
Isaac Wyman is named lieutenant-colonel ; Andrew McClary, 
major, (though the records of the Congress state that he was 
appointed major of the third or Poor's regiment ;) Abiel Chand- 
ler, adjutant ; John Caldwell, quartermaster ; David Osgood, 
chaplain ; Obadiah Williams, surgeon ; Samuel McClintock, 
chaplain. 

Colonel Stark — afterwards the hero of Bennington — be- 
haved with his characteristic bravery. After he had detached, 
early in the morning, a third of his men, it is said he visited 
the redoubt in company with his major, when he found his 
men in the hollow between Winter and Ploughed Hills. On 
leading the troops into action, he made a spirited address, and 
ordered three cheers to be given. By his order, also, the 
stones on the beach of Mystic River were thrown up in the 
forna of a breastwork. These are nearly all the particulars 
relating to his conduct that have been stated. But all 
accounts speak of his coolness and intrepidity. 

When the order was received for the remainder of this reg- 
iment to march to Bunker Hill, it was paraded in front of a 
house used as an arsenal, where each man received a gill cup 
full of powder, fifteen balls, and one flint. After this the car- 
tridges were to be made up, and this occasioned much delay. 
Hence the regiment did not get to the hill until about two 
o'clock. 

The major of this regiment, Andrew McClary, was a 
favorite officer. He was nearly six feet and a half in height, 
and of an athletic frame. During the action he fought with 
great bravery ; and amidst the roar of the artillery his sten- 



reed's regiment. 187 

torian voice was heard animating the men, and inspiring them 
with his own energy. After the action was over, he rode to 
Medford to procure bandages for the wounded ; and, on his 
return, went with a few of his comrades to reconnoitre the 
British, then on Bunker Hill. As he was on his way to rejoin 
his men, a shot from a frigate lying where Cragie's Bridge 
is, passed through his body. He leaped a few feet from the 
ground, pitched forward, and fell dead on his face. He was 
carried to Medford, and interred with the honors of war. He 
was, General Dearborn writes, a brave, great, and good 
man. A spirited notice of him appeared in the New Hamp- 
shire Gazette, dated Epsom, July, 1775. It says : " The 
major discovered great intrepidity and presence of mind in the 
action, and his noble soul glowed with ardor and the love of his 
country ; and, like the Roman Camillus, who left his plough, 
commanded the army, and conquered his opponents, so the 
major, upon the first intelligence of hostilities at Concord, left 
his farm and went a volunteer to assist his suffering brethren, 
where he was soon called to a command, which he executed 
to his eternal honor, and has thereby acquired the reputation 
of a brave officer and a disinterested patriot; and may his 
name be held in respect by all the lovers of liberty to the end 
of time, Avhile the names of the sons of tyranny are despised 
and disgraced, and nothing left to them but the badges of 
their perfidy and infamy ! May the widow of the deceased 
be respected for his sake; and may his children inherit, his 
spirit and bravery, but not meet with his fate!" 

Captain Henry 'Dearborn, who afterwards became so dis- 
tinguished in the history of the country, both in civil and 
military capacities, commanded one of the companies of this 
regiment, and has supplied an account of the action full of 
interesting details. 

The chaplain of the regiment, Dr. McClintock, was in the 
battle, animating the men by his exhortations, prayers, and 
intrepidity. 

James Reed's regiment, consisting, June 14, of 486 rank 
and file, was stationed at Charlestown Neck. Israel Gilman 
was lieutenant-colonel ; Nathan Hale, major ; Stephen Pea- 
body, adjutant ; Isaac Frye, quartermaster ; Ezra Green, sur- 
16* 



188 BUNKER HILL BATTLE. 

geon. Few details have been preserved of the service of this 
regiment. Colonel Reed was, Colonel Swett remarks, "a 
highly respectable officer, and served at Ticonderoga in 1776. 
His letters to the New Hampshire Congress bear evidence of 
a patriotic spirit, while his orders to his regiment evince a 
good disciplinarian. No special mention appears of him in 
the accounts of the battle. General Folsom, however, in 
writing of the gallantry of the New Hampshire troops, makes 
no discrimination. Adjutant Peabody behaved, General Sul- 
livan writes, with great courage and intrepidity. William 
Lee, first orderly sergeant of Spaulding's company, "not only 
fought well himself," — say the officers and men of this com- 
pany, in a petition to Washington, August 10, 1775, — " but 
gave good advice to the men to place themselves in right order, 
and to stand their ground well." 

The Connecticut forces at Cambridge were under the com- 
mand of General Putnam. His regiment (see page 100) was 
full, containing ten companies. Experience Storrs was his 
Heutenant-colonel, John Durkee his first major, and Obadiah 
Johnson his second major. A letter dated June 20, 1775, states 
that the whole of this regiment, excepting Captain Mosely's 
company, was in the action. Two companies that appear in 
the returns as belonging to General Spencer's regiment were 
certainly in the battle, — Chester's and Coit's. The number 
given — one hundred and twenty — as constituting the fatigue 
party that went on under Knowlton on the night of the 16th, 
rests on Grosvenor's letters. Chester states, that " by orders 
from head quarters, one subaltern, one sergeant, and thirty 
privates, were draughted out over night to intrench, from his 
company." Captain Clark, in a letter, June 17, 1818, says, 
he received orders from General Putnam "to detach one 
ensign, with twenty-eight men," to march early in the even- 
ing of the 16th of Juue. Draughts were made from Putnam's 
and Knowlton's company, and probably from one other.^ No 
order for more of the Connecticut forces to go on appears to 

1 It is certain that the two hundred Connecticut men went on which 
Chester states were called for. Thus, Sylvester Conant, of Storrs' com- 
pany, was on the hill during the night ; Josiah Cleaveland slates that thirty 
of his company went on. 



THE CONNECTICUT TKOOPS. 189 

have been given, until General Putnam gave it, after the Brit- 
ish landed, about noon, on the 17th. 

The conduct of the Connecticut troops is mentioned in terms 
of high commendation in the private letters and the journals 
of the time. Major Durkee ; Captains Knowlton, Chester, 
Coit ; Lieutenants Dana, Hide, Grosvenor, Webb, Bingham, 
and Keyes, are specially named as deserving of credit. One 
letter states that the officers and soldiers under the command 
of Major Durkee, Captains Knowlton, Coit, Clark, and Ches- 
ter, and all the Connecticut troops ordered up, and some from 
this province, did honor to themselves and the cause of their 
country. An article printed directly after the battle in the 
Connecticut Courant says: " Captain Chester and Lieutenant 
Webb, who marched up to the lines and reinforced the troops, 
by their undaunted behavior, timely and vigorous assistance, 
it is universally agreed, are justly entitled to the grateful 
acknowledgments of their country." They went on near 
the close of the battle. In a letter dated July 11, 1775, and 
addressed to Silas Dean, Lieutenant Webb gives a vivid idea 
both of the hotness of the fire, and of the desperate nature of 
the hand-to-hand contests of the day. " For my part, 1 con- 
fess," he writes, " when I was descending into the valley, from 
off Bunker Hill, side by side of Captain Chester, at the head 
of our company, I had no more thought of ever rising the hill 
again than I had of ascending to heaven, as Elijah did, soul 
and body together. But after we got engaged, to see the dead 
and wounded around me, I had no other feeling but that of 
revenge. Four men were shot dead within five feet of me, 
but, thank Heaven, I escaped, with only the graze of a mus- 
ket ball on my hat. I think it my duty to tell you of the 
bravery of one of our company. Edward Brown stood side 
by side with Gershom Smith, in the intrenchments. Brown 
saw his danger, — discharged his own and Smith's gun when 
they came so close as to push over our small breastwork. 
Brown sprang, seized a regular's gun, took it from him, and 
killed him on the spot ; brought off the gun in triumph, and 
has it now by him. In this engagement we lost four brave 
men, and four wounded." 

The conduct of Captain Thomas Knowlton elicited high 



190 BUNKER HILL BATTLE. 

praise. He was a native of Boxford, Massachusetts, but 
while a boy removed to Ashford, Connecticut. He served 
with distinction in the French wars, then became a prosperous 
farmer ; and on his appearing on the Lexington alarm, as a 
volunteer in the Ashford militia company, to march to the 
camp, was unanimously elected captain. General Putnam 
knew his merit, and selected him to command the fatigue 
party to accompany Colonel Prescott. He commenced the 
construction of the rail fence protection, and fought here with 
admirable bravery and conduct, until the retreat. He received 
from a Bostonian a gold-laced hat, a sash and gold breast- 
plate, for his behavior in this battle. Soon after, he was pro- 
moted ; and while major, he made, January 8, 1776, a daring 
and successful excursion into Charlestown, to burn several 
houses used by the British ; and as lieutenant-colonel, was 
the confidant of Washington in the enterprise of the memor- 
able Nathan Hale. On the 16th of September, 1776, while 
exhibiting his usual intrepidity, he was killed at the battle of 
Harlem Heights. Washington, in the general orders, after 
alluding to his gallantry and bravery, and his fall while 
" gloriously fighting," said he " would have been an honor to 
any country." He was about thirty-six when he was killed. 

General Ward expressed his thanks to the troops engaged 
in this battle, in the following order, of June 24 : " The gen- 
eral orders his thanks to be given to those officers and soldiers 
who behaved so gallantly at the late action in Charlestown. 
Such bravery gives the general sensible pleasure, as he is 
thereby fully satisfied that we shall finally come off" victori- 
ous, and triumph over the enemies of freedom and America." 

So conflicting are the authorities, that the number of troops 
engaged, on either side, cannot be precisely ascertained. 
" The number of the Americans during the battle," Colonel 
Swett says, "was fluctuating, but may be fairly estimated at 
three thousand five hundred, who joined in the battle, and 
five hundred more, who covered the retreat." General Put- 
nam's estimate was two thousand two hundred. General 
Washington says the number engaged, at any one time, was 
one thousand five hundred, and this was adopted by Dr. 
Gordon. This is as near accuracy as can be arrived at. 



NUMBERS ENGAGED. 191 

General Gage, in his official account, states the British force 
at "sometiiing over two thousand," and yet the same ac- 
count acknowledges one thousand and fifty-four killed and 
wounded. This certainly indicates a force far larger than 
two thousand. Neither British accounts, nor the British 
plans of the battle, mention all the regiments that were in the 
field. Thus, the movements of the second battalion of 
marines are not given ; yet the official table of loss states that 
it had seven killed and thirty wounded; and Clarke, also, 
states it was not until after the Americans had retreated that 
General Gage sent over this second battalion, with four reg- 
iments of foot, and a company of artillery. Americans, who 
counted the troops as they left the wharves in Boston, state 
that five thousand went over to Charlestown ; and, probably, 
not less than four thousand were actually engaged. 

Statements were made as to the numbers engaged, in a 
debate in the House of Commons, December 7, 1775. The 
lord mayor, — Mr. Sawbridge, — said it had been very fash- 
ionable, both within and without doors, to stigmatize the 
Americans as cowards and poltroons, but he believed the 
truth would be found on the other side ; for he was well 
informed that the king's troops, in the action of Bunker's 
Hill, consisted of twenty-five hundred men, and the pro- 
vincials not quite fifteen hundred ; and even those fifteen 
hundred would have completely defeated the king's troops, 
if their ammunition had not been totally spent. Lord North 
said, he was but an indifferent judge of military operations; 
but, by the best accounts he could obtain, the provincials 
M^ere, at least, three to one, and were, besides, very strongly 
intrenched. He estimated the number of Americans at eight 
thousand, at least. Colonel Morris estimated the Americans 
at five thousand, and the British at twenty-five hundred. 

The time the battle lasted is variously stated; some ac- 
counts state four hours, but they include the heavy fire of 
artillery that covered the landing. The committee of safety 
(Ms.) account says : " The time the engagement lasted, from 
the first fire of the musketry till the last, was exactly one 
hour and a half" The losses of individuals in the battle 
were allowed by the colonies, and there are hundreds of peti- 



192 



BUNKER HILL BATTLE. 



tions from the soldiers in it. They often state the number of 
times the petitioner discharged his musket. Thus, one says : 
" He discharged his piece more than thirty times, within fair 
gun-shot, and he is confident he did not discharge it in vain." 
Another says: "He had an opportunity of firing seventeen 
times at our unnatural enemies, which he cheerfully improved, 
being a marksman." Several letters unite in stating the time 
of the action at one hour and a half. The general battle, 
with small arms, began about half past three, and ended about 
five.* 

The following is the record in General Ward's orderly 
book, — the only reference to the battle it contains, — of the 
loss of the Americans : " June 17. The battle of Charlestown 
was fought this day. Killed, one hundred and fifteen; 
wounded, three hundred and five; captured, thirty.'^ Total, 

* No mention is made of colors being used on either side. At one of the 
patriotic celebrations of 1825, a flag was borne which was said to have been 
unfurled at Bunker Hill ; and tradition states that one was hoisted at the 
redoubt, and that Gage and his officers were puzzled to read by their glasses 
its motto. A Whig told them it was — " Come if you dare! " In the 
eulogy on Warren is the following, in a description of the astonishment of 
the British on seeing the redoubt : — 

" Soon as Aurora gave the golden day, 
And drove the sable shades of night away, 
Columbia's troops are seen in dread array, 
And waving streamers in the air display." 

In a Ms. plan of the battle, colors are represented in the centre of each 
British regiment. 

2 The following list of prisoners taken by the British June 17 appeared 
in the journals of September, 1775 : — 



Lieutenant-colonel Parker, . . Chelmsford, . 
Captain Benjamin Walker, . . ■ Chelmsford, . 

Lieutenant Amaziah Fausett, . Groton, . . 

Lieutenant William Scott, . . PeterbQrough, 

Sergeant Robert Phelps, . . Lancaster, . . 

Phineas Nevers, Windsor, . . 

Oliver Stevens, Townsend, . 

Daniel McGrath, Unknown, 

John Perkins, New Rutland, 

Jacob Frost, Tewskbury, . 



Dead. 



Alive. 
Dead. 



Alivo. 



LOSS OF THE AMERICANS. 



193 



four hundred and fifty." They, also, lost five pieces of can- 
non out of six, and a large quantity of intrenching tools. 
The following table shows the loss sustained by each reg- 
iment, and presents a somewhat different result: — 





Killed. 


Vounded. 


Prescott's, . 


, 42 . 


28 


Bridge's, . . 


. 15 . 


29 


Frye's, . . 


15 . 


31 


Brewer's, 


. 7 , 


11 


Little's, . . 


7 . 


23 


Gardner's, 


6 . 


7 


Nixon's, . . . 


3 . 


10 


Woodbridge's, 


1 . 


5 


Doolittle's, . 


. 


9 



Gridley's, 
Ward's, . . 


Killed. Wounded. 

. . 4 

1 . . 6 


Scammans', . 


. 


2 


Gerrish's, . . 


3 . 


2 


Whitcomb's, . 


5 . 


8 


Stark's, . . 
Reed's, . . 


15 . 
5 . 


45 
21 


Putnam & Colt C 


o.,ll . 


26 


Chester's Co., 


4 . 


4 



Killed, 140; wounded, 271 ;* captured, 30. 

Some of the dead were buried on the field of battle. One 
deposit appears to have been a trench near the line of the 



lad 



Amasa Fisk, 
Daniel Sessions, 
Jonathan Norton, 
Philip Johnson Beck, 
Benjamin Bigelow, 
Benjamin Wilson, . 
Archibald Mcintosh, 
David Kemp, . . 
John Deland, . 
Lawrence Sullivan, 
Timothy Kettell, (a 
William Robinson, 
Benjamin Ross, 
John Dillon, 
One unknown, . 
William Kench, . 
James Dodge, . . 
William Robinson, 
John Lord , . . . 
James Milliken, 
Stephen Foster, . 

Total, — 20 dead. 



Pepperell, . , 
Andover, . 
Newburyport, 
Boston — Mansfield , 
Peckerfield, 
Billerica, . 
Townsend, 
Groton, 
Charlestown, 
Wethersfield, 
Dismissed Charlestown 
Unknown, .... 
Ashford, Conn., 
Jersey, Old England, 



Peckerfield, . . . 
Edinburgh, Scotland, 
Connecticut, . 
Unknown, .... 
Boston, .... 
Groton, .... 
10 alive, 1 dismissed. 



Dead. 

Alive- 



Dead. 
Alive. 

Dead. 



^ This list has been made up from letters, official returns, and an article in 
a Providence newspaper. The latter is not correct. It does not give the 
loss in Reed's regiment. 



194 BUNKER HILL BATTLE. 

almshouse estate, running parallel with Elm-street. Here a 
large number of American buttons have been found attached 
to bones. Americans were buried in other places in Charles- 
town, which are known from similar circumstances. The 
wounded were carried to the western side of Bunker Hill, and 
then to Cambridge. Doctors Thomas Kittredge, William 
Eustis, — afterwards governor, — Walter Hastings, Thomas 
Welsh, Isaac Foster, Lieut.-col. Bricket, David Townsend, 
and John Hart, were in attendance. The house of Gov- 
ernor Oliver, in Cambridge, known as the Gerry estate, was 
occupied as a hospital. Many of the soldiers who died 
of their wounds were buried in a field in front of this house. 
Rev. Samuel Cook's house, at West Cambridge, was also 
used for a hospital. The prisoners were carried to Boston 
jail. 

The loss of the British was admitted, in the official account, 
to have been two hundred and twenty-six killed, eight hun- 
dred and twenty-eight wounded: total, one thousand and 
fifty-four. But the Americans set it as high as fifteen 
hundred. The wounded, during the Avhole night and the 
next day, were conveyed to Boston, where the streets were 
filled with groans and lamentation. A letter, June 30, 1775, 
says: "I have seen many from Boston who were eye-wit- 
nesses to the most melancholy scene ever beheld in this part 
of the world. The Saturday night and Sabbath were taken up 
in carrying over the dead and wounded ; and all the Avood- 
carts in town, it is said, were employed, — chaises and coaches 
for the officers. They have taken the workhouse, almshouse, 
and manufactory-house, for the wounded." The physicians, 
surgeons, and apothecaries of Boston rendered every assist- 
ance in their power. The processions were melancholy 
sights. "In the first carriage," writes Clarke, "was Major 
Wilhams, bleeding and dying, and three dead captains of the 
fifty-second regiment. In the second, four dead officers ; then 
another with wounded officers." The privates who died on 
the field were immediately buried there, — "in holes," — 
Gage's report states. Collections of bones have been occasion- 
ally found on the east side of Breed's Hill, in digging wells or 
cellars, having attached to them buttons, with the numbers 



COLONEL ABERCROMBIE MAJOR PITCAIRN. 195 

of the different regiments. "On Monday morning," a British 
account says, " all the dead officers were decently buried in 
Boston, in a private manner, in the different churches and 
churchyards there." 

A large proportion of the killed were officers, and among 
them some highly distinguished. Lieutenant-colonel Aber- 
crombie, at the head of the grenadiers, was shot while storm- 
ing the works. He was a brave and noble-hearted soldier;' 
and when the men were bearing him from the field, he begged 
them to spare his old friend Putnam. " If you take General 
Putnam alive," he said, " don't hang him; for he's a brave 
man." He died on the 24th of June. 

Major Pitcairn, the commander of the marines, was widely 
known in the country from his connection with the events of 
the nineteenth of April, and many of the Americans claim the 
honor of having killed him in this battle. Dr. John Eliot 
wrote in his almanac the following account of his fall: " This 
amiable and gallant officer was slain entering the intrench- 
ments. He had been wounded twice ; then putting himself 
at the head of his forces, he faced danger, calling out, ' Now 
for the glory of the marines ! ' He received four balls in his 
body." ' He was much beloved by his command. "I have 
lost my father," his son exclaimed as he fell. "We have 
all lost a father," was the echo of the regiment. His son bore 
him to a boat, and then to a house in Prince-street, Boston, 
where he was attended by a physician, at the special request 
of General Gage,*^ but soon died. He was a courteous and 
accomplished officer, and an exemplary man. His son was 
soon promoted.^ 

Major Spendlove, of the forty-third regiment, another dis- 
tinguished officer, died of his wounds. He had served with 

' Memorandum in his almanac of 1775. '^ Ms. Letter. ^ A British account 
states that he was shot from the houses. Gage's official account implies that 
he did not die on the field. " Major Pitcairn wounded — since dead." The 
following notice appears in a newspaper of Aug. 15, 1775: "Lieutenant 
Pitcairn, of the marines, (who brought his father, Major Pitcairn, when mor- 
tally wounded at Boston, off the field of action,) is appointed a captain-lieu- 
tenant and captain in the said corps, though not in his turn, as an acknowl- 
edgment of the services of his gallant father." — Major Pitcairn had eleven 
children. A pension of £^200 a year was settled on his widow. 
17 



196 BUNKER HILL BATTLE. 

unblemished reputation, upwards of forty years, in the same 
regiment, and been three times wounded, — once when with 
Wolfe on the Plains of Abraham, again at the reduction of 
Martinico, and at the capture of Havana. His conduct at 
the battle was favorably mentioned by the commander. 
Other officers of merit fell. Captain Addison, related to the 
author of the Spectator, and Captain Sherwin, Howe's aid- 
de-camp, were killed. The slaughter of officers occasioned 
great astonishment in England. 

Of the officers who acted as aids to General Howe, all were 
wounded, and only one of them. Lieutenant Page, of the engi- 
neers, lived to reach England.' He distinguished himself at 
the storming of the redoubt, and made the fine plan of the 
battle that was the first correct one engraved in England, and 
is now first engraved in this country for this work. Many of 
the wounded officers returned to England ; and for many 
months the British journals contain notices of their arrival, 
and presentation at court. One of them, selected as a speci- 
men, reads as follows : "March, 28, 1776. — YesterdayCapt. 
Cockering, who lost his arm at Bunker's Hill, was introduced 
to his majesty at St. James', by the Duke of Chandois, and 
graciously received ; at the same time his majesty was pleased 
to present him with a captain's commission in a company of 
invalids." 

The British journals contain many comments on this battle, 
and for years they continued to publish incidents in relation 
to it. For several months after it took place letters from offi- 
cers engaged in it continued to appear in them. They were 
astonished at its terrible slaughter. It was compared with 
other great battles, especially with those of Quebec and of 
Minden. Officers who had served in all Prince Ferdinand's 
campaigns remarked, that " so large a proportion of a detach- 

* The London Chronicle, January 11, 1776.— "Afew days ago arrived in 
town, from Boston, Lieutenant Page, of his majesty's corps of engineers, 
on account of the wounds he received the 17th of June, in the action at 
Charlestown. This gentleman is the only one now living of those who acted 
as aids-de-camp to General Howe, so great was the slaughter of officers that 
day. He particularly distinguished himself in the storming of the redoubt, 
for which he received General Howe's thanks. " 



THE REDOUBT. 197 

ment was never killed and wounded in Germany." It far 
exceeded, in this respect, and in the hotness of the fire, the 
battle of Minden. The manner in which whole regiments 
and companies were cut up was commented upon. The 5th, 
the 59th, the Welsh Fusileers, were severely handled, and 
specially mentioned. One company of grenadiers, it was said, 
persevered in advancing after their officers fell, and five of 
their number only left, and they led on by the oldest soldier. 
This was adduced as a memorable instance of English valor ; 
and it was exultingly asked, "What history can produce its 
parallel 7" Attempts were made to account for the facts that 
so many of the British, and so few of the Americans, fell. 
One officer writes of the former, that the American rifles 
" were peculiarly adapted to take off" the officers of a whole 
line as it marches to an attack." Another writes, " That 
every rifleman was attended by two men, one on each side of 
him, to load pieces for him, so that he had nothing to do but 
fire as fast as a piece was put into his hand ; and this is the 
real cause of so many of our brave officers falling." One 
reason given why the British troops killed so few of the pro- 
vincials was, that the over-sized balls used by the artillery 
would not permit of a true shot.' Mean-time, transports with 
the wounded, and with the remains of the regiments which 
had been so cut up, as they arrived in England, continued to 
afford living evidence of the terrible realities of this conflict.'^ 

The British officers described the redoubt as having been so 
strong that it must have been the work of several days. One 
says : "The fortification on Bunker Hill must have been the 
work of some days ; it was very regular, and exceeding 

' A British paper says: " The reason why the royal army killed so few of 
the rebels was entirely owing to the mistake of those who had the care of the 
artillery, — taking with them a prodigious number of twelve pound shot for 
six pound pieces. Hence," the article gravely says, " it naturally required a 
great while to ram down such disproportioned shot ; nor did they, when dis- 
charged, fly with that velocity and true direction they would have done, had 
they been better suited to the size of the cannon." 

* March 5, 1776. — "A few days ago the shattered remains of the 18th 
regiment of foot, which was engaged in the action at Bunker's Hill, and 
reduced to only twenty-five men, arrived at Maidstone."-- British newspaper. 



198 



BUNKER HILL BATTLE. 



Strong." ^ A plan of it appeared in the Gentleman's Mag- 
azine, which is here presented as a curious memorial of the 
battle. It is called "Plan of the Redoubt and Intrenchment 
on the Heights of Charlestown, (commonly called Bunker's 
Hill,) opposite Boston, in New England, attacked and carried 
by his majesty's troops, June 17, 1775." 




Yards on a scale of 50 to an inch. ' Very deep hollow way. 

The Gentleman's Magazine says : " This redoubt was well 
executed. In the only side on which it could be attacked 
were two pieces of cannon. In the two salient angles were 
two trees, with their branches projecting off the parapet, to 
prevent an entry being made on the angles. The two flanks 

' This letter, Boston, June 22, says : " The fortification on Bunker Hill 
must have been the work of some days ; it was very regular, and exceeding 
strong, insomuch that here the rebels thought themselves secure from danger, 
and sure of success in destroying the town of Boston, which they had 
determined to do. Here they reserved their fire till our noble troops were 
almost under their ramparts, and stubbornly opposed them. Had the rebels 
gained the day, the town of Boston could not have stood long." 



BRITISH CRITICISM. 199 

(A and B) of the intrenchment were well contrived, as the 
fire from them crossed within twenty yards of the face of the 
redoubt. The flank C sufficiently secures its face ; and the 
bastion D, with its flanks E and B, is the best defence against 
such troops as might endeavor to pass or cut down the fence." 

General Dearborn says : " It was a square redoubt, the cur- 
tains of which were about sixty or seventy feet in extent, with 
an intrenchment or breastwork extending fifty or sixty feet 
fiom the northern angle, towards Mystic River. In the course 
of the night the ramparts had been raised to the height of six 
or seven feet, with a small ditch at their base ; but it was yet 
in a rude, imperfect state." 

General Howe, it was conceded even by his enemies, be- 
haved with great bravery through the whole battle. Of the 
notices of him in the British journals, I select the following : 
"General Howe, during the whole engagement on the 17th of 
June last, was in the most imminent danger ; and Mr. Evans, 
an English servant, who went over with him, could not be 
prevailed on to quit him till the whole of the action was over. 
Evans attended the whole time with wine and other neces- 
saries for the refreshment of the general and those about him ; 
during which, Evans had one of the bottles in his hand dashed 
to pieces, and got a contusion on one of his arms at the same 
time, by a ball from some of the provincials." 

General Clinton's services were highly commended, and 
great influence was ascribed to his advice. Few details, how- 
ever, are mentioned of his conduct, besides his rally of the 
troops for the third attack, and his advice to follow up the 
victory by a close pursuit. Few particulars, also, are named 
of General Pigot. General Gage attributed " the success of 
the d^Y, in a great measure, to his firmness and gallantry." 

The British commander was severely criticized. General 
Gage, it was said, had been urged repeatedly to take posses- 
sion of the heights of Charlestown, and committed a great 
error in delaying so important a measure. Even the ground 
had not been reconnoitred. The army should have landed in 
the rear of the Americans, and cut off" their retreat ; the force 
should have been concentrated against their left wing; the 
troops should have marched up in column on the first attack, 
17* 



200 BUNKER HILL BATTLE. 

and carried the works by the bayonet ; the luinecessary load 
they bore exhausted them before they got into action ; Mystic 
River was neglected, for the Symmetry transport might have 
taken a position at high water in the rear of the Americans, 
and played on their flank at the rail fence ; or one of the cov- 
ered boats, musket-proof, and carrying a heavy piece of can- 
non, might have been towed close in to the shore. And when 
the field was won, the success was less brilliant than it might 
have been, and ought to have been, for no pursuit was ordered 
after the Americans retreated. These criticisms, for the most 
part, were as just as they were severe. The issue of this 
battle destroyed the military reputation of General Gage, and 
occasioned his recall. 

Nor did the British troops, gallantly as they behaved, escape 
the denunciations of party. Many allusions to their conduct 
on this day were made in the debates of Parliament. Thus 
Colonel Barre, February 20, 1776, said the troops, out of aver- 
sion to the service, misbehaved on this day. General Bur- 
goyne arose with warmth, and contradicted Colonel Barre in 
the flattest manner. He allowed that the troops gave way a 
little at one time, because they were flanked by the fire out of 
the houses, &c.j at Charlestown, but they soon rallied and 
advanced ; and no men on earth ever behaved with more 
spirit, firmness, and perseverance, till they forced the enemy 
out of their intrenchments. This charge, in general, was 
certainly undeserved. At no time was British valor more 
needed to insure success, and at no time, General Gage 
remarked, was it "more conspicuous than in this action." 
In the general orders of June 19 was the following tribute : 
"The commander-in-chief returns his most grateful thanks to 
Major-general Howe, for the extraordinary exertion .of his 
military abilities on the 17th inst. He returns his thanks also 
to Major-general Clinton and Brigadier-general Pigot, for the 
share they took in the success of the day ; as well as to Lieu- 
tenant-colonels Nesbit, Abercrombie, Gunning, and Clarke; 
Majors Butler, Williams, Bruce, Tupper, Spendlove. Small, 
and Mitchell ; and the rest of the officers and soldiers, who, 
by remarkable efforts of courage and gallantry, overcame 
every disadvantage, and drove the rebels from their redoubt 



DESTRUCTION OF CHARE-ESTOWN. 201 

and strong-holds on the heights of Charlestown, and gained 
a complete victory." ' 

The wanton destruction of Charlestown excited indignation 
at home, and sympathy abroad. It had been repeatedly 
threatened previous to the battle. Its importance, in a mil- 
itary point of view, added to the bold and decided part it bore 
in the previous ten years' controversy, seemed to mark it for 
sacrifice. The threat of the nineteenth of April has been 
stated. The British general, on the 21st of April, sent to the 
selectmen a message to this effect, — that if American troops 
were allowed to occupy the town, or throw up works on the 
heights, the ships would be ordered to fire on it ; and subse- 
quently, probably when a part of the army marched into the 
town, General Gage sent word to the citizens that if the troops 
were not removed he would burn it. Consequently, a com- 
mittee waited upon General Ward, informed him of the threat, 
and stated that if the good of the cause required that the 
troops should remain they would not object. Comment is 
unnecessary on so interesting a fact, and one so honorable to 
the patriotism of the inhabitants of Charlestown.'^ 

In consequence of these threats, the belief in town was very 
general that its destruction would follow any military oper- 
ations within the peninsula. Hence the inhabitants, with the 

' On the 28th of September the acknowledgments of the crown were 
expressed in nearly similar terms. 

"^ Among the Mss. of Richard Devens, of Charlestown, is the following : 
" This town was given up. Upon the appearance of some American troops 
on B. Hill, Gen. G. (Gage) sent over from B. (Boston) and threatened the 
town that if (the) men were not removed from the hill he would burn the 
town. A committee from the T. (town) waited on the C. in chief, G. W., 
(commander-in-chief, General Ward,) informed him of the threat they had 
received from G. G., (General Gage,) and at the same time informed him 
that if it was for (the) good of the whole they would not object." 

An article in the London Chronicle, 1777, by one conversant with the 
ground and the battle, says : " So long before (the 17th) as the 21st of 
April, a message had been sent to the selectmen of Charlestown, that if they 
suffered the rebels to take possession of their town, or to throw up any works 
to annoy the ships, the ships would fire upon them." 

Gordon says : " General Gage had for some time resolved upon burning 
the town, when once any works were raised by the Ameri'cans upon the hills 
belonging to it." 



202 BUNKER HILL BATTLE. 

exception of about two hundred, had removed into the coun- 
try, — some residing with friends, the poor supported by the 
towns. Many carried with them their most valuable effects. 
Others had secreted their goods in various places, as in dried 
wells, in cellars, and holes dug in the ground. Committees 
were appointed to superintend the supply of provisions to 
those who remained. None could pass the Neck, however, 
without a permit from a person stationed at the " Sun Tav- 
ern," at this place. The owners of the pastures went in to mow 
the fields, and on the day previous to the battle the grass was 
cut in the neighborhood of the rail fence. The town, there- 
fore, on the day of the battle, was nearly deserted. 

A few of the citizens, however, remained np to the hour of 
the engagement. While the British were embarking, Rev. 
John Martin, who fought bravely in the action,' and was with 
the troops all night, left Breed's Hill, went to Chal-lestown 
Ferry, and with a spy-glass — Dr. Stiles writes — "viewed 
the shipping, and observed their preparations of floating bat- 
teries, and boats filling with soldiers. There were now in 
Charlestown a considerable number of people — one hundred or 
two hundred, or more, men and women — not yet removed, 
though the body of the people and effects were gone. While 
he called in at a house for a drink of water, a cannon ball 
from the shipping passed through the house. He persuaded 
the inhabitants to depart, but they seemed reluctant. He 
assured them that it would be warm work that day." He 
returned to the hill, but soon, about noon, went down again. 
" Mr. Gary and son," he says, — " still at their own house. — 
urged him to take some refreshment and rest, as he had been 
fatigued all night. He lay down at Mr. Gary's about ten 
minutes, when a ball .came through the house. He rose and 

' The following paragraph, dated New-Port, July 3, 1775, appeared in a 
newspaper : 

" Last Friday ewening the Rev. Mr. John Martin, who fought gallantly at 
Bunker's Hill, and is since appointed to a post in the Rhode Island regiment, 
preached an animating sermon in this town, from Nehemiah iv., and part of 
the 14th verse : ' jBe not afraid of them : Remember the Lord which is great 
and terrible, and fijght for your brethren, your sons and daughters, your wives 
and your daughters.' The next morning he preached another sermon, at 
five o'clock, and then set out for the camp." 



DESTRUCTION OF CHARLESTOWN. 203 

returned, and then the town evacuated with all haste." Ad- 
vertisements in the journals indicate that furniture was carried 
out on this day. 

General Burgoyne's letter supplies the most authentic de- 
scription of the burning of the town. He writes of the British 
columns as they were moving to the attack: "They were 
,also exceedingly hurt by musketry from Charlestown, though 
Clinton and I did not perceive it till Howe sent us word by a 
boat, and desired us to set fire to the town, which was Imme- 
diately done ; we threw a parcel of shells, and the whole was 
immediately in flames." The town was burning on the sec- 
ond attack. The smoke was seen a great distance. " Terrible 
indeed was that scene," — a letter from Salem reads, — " even 
at our distance. The western horizon in the day-time was 
one huge body of smoke, and in the evening a continued 
blaze ; and the perpetual sound of cannon and volleys of mus- 
ketry worked up our imaginations to a high degree of fright," 
The houses within the peninsula, with the exception of a few 
in the neighborhood of Mill-street, were entirely consumed. 
The number of buildings was estimated at about four hun- 
dred; and the loss of property at £117,982 5s. 2d,^ Some of 
the property secreted was found by the British, while much of 
it was recovered by the owners on the evacuation of the town. 
Many from Boston had deposited goods in this town for safe 
keeping, and these were consumed. Dr. Mather lost his 
library. The inhabitants made several applications to the 
General Court and to Congress for indemnification for their 
loss, but without effect. 

The destruction naturally excited great indignation in the 
colonies, John Langdon, in a letter dated Philadelphia, July 
3, 1775, writes : " The low, mean revenge and wanton cru- 
elty of the ministerial sons of tyranny, in burning the pleas- 
ant town of Charlestown, beggars all description ; this does 
not look like th> fight of those who have so long been friends, 
and would hope to be friends again, but rather of a most cruel 
enemy, — though we shall not wonder when we reflect, that it 
is the infernal hand of tyranny which always has, and ever 

* This estimate was made by a large committee, chosen by the town for 
this purpose in March, 1776, 



204 BUNKER HILL BATTLE. 

will, deluge that part of the world (which it lays hold of) in 
blood." 

The British Annual Register of 1775 said: "The fate of 
Charlestown was also a matter of melancholy contemplation 
to the serious and unprejudiced of all parties. It was the first 
settlement made in the colony, and was considered as the 
mother of Boston, — that town owing its birth and nurture to, 
emigrants of the former. Charlestown was large, handsome, 
and well built, both in respect to its public and private edi- 
fices ; it contained about four hundred houses, and had the 
greatest trade of any port in the province, except Boston. It 
is said that the two ports cleared out a thousand vessels annu- 
ally for a foreign trade, exclusive of an infinite number of 
coasters. It is now buried in ruins. Such is the termination 
of human labor, industry, and wisdom, and such are the fatal 
fruits of civil dissensions." 

I thus have attempted to present the chief incidents of this 
memorable battle. It is its connection with the cause of Ameri- 
can liberty that gives such an importance to this occasion, 
and such an interest to its minute details. In conclusion, I 
cannot forbear to extract the following reflections contained in 
an article of the October number of the North American 
Review of 1818, which is understood to be from the pen 
of Hon. Daniel Webster : — 

" No national drama was ever developed in a more interest- 
ing and splendid first scene. The incidents and the result of 
the battle itself were most important, and indeed most wonder- 
ful. As a mere battle, few surpass it in whatever engages and 
interests the attention. It was fought on a conspicuous emi- 
nence, in the immediate neighborhood of a populous city ; and 
consequently in the view of thousands of spectators. The at- 
tacking army moved over a sheet of water to the assault. The 
operations and movements were of course al> visible and all 
distinct. Those who looked on from the houses and heights 
of Boston had a fuller view of every important operation and 
event than can ordinarily be had of any battle, or than can 
possibly be had of such as are fought on a more extended 
ground, or by detachments of troops acting in different places, 



REFLECTIONS ON THE BATTLE, 205 

and at different times, and in some measure independently of 
each other. When the British columns were advancing to the 
attack, the flames of Charlestown (fired, as is generally sup- 
posed, by a shell) began to ascend. The spectators, far out- 
numbering both armies, thronged and crowded on every 
height and every point which afforded a view of the scene, 
themselves constituted a very important part of it. 

"The troops of the two armies seemed like so many com- 
batants in an amphitheatre. The manner in which they 
should acquit themselves was to be judged of, not, as in other 
cases of military engagements, by reports and future history, 
but by a vast and anxious assembly already on the spot, and 
waiting with unspeakable concern and emotion the progress 
of the day. 

" In other battles the recollection of wives and children has 
been used as an excitement to animate the warrior's breast 
and nerve his arm. Here was not a mere recollection, but an 
actual presence of them, and other dear connections, hanging 
on the skirts of the battle, anxious and agitated, feeling almost 
as if wounded themselves by every blow of the enemy, and 
putting forth, as it were, their own strength, and all the energy 
of their own throbbing bosoms, into every gallant effort of 
their warring friends. 

" But there was a more comprehensive and vastly more 
important view of that day's contest than has been men- 
tioned, — a view, indeed, which ordinary eyes, bent intently 
on what was immediately before them, did not embrace, but 
which was perceived in its full extent and expansion by minds 
of a higher order. Those men who were at the head of the 
colonial councils, who had been engaged for years in the pre- 
vious stages of the quarrel with England, and who had been 
accustomed to look forward to the future, were well apprised 
of the magnitude of the events likely to hang on the business 
of that day. They saw in it not only a battle, but the begin- 
ning of a civil war of unmeasured extent and uncertain 
issue. All America and all England were likely to be deeply 
concerned in the consequences. The individuals themselves, 
who knew full well what agency they had had in bringing 
affairs to this crisis, had need of all their courage ; — not that 



206 BUNKER HILL BATTLE. 

disregard of personal safety, in which the vulgar suppose true 
courage to consist, but that high and fixed moral sentiment, 
that steady and decided purpose, which enables men to pur- 
sue a distant end, with a full view of the difficulties and dan- 
gers before them, and with a conviction, that, before they 
arrive at the proposed end, should they ever reach it, they 
must pass through evil report as well as good report, and be 
liable to obloquy as well as to defeat. 

" Spirits that fear nothing else, fear disgrace; and this dan- 
ger is necessarily encountered by those who engage in civil 
war. Unsuccessful resistance is not only ruin to its authors, 
but is esteemed, and necessarily so, by the laws of all coun- 
tries, treasonable. This is the case at least till resistance 
becomes so general and formidable as to assume the form of 
regular war. But who can tell, when resistance commences, 
whether it will attain even to that degree of success? Some 
of those persons who signed the Declaration of Independence 
in 1776 described themselves as signing it ' as with halters 
about their necks.' If there were grounds for this remark in 
1776, when the cause had become so much more general, how 
much greater was the hazard when the battle of Bunker Hill 
was fought ! " 

" These considerations constituted, to enlarged and liberal 
minds, the moral sublimity of the occasion ; while to the out- 
ward senses, the movement of armies, the roar of artillery, the 
brilUancy of the reflection of a summer's sun from the bur- 
nished armor of the British columns, and the flames of a 
burning town, made up a scene of extraordinary grandeur." 



SCENES IN BOSTON. 207 



CHAPTER VIII. 

The Environs of Boston fortified. The Continental Army established. 
Description of the American Camp. 

The extraordinary news of the battle of Bunker Hill natu- 
rally created astonishment and alarm ; and the day following 
— Sunday, June 18 — was characterized around Boston by 
exciting rumor, intense anxiety, and painful suspense. A cir- 
cular of the committee of safety, stating that the British troops 
were moving into the country, and calling upon the militia to 
march forthwith to Cambridge, though soon countermanded, 
served to increase the excitement. The militia promptly 
repaired to the camp. Thousands accompanied them, to ver- 
ify the great reports, or to learn the fate of friends, or to aid 
in preventing further inroads of the enemy. The roar of the 
British cannon had not ceased. Mrs. Adams writes: "It 
began on Saturday morning about three o'clock, and has not 
ceased yet, and it is now three o'clock Sabbath afternoon." 
A shower came up during the afternoon, when there was a 
cessation of the cannonade. It was believed, however, that 
the British would move out of Boston. Mrs. Adams contin- 
ues : " It is expected they will come out over the Neck to-night, 
and a dreadful battle must ensue. Almighty God ! cover the 
heads of our countrymen, and be a shield to our dear friends." 

In Boston, there was hardly less distress or less alarm. The 
remains of the gallant officers, the hundreds of as gallant 
privates, that were borne through the streets, together with 
the lamentations of the mourners, made up heart-rending 
scenes. They had a depressing effect upon all. It was in 
vain the soldiers called to mind their victory, if victory it 
could be called. The officers felt that it was purchased at too 
dear a price, and there was an air of dejection in their looks. 
This dejection was seen also in the men. Bitter were the 
reflections that were cast on the policy that had cut down the 
18 



208 THE SIEGE OF BOSTON. 

flower of the troops. " A disagreeable murmur now (June 25) 
runs through the army, which ever most disagreeably invades 
the general's ears." Again the officers and the royalists 
dreaded the vengeance of the exasperated people, and felt 
apprehensive that the town would be attacked, and be burnt 
over their heads. The Tories again established a night patrol, 
forty-nine each night, to relieve the troops of this duty. Two 
hundred volunteered in this work. General Gage issued (June 
19) an ill-natured proclamation. He stated that the selectmen 
and others had repeatedly assured him that all the inhabitants 
had delivered up their fire-arms, though he had at the same 
time advices to the contrary ; and that he had since full proof 
that many had been perfidious in this respect, and had se- 
creted great numbers. He required those who had any 
" immediately to surrender them at the court-house," and he 
declared " that all persons in whose possession any fire-arms 
might hereafter be found should be deemed enemies to his 
majesty's government." The British general had no inten- 
tion of marching out of Boston. His main object was self- 
preservation, — to prevent a surprise, and to strengthen his 
defences. 

Charlestown presented (June 18) melancholy evidence of 
the complicated horrors of the battle-field. A few persons 
were allowed to visit it from Boston. The smoke of its dwel- 
ling-places still rose on the air ; the dying and the dead still 
lay upon its hills. Among the details of the scene is the state- 
ment that ninety-two bodies were counted on the line of the 
rail fence protection.^ General Howe spent the preceding 
night on the heights, and his troops lay on their arms. He 
was placed in the command of this post, which he continued 
to hold until General Gage was recalled. He was immedi- 
ately supplied with additional troops. On the night of the 
17th he commenced a breastwork on the north-western decliv- 
ity of Bunker Hill, and stationed two regiments, the 47th and 
52d, in the main street from the burying-ground to the Neck. 
Subsequently regular working parties, relieved every four 
hours, labored night and day in throwing up defences. Gen- 

' The description of the scenes in Boston, Charlestown, and the neighbor- 
hood, is derived from diaries and letters of 1775. 



SPIRIT OF THE AMERICANS. 209 

eral Howe personally inspected these works, and made him- 
self exceedingly popular with his men by sharing their 
fatigue. His first general order expressed the hope that the 
troops, in their new encampment, would show an attention to 
discipline and regularity equal to the bravery they had so 
remarkably displayed. They were forbidden to cut down 
trees ; to pilfer in the deserted houses, on pain of death ; to 
fire upon individuals from the advanced guard, unless they 
were fired upon. A picket guard of two hundred was posted 
at the Neck, another at the "rebel redoubt," a third at the 
hill at Moulton's Point, and one at the old ferry. Subse- 
quently, a guard was stationed in the old burying-ground. 
All the posts and rails were ordered to be gathered and piled 
in the redoubt; the boards were used for the floors of tents; 
the loose wood — the remains of the devoted town — was 
collected for fuel. Every fair day the tents were struck, and 
when the tide permitted, sea bathing was enjoined both morn- 
ing and evening." 

The British commander might well feel insecure without 
strong defences, as he witnessed the alacrity with which the 
militia poured into the American camp, and the expedition 
with which smiling gardens and fruitful fields were turned into 
formidable fortifications. Besides the militia, General Ward 
was reinforced by regularly enlisted troops. New Hamp- 
shire supplied another regiment, excepting one company, 
under Colonel Poor ; Connecticut ordered on the remainder of 
Colonel Parsons' regiment, and voted (June 20) to place the 
whole of its troops under General Ward; Rhode Island 
ordered on the remainder of its troops, and voted (June 28) to 
place its forces under the general commander. The Massa- 
chusetts regiments were soon filled up and commissioned. 
There were now an authorized commander and a united 
army. War now was to be carried on in earnest, and the 
British general saw, not merely how little the Americans 
were intimidated, but how much they were encouraged, by 
the issue of the Bunker Hill battle. "Our troops are in high 
spirits," one writes, "and their resolution increases; they 

' Waller's Orderly Book ; Carter's Letters. 



210 THE SIEGE OF BOSTON. 

long to speak with them (the British) again. " This battle 
has been of infinite service to us," another writes; it has 
"made us more vigilant, watchful, and cautious." "I wish 
we could sell them another hill at the same price," writes 
General Greene. "The enterprising genius and intrepidity 
of these people," writes a Virginian of the New Englanders, 
"are amazing. They are now intent on burning Boston, in 
order to oust the regulars; and none are more eager for it 
than those who have escaped out and who have left their 
whole property in it." 

Notwithstanding the high spirits of the army, strong appre- 
hensions were felt of a visit from the enemy. The Provincial 
Congress (June 24) made an earnest appeal to the colony of 
Connecticut for "an immediate augmentation" of its troops. 
It represented that it " had the best grounds to suppose, that 
as soon as the enemy had recovered a little breath from their 
amazing fatigues of the 17th of June," and their losses should 
be made up by arrivals of new troops, they would make "the 
utmost eiforts" to force the American lines, destroy the maga- 
zines, and thereby "strike general terror and amazement into 
the hearts of the inhabitants of the whole continent." Similar 
appeals were made to Rhode Island and New Hampshire. 
It also made a representation to the General Congress, which 
closed with the suggestion, that if a commander-in-chief 
should be appointed, no part of the continent so much required 
his immediate presence as Massachusetts. 

Up to this time there appears to have been hesitancy in 
commencing intrenchments on the hills around Boston, but 
works were now prosecuted with great vigor and success. 

General Putnam, on the night of the battle, took post on 
Prospect Hill, and commenced throwing up intrenchments. 
"I found him," his son says, " on the morning of the 18th of 
June, about ten o'clock, on Prospect Hill, dashing about 
among the workmen throwing up intrenchments, and often 
placing a rod with his own hands.' He wore the same clothes 
he had on when I left him on the 16th, and said he had 
neither put them off nor washed himself since, and we might 

' Ms. Memoirs by Daniel Putnam, for tlie use of which I am indebted to 
Col. Swett. 



WINTER HILL, CAMBKIDGE, AND ROXBURY WORKS. 211 

well believe him, for the aspect of all here bore evidence that 
he spoke the truth." One half of eight of the Massachusetts 
regiments were ordered (June 20) to be drafted daily, to 
relieve the troops at work here. The regiments of Colonels 
Brewer, Nixon, Mansfield, Gerrish, Woodbridge, Scammans, 
Little, and Gardner, were ordered (23d) to encamp on, or 
near this hill ; and the officers were directed not to leave their 
posts without the permission of the general.' Nearly four 
thousand troops were here on the 30th of June. It has two 
eminences, both of which were strongly fortified and connected 
by a rampart and fosse. The works were soon considered 
(letter, July 3) almost impregnable. The regiments above 
named, for the most part, continued here until the new 
arrangement (July 22) of the army was made. This fine hill 
commanded an extensive prospect, and both the British and 
American lines were in full view from it. It is called on some 
of the maps Mount Pisgah. 

Winter Hill was also occupied on the night of the battle. 
Here the New Hampshire troops stopped and began to throw 
up defences. Until this time, the only force posted here was 
a guard consisting of a subaltern, two sergeants, and twenty 
men. The New Hampshire forces, reinforced by Colonel 
Poor's regiment, continued here. The latter regiment, owing 
to a want of tents, was obliged to quarter in Medford. General 
Folsom arrived. June 20, and took the command of them. 
The works were vigorously carried on. The fort on this hill 
is said to have been larger, and the intrenchments to have 
been more numerous, than those of any of the other positions 
of the army. The New Hampshire troops, joined, perhaps, 
by a regiment from Rhode Island, continued to defend this 
hill, until after the Arrival of Washington. 

At Cambridge the works commenced near the colleges, and 
ran towards Charles River. Here, however, as has been 
stated, works were thrown up before the battle of Bunker 
Hill. It continued to be the head quarters of the army 
during the siege. 

On the Roxbury side works were also vigorously carried on 

' Fenno's and Ward's Orderly Books. 
18^ 



212 THE SIEGE OF BOSTON. 

under the direction of General Thomas. Samuel Gray, July 
12, thus describes thepi : " On this side, we have a fort upon 
the hill, westward of the meeting-house ; an intrenchment at 
Dudley House, including the garden, and extended to the hill 
east of the meeting-house. A small breastwork across the 
main street, and another on Dorchester road, near the bury- 
ing-ground. One on each side of the road through the lands 
and meadows, a little south of the George tavern. Across the 
road are trees, the top toward the town of Boston, sharpened, 
and well pointed, to prevent the progress of the light horse. 
A redoubt near Pierpont's, or Williams' Mill, and another at 
Brookline, the lower end of Sewall's Farm, to obstruct their 
landing ; and another breastwork at Dorchester." On the 
24th of June heavy cannon were planted at the works on the 
hill above Roxbury Workhouse, and on the 1st of July shot 
were thrown from them into Boston. 

In preparing these works, there was a great call for engi- 
neers. The veteran Colonel Gridley acted as chief, and was 
aided by his son. Lieutenant-colonel Rufus Putnam, Captain 
Josiah Waters, Captain Baldwin of Brookfield, Captain Henry 
Knox, afterward General Knox, were actively and efficiently 
employed.^ 

An irregular warfare was kept up from the 17th of June 
until the 3d of July, when Washington took the command. 
Shot and shells were at intervals discharged from Boston, and 
the American camp was several times alarmed with the 
report that the British were making a sally. A company of 
minute-men, before the 19th of April, had been embodied 
among the Stockbridge tribe of Indians, and this company ^ 

' Heath's Memoirs. 

^ The Provincial Congress authorized this enlistment of minute-men. A 
letter of July 9, says : " Yesterday afternoon some barges were sounding 
the river of Cambridge, (Charles,) near its mouth, but were soon obliged to 
row off, by our Indians, (fifty in number,) who are encamped near that 
place." 

The British complained, and with reason, of this mode of warfare. Lieut. 
Carter writes, July 2, 1775 : " Never had the British army so ungenerous 
an enemy to oppose ; they send their riflemen, (five or six at a time,) who 
conceal themselves behind trees, &c., till an opportunity presents itself of 
taking a shot at our advanced sentries ; which done, they immediately 
retreat." 



IRREGULAR WARFARE. 213 

repaired to the camp. On the 21st of June, two of the Indi- 
ans, probably" of this company, killed fonr of the regulars with 
their bows and arrows, and plundered them.^ On the next 
day the British fired from Boston. 

The camp, on the 24th, was in alarm at the prospect of the 
regulars coming out. At noon the enemy commenced a heavy 
cannonade from Boston Neck, and threw shells into Roxbury. 
But through the alertness of the men, the town was saved, 
and no damage was done. " Such was the courage of our 
soldiers," a letter states, " that they would go and take up a 
burning carcass or bomb, and take out the fuse." ^ Two 
Americans, attempting to set Brown's barn on fire, were 
killed. The next day, also, an attempt was made, without 
success, to burn the buildings on Boston Neck, when a firing 
took place between the parties. This day the Indians killed 
more of the British guard. 

On the 26th there was a skirmish at Boston Neck. A 
party of the British, about day-break, advanced and fired on 
the American sentinels, near the George tavern. The picket 
guard turned out, and after sharp firing the British retreated. 
Two Indians went down near Bunker Hill, and killed a sen- 
try. On the 30th a fire was opened from Roxbury into 
Boston, which was returned. A twenty-four pound ball from 
the same place, (July 1,) struck on the British parade-ground, 
and occasioned some confusion. 

On the 2d of July, (Sunday,) in the morning, the British 
commenced a brisk cannonade from the lines on Boston Neck, 
and threw shells into Roxbury. A carcass set fire to the 
house of Mr. Williams, which was consumed. But the dar- 
ing activity of the troops, working in the face of a constant 
and heavy fire from the enemy, prevented the flames from 
spreading. 

In the mean time, the second General Congress, which 
assembled at Philadelphia on the 10th of May, had unani- 

^ John Kettell's Diary. This commences May 17, and continues to Sept. 
31, 1775. He was subsequently an influential citizen of Charlestown — its 
postmaster and town clerk. 

^ Ms. Letters of Col. Miller, of Rhode Island, for which, and other favors, 
I am indebted to S. G. Drake, Esq. 



214 



THE SIEGE OF BOSTON. 



moiisly resolved to put the country into a state of defence, 
had adopted, on the motion of John Adams, the army besieg- 
ing Boston, and had voted to raise ten companies of rifle- 
men in Pennsylvania, Maryland, and Virginia. This was the 
origin of the far-famed continental army. Four major-gener- 
als were appointed; namely, Artemas Ward, Charles Lee, 
Phillip Schuyler, and Israel Putnam; and eight brigadier- 
generals ; namely, Seth Pomeroy, Richard Montgomery, 
David Wooster, William Heath, Joseph Spencer, John 
Thomas, John Sullivan, and Nathaniel Greene. An adju- 
tant-general — Horatio Gates — was also appointed, with 
the rank of brigadier. On the 15th of June, Colonel George 
Washington was chosen commander-in-chief. A long contro- 
versy arose in relation to some of these appointments, and 
especially because Putnam was advanced over Spencer, and 
Pomeroy over Thomas. General Spencer left the army with- 
out visiting Washington, or making known his intention, and 
General Thomas consented to remain only after the urgent 
solicitations of his friends. At length these difficulties were, 
in a great measure, removed, by Spencer's consenting to 
return, and to take rank after Putnam, and Pomeroy's declin- 
ing to serve. 

On the 21st of June General Washington set out from Phila- 
delphia to join the army. He was everywhere received on his 
route with the respect due to his station. At New York he 
heard of the battle of Bunker Hill, and this increased his 
anxiety to reach the camp. A committee of the Massachu-' 
setts Provincial Congress met him at Springfield. He reached 
Cambridge on the 2d of July, about two o'clock, escorted by 
a cavalcade of citizens and a troop of light horse. On the 3d 
he assumed the command of the army. 

When General Washington reached Watertown, the Pro- 
vincial Congress, in session there, honored him with a con- 
gratulatory address. "While we applaud," they said, "that 
attention to the public good manifested in your appointment, 
we equally admire that disinterested virtue and distinguished 
patriotism, which alone could call you from those enjoyments 
of domestic life, which a sublime and manly taste, joined with 
a most afliuent fortune, can afford, to hazard your life, and to 



ADDRESS TO WASHINGTON. 215 

endure the fatigues of war, in defence of the rights of man- 
kind, and the good of your country." After comphmeuting 
him on the despatch made in his journey, they remarked on 
the hurry with which the army was necessarily collected, and 
the want of discipline in the soldiers : — " The greatest part of 
them have not before seen service; and though naturally 
brave and of good understanding, yet, for want of experience in 
military life, have but little knowledge of divers things most 
essential to the preservation of health, and even of life. The 
youth ill the army are not impressed with the absolute necessity 
of cleanliness in their dress and lodging, continual exercise, 
and strict temperance, to preserve them from diseases fre- 
quently prevailing in camps; especially among those who, 
from their childhood, have been used to a laborious life." 
in conclusion, Congress assured him that they would con- 
tribute all the aid in their power in the discharge of the duties 
of his exalted office. Washington replied to this address on 
the 4th of July. "In exchanging" he said, " the enjoyments 
of domestic life for the duties of my present honorable but 
arduous station, I only emulate the virtue and public spirit of 
the whole province of Massachusetts Bay, which, with a 
firmness and patriotism without example in modern history, 
has sacrificed all the comforts of social and political life, in 
support of the rights of mankind, and the welfare of our com- 
mon country. My highest ambition is, to be the happy instru- 
ment of vindicating those rights, and to see this devoted 
province again restored to peace, liberty, and safety." 

A congratulatory address was also made to General Lee. 
It says — "We admire and respect the character of a man 
who, disregarding the allurements of profit and distinction his 
merit might procure, engages in the cause of mankind, in 
defence of the injured, and relief of the oppressed. From 
your character, from your great abilities and military experi- 
ence, united with those of the commander-in-chief, under the 
smiles of Providence, we flatter ourselves with the prospect of 
discipline and order, success and victory." The general 
made a neat reply, in which he remarked. — "Nothing can be 
so flattering to me as the good opinion and approbation of the 
delegates of a free and uncorrupt people." 



216 THE SIEGE OF BOSTON. 

On assuming the command ' of the army, the commander- 
in-chief immediately visited its posts and reconnoitred the 
works of the enemy. In a letter dated July 10, he describes 
the lines as follows: "I found the latter (British) strongly 
intrenching on Bunker's Hill, about a mile from Charlestown, 
and advanced about half a mile from the place of the late 
action, with their sentries extended about one hundred and 
fifty yards on this side of the narrowest part of the Neck, 
leading from this place to Charlestown. Three floating bat- 
teries lie in Mystic River, near their camp, and one twenty 
gun ship below the ferry place, between Boston and Charles- 
town. They have also a battery on Copp's Hill, on the Bos- 
ton side, which much annoyed our troops in the late attack. 
Upon Roxbury Neck, they are also deeply intrenched and 
strongly fortified. Their advance guards, till last Saturda)!^ 
occupied Brown's houses, about a mile from Roxbury meet- 
ing-house, and twenty rods from their lines; but, at that 
time, a party from General Thomas' camp surprised the 
guard, drove them in, and burned the houses. The bulk of 
their army, commanded by General Howe, lies on Bunker's 
Hill, and the remainder on Roxbury Neck, except the light 
horse, and a few men in the town of Boston. 

"On our side, we have thrown up intrenchments on Win- 
ter and Prospect Hills, — the enemy's camp in full view, at 
the distance of little more than a mile. Such intermediate 
points as would admit a landing, I have, since my arrival, 
taken care to strengthen, down to Sewall's Farm, where a 
strong intrenchment has been thrown up. At Roxbury, Gen- 
eral Thomas has thrown up a strong work on the hill, about 

' From general orders, July 4, 1775 : — The Continental Congress having 
now taken all the troops of the several colonies which have been raised, or 
which may hereafter be raised, for the support and defence of the liberties of 
America, into their pay and service, they are now the troops of tiie United 
Provinces of North America ; and it is to be hoped that all distinctions of 
colonies will be laid aside, so that one and the same spirit may animate the 
whole, and the only contest be, who shall render, on this great and trying 
occasion, the most essential service to the great and common cause in which 
we aYe all engaged. 

Thomas Mifflin was appointed aid-de-camp to General Washington, and 
Joseph Reed his secretary. Samuel Osgood was aid-de-camp to General 
Ward, and Samuel Griffin to General Lee. 



THE LINE OF DEFENCES. 217 

two hundred yards above the meeting-house ; which, with 
the brokenness of the ground, and a great number of rocks, 
has made that pass very secure. The troops raised in New 
Hampshire, with a regiment from Rhode Island, occupy 
Winter Hill ; a part of those of Connecticut, under General 
Putnam, are on Prospect Hill. The troops in this town are 
entirely of the Massachusetts ; the remainder of the Rhode 
Island men are at Se wall's Farm. Two regiments of Con- 
necticut, and nine of the Massachusetts, are at Roxbury. 
The residue of the army, to the number of about seven hun- 
dred, are posted in several small towns along the coast, to 
prevent the depredations of the enemy." 

A private letter, also of July 10, gives a more particular 
view of the American works : " About two hundred rods 
below the college we have a redoubt, which begins the line ; 
then about sixty rods from that another redoubt, and lines 
continued near an hundred rods ; then at Charlestown road, 
on the west side of the road, at the foot of Prospect Hill, 
another redoubt and strong fortification ; then on Prospect 
Hill is Putnam's Post, a very strong fortification ; then be- 
tween that and Winter Hill a strong citadel and lines over 
Charlestown road to Mystic ; then in Mr. Temple's pasture 
(Ten Hills Farm) a strong redoubt that commands to Mystic 
River ; so that we have a complete line of circumvallation 
from Charles River to Mystic River." " On Roxbury side the 
enemy have dug across the Neck, and let the water through ; 
and our people in turn have intrenched across the outer end 
of the Neck, and are strongly fortified there, and on the hill 
by the meeting-house." ^ 

General Washington found himself at the head of a body 
of armed men,^ rather than of regular ranks of soldiers, — of 

' The town of Maiden requested, June 23, that measures might be 
taken for its defence. The Provincial Congress appointed a committee to 
take the subject into consideration, who directed them to make the best use 
of artillery they could for their defence, and to apply to the general of the 
army. No works of importance appear to have been erected in Maiden 
during the siege. 

^ I found a mixed multitude of people here, under very little discipline, 
order, or government. — Washington's letter, July 27, 1775. The orderly 
books of this period attest the difficulty of reducing the men to the habits of 



21B THE SIEGE OF BOSTON. 

men grown rugged in the calls of labor, patriotic, true to the 
American cause, but with high notions of independence, and 
hence impatient of the necessary restraints of a life of war. 
Discipline was lax, offences were frequent, there was no 
general organization, and, worse than all, hardly powder 
enough in the camp for nine cartridges to a man. Washing- 
ton felt the difficulty of maintaining, with such material, a 
hne of posts so exposed against an army of well-disciplined 
and well-supplied veterans. He was obliged to keep every 
part of his extended works well guarded, while the enemy 
could concentrate his force on any one point, and without an 
hour's notice could make a formidable attack. It was under 
such circumstances that he was obliged to remodel his army, 
and summon order to arise out of confusion. 

General Washington called a council of war, (July 9,) con- 
sisting of the major-generals and brigadiers. They estimated 
the force of the British at 11,500, — too high an estimate, 
however, — and that at least an army of 22,000 was neces- 
sary to act successfully against it ; whereas there were only 
17,000 enrolled, including the sick and the absent, and only 
14,500 fit for duty. The council decided unanimously to 
maintain the positions that had been taken, and adopt meas- 
ures to strengthen the army. The commander-in-chief was 
directed to apply to the Provincial Congress of Massachusetts 
for a temporary reinforcement, and steps were taken to 
increase the recruits. It was agreed that, should the army be 
attacked by the enemy and routed, the place of rendezvous 
should be Wales Hill, in the rear of the Roxbury lines ; and 
also, that it was neither expedient to take possession of Dor- 
chester Point, nor to oppose the enemy if they should attempt 
to take possession of it. 

The army was arranged in three grand divisions, each con- 
sisting of two brigades or twelve regiments, in which the 

the soldier's life. Offences were frequent. Intoxication, peculation, false 
returns, disobedience of orders, disrespect to officers, want of soldier-like 
conduct, were the most common offences : and the punishment administered 
consisted of pecuniary fines, standing in the pillory, riding the wooden horse, 
drumming out of camp, whipping at the head of the regiment, or in still 
more public places. 



ORGANIZATION OF THE ARMY. 



219 



troops from the same colony, as far as practicable, were 
brought together. The right wing, under Major-general 
Ward, consisted of two brigades, as follows : — 





1. BRIGADIER-GENERAL THOMAS. 




Regiments. 


Total. 


Regiments. 


Total. 


General Ward, 


453 Mass. 


Colonel Cotton, 


500 


Thomas, 


500 " 


" Davidson, 


493 


Colonel Fellows, 


434 " 


" D. Brewer, 


374 


•' Learned, 


489 








2. BRIGADIER-GENERAL SPENCER. 




Regiments. 


Total. 


Regiments. 


Total. 


General Spencer, 


) Conn. 


Colonel Walker, 


491 


Colonel Parsons, 


} 2333 " 


" J. Reed, 


495 


" Huntington, 


) 


Independents, 


239 



Mass. 



Mass. 



This division of the army was stationed at Roxbury, and 
its southern dependencies. 

The left wing was placed under the command of Major- 
general Lee, who had under him Brigadier-general Greene, 
stationed at Prospect Hill, and General Sullivan,' at Winter 
Hill. These brigades were as follows : — 

1. BRIGADIER-GENERAL SULLIVAN. 



Regiments. 
Colonel Stark, 
" Poor, 
" Reed, 



Total. 



1664 



N. Hamp. 



Regiments. 

Colonel Varnum, 
" Hitchcock, 
" Church, 



2. BR 

Total. 

1085 



R. Isl. 



Regiments. 


Total. 


Colonel Nixon, 


412 


" Mansfield, 


470 


" Doolittle, 


333 


ENERAL GREENE. 




RegiTnents. 


Total. 


Colonel Whitcomb, 


523 


" Gardner, 


417 


" J. Brewer, 


301 


" Little, 


472 



Mass. 



Mass 



The centre, stationed at Cambridge, was commanded by 
Major-general Putnam. These brigades were as follows : — 



Regiments. 


Total. 


Regiments. 


Total. 


General Heath, 


483 Mass. 


Colonel Phinney, 


319 Mass 


Colonel Patterson, 


409 


" Gerrish, 


498 " 


" Scammans, 


456 " 


" Prescott, 


430 " 



^ General Sullivan had succeeded General Folsom in the command of the 
New Hampshire forces. 

19 



220 



THE SIEGE OF BOSTON. 





2. SENIOR 


OFFICER. 




Regiments. 


Total. 


Regiments. 


Tola!. 


General Putnam, 


Conn. 


Colonel Bridge, 


470 


Colonel Glover, 


454 Mass. 


" Woodbridge, 


366 


" Frye, 


406 " 


" Sargent, 





Mass. 



Of these regiments, General Heath's was ordered to take post 
at No. 2, Colonel Patterson's at No. 3, Colonel Scammans' at No, 
1 and the redoubt between that and No. 2, Colonel Prescott's 
at Sewall's Point, and Colonel Gerrish's to furnish the com- 
panies for Chelsea, Maiden, and Medford. 

The total of the above, as returned, without including 
Colonel Sargent's regiment, which had not been completed, 
was 16,770. To this must be added the regiment of artil- 
lery, under Colonel Richard Gridley, of 489 men ; and Major 
Train's company of Rhode Island artillery, of 96 men.' 

The environs of Boston presented at this period an animat- 
ing sight. Time had wrought out wonderful changes in their 
poHtical condition. Hardly a century had elapsed since the 
two principal passes into the country — Boston Neck and 
Charlestown Neck — were fortified to save the infant Ameri- 
can civihzation from the inroads of the savage ; now the 
beautiful hills that surrounded them and commanded them 
were covered with all the pomp and pride of war, to protect 
the same civilization from being destroyed from without by 
the hand that should have protected it. The unrivalled 
natural scenery could not pass unobserved by a lover of 
nature. " The country," writes an officer in Boston, " is most 

' The following is the return of the army made pursuant to a general order 
of July 3, 1775 : — 





C 


^1 


CO 


Rank and file. 
















Colonies. 


!0 


c to 


i « 

5 o 


a 
« ^ 


9 




.a 
bjD 
3 

o 


T3 
C 
C3 






<*- 

o 
d 


o 




II 

en 

1- 


'en 


■s 

O 

In 


a 
O 


s 

o 

O 

a 
O 


o 


Massachusetts, . . . 


26 


789 


1326 


9396 


757 


450 


311 


774 


11688 


Connecticut, .... 


3 


125 


174 


2105 


212 


2 


14 




2333 


New Hampshire, . . 


3 


98 


160 


1201 


115 


20 


49 


279 


1664 


Rhode Island, . . . 


3 


107 


108 


1041 


24 


18 


2 




1085 




35 


1119 


1768 


13743 


1108 


490 


376 


1053 


16770 



THE ABIERICAN CAMP. 221 

beautifully tumbled about in hills and valleys, rocks and 
woods, interspersed with straggling villages, with here and 
there a spire peeping over the trees, and the country of the 
most charming green that delighted eye ever gazed on." ' 
The beauty of nature was now intermingled, on the land, 
with white tents, glittering bayonets, and frowning cannon, 
while no small portion of the navy of England rode proudly 
in the harbor. Occasionally the scene was enlivened by a 
peaceful parade or a hostile skirmish. These sights were no 
less novel than interesting ; and thousands flocked to the neigh- 
borhood, either to greet their friends, or to witness the exciting 
scenes. 

Among others. Rev. William Emerson has furnished a 
graphic description of the camp, after the arrival of Wash- 
ington. " There is great overturning in the camp, as to order 
and regularity. New lords, new laws. The Generals Wash- 
ington and Lee are upon the lines every day. New orders 
from his excellency are read to the respective regiments every 
morning after prayers. The strictest government is taking 
place, and great distinction is made between officers and sol- 
diers. Every one is made to know his place, and keep in it, 
or be tied up and receive thirty or forty lashes, according to 
his crime. Thousands are at work every day from four till 
eleven o'clock in the morning. It is surprising how much 
work has been done. The lines are extended almost from 
Cambridge to Mystic River, so that very soon it will be mor- 
ally impossible for the enemy to get between the works, except 
in one place, which is supposed to be left purposely unforti- 
fied, to entice the enemy out of their fortresses. Who would 
have thought, twelve months past, that all Cambridge and 
Charlestown would be covered over with American camps, 
and cut up into forts and intrenchments, and all the lands, 
fields, orchards, laid common, — horses and cattle feeding in 
the choicest mowing land, whole fields of corn eaten down to 
the ground, and large parks of well-regulated locusts cut 
down for firewood and other public uses 7 This, I must say, 
looks a little melancholy. My quarters are at the foot of the 
famous Prospect Hill, where such great preparations are made 

' Capt. Harris, afterwards Lord Harris. 



THE SIEGE OF BOSTON. 

for the reception of the enemy. It is very diverting to walk 
among the camps. They are as different in their form as the 
owners are in their dress; and every tent is a portraiture of 
the temper and taste of the persons who encamp in it. Some 
are made of boards, and some of sail-cloth. Some partly of 
one and partly of the other. Again, others are made of stone 
and turf, brick or brush. Some are thrown up in a hurry ; 
others curiously wrought with doors and windows, done with 
wreaths and withes, in the manner of a basket. Some are 
your proper tents and marquees, looking like the regular camp 
of the enemy. In these are the Rhode Islanders, who are 
furnished with tent-equipage, and everything in the most 
exact English style. However, I think this great variety 
is rather a beauty than a blemish in the army." ' 

The commander-in-chief was received with warmth by the 
army, and everything about him inspired confidence and 
hope. The house occupied by him is still standing in Cam- 
bridge, and is known as Washington's head quarters. The 
contemporary accounts name him with enthusiasm. "I have 
been much gratified this day" — Thatcher writes, July 20 — 
"with a view of General Washington. His excellency was 
on horseback, in company with several military gentlemen. 
It was not difficult to distinguish him from all others ; his 
personal appearance is truly noble and majestic, being tall and 
well-proportioned. His dress is a blue coat with bufl-colored 
facings, a rich epaulette on each shoulder, buff under dress, 
and an elegant small-sword ; a black cockade in his hat." 
Mrs. Adams writes to her husband, July IG : "I was struck 
with General Washington. You had prepared me to enter- 
tain a favorable opinion of him, but I thought the half was 
not told me. Dignity, with ease and complacency, the gen- 
tleman and soldier, look agreeably blended in him. Mod- 
esty marks every line and feature of his face. Those lines 
of Dryden instantly occurred to me : 

Mark his majestic fabric ! he 's a temple 
Sacred by birth, and built by hands divine ; 
His soul 's the deity that lodges there ; 
Nor is the pile unworthy of the god." 

' Sparks' Washington, vol. ni., p. 491. 



LEE AND BURGOYNE. 223 



CHAPTER IX. 

Fortification of Ploughed Hill. Skirmishes. Distress in Boston. 

General Washington, while introducing subordination into 
the army, made great efforts to strengthen his position, to 
confine the enemy closely to their quarters, and to cut off their 
supplies of provisions. The belief was long entertained that 
the British were preparing for an attack, and the camp was 
occasionally alarmed with reports that they were coming 
out. Every precaiution was taken to prevent surprise, and 
parties in whale-boats were soon on the watch every night, 
to give early notice of any movements by water. On the day 
Washington took the command (July 3) it was supposed the 
British were about to attack the lines on Winter Hill, where 
General Folsom w^as in command. Colonel Glover's regiment 
was ordered to be ready at a moment's warning to support 
General Folsom. Colonel Prescott was ordered to take 
possession of the woods leading to Lechmere's Point, and if 
an attack was made in this quarter. Colonel Glover was 
directed to support him.' 

Early in July a correspondence between Generals Lee and 
Burgoyne attracted much attention. General Lee had served 
with Genera] Burgoyne in Portugal, and an intimate friendship 
had long existed between them. On the arrival of the latter 
in Boston, General Lee, then in Philadelphia, wrote to his friend 
a letter full of invectives against the British ministry, and con- 
taining an elaborate statement of his views of the merits of 
the contest. Though written with a warmth approaching to 
violence. General Burgoyne replied to it courteously, and 
proposed an interview with General Lee at Brown's house, 
on Boston Neck. This letter was sent out (July 8) by a 
trumpeter. The letter and the expediency of the proposed 
interview were laid before the Provincial Congress. Though 

* Washington's Orderly Book, in Force's American Archives. 
19* 



224 THE SIEGE OF BOSTON, 

Congress, to prevent jealousy, appointed Elbridge Gerry to 
attend General Lee, they suggested whether it "might not 
have a tendency to lessen the influence which the Congress 
would wish to extend to the utmost of their power, to facili- 
tate and succeed the operations of the war." In consequence 
of this hint. General Lee, in a note to General Burgoyne, 
declined to meet him. The correspondence between the two 
generals was published, and was commented on in the jour- 
nals. 

On the 8th of July, about two in the morning, a party of 
volunteers, under Majors Tupper and Crane, attacked the 
advanced guard of the British at Brown's house, on Boston 
Neck, within three hundred yards of their main works. A 
party of six, detached about ten o'clock the preceding even- 
ing, gained the rear of the guard-house; and the remainder 
of the volunteers secreted themselves in the marsh on each 
side of the Neck. Two brass field-pieces were drawn quietly 
across the marsh to within three hundred yards of the house. 
On a signal from the advance party, two rounds of shot were 
fired into the house, when the guard retreated with precipita- 
tion to the lines. The six men immediately set fire to the 
house and another building. The party took several muskets 
and retreated without loss. A scattering fire from the out- 
posts continued some time. The British moored a floating 
battery up in the bay so as to cover the right flank of their 
works on Boston Neck.' 

On the 11th a party of Americans drove in the British guard 
on Boston Neck, and burnt Brown's store. A visiter in the 
camp at Roxbury this day says, — "We were amused with a 
heavy fire of cannon and mortars from the lines of the regulars 
on the Neck, and from one of their floating batteries, against 
two hundred of our men, who were throwing up a breastwork 
in front of the George tavern, on the same Neck, and within a 
few rods of the regulars' advanced guard ; our people kept on 
their work, and never returned a shot. Three bombs burst near 
our men, without injuring one of them ; most of the cannon 
shot were taken up and brought to the general. It is divert- 

' Heath's Memoirs, p. 23. Penn. Packet, 1775. 



SKIRMISHES. 225 

ing to see our people contending for the balls as they roll 
along." On this day a liberty-pole was raised on Winter 
Hill ; and at night a party went from Roxbury camp to Long 
Island, and brought off fifteen prisoners, 200 sheep, 19 cattle, 
13 horses, and 3 hogs. The prisoners were carried to Con- 
cord.' 

On the 12th, in the forenoon, Colonel Greaton, with a party 
of 136 men, went in whale-boats to Long Island, burnt the 
h»use on it, and the barns, with a large lot of hay done up in 
bundles and intended for the British horses. An armed 
schooner, and several barges, made for the Americans, and 
some of the ships near the island cannonaded them; but, 
though they narrowly escaped being taken. Colonel Greaton 
and his daring band gained the shore. One American was 
killed in this affair. A letter dated on this day says : " We 
have just got over land from Cape Cod a large fleet of whale- 
boats ; in a day or two, we shall man them in Cambridge and 
Mystic Rivers, and try to keep our enemy's boats from insult- 
ing us. The regulars do not seem willing to come out, but 
our people are perpetually provoking them." This day six 
transports full of men arrived in the harbor. 

A party of Americans were at work on the rocky hill, then 
Colonel Williams', south-west of the works above Roxbury 
workhouse. The British opened (July 13) a heavy cannon- 
ade upon them, but did no damage. This work. Heath says, 
was one of the strongest that were erected. General Wash- 
ington visited the Roxbury camp this day. On the day 
following there was also firing from Boston, and a Connecti- 
cut soldier was killed. 

The declaration of the Continental Congress, setting forth 
the causes and necessity of their taking up arms, was read on 

' Kettell's Diary ; Heath; Force's Archives, ii., 1650. 

On the 13lh of July the Provincial Congress revised the commission of the 
committee of safety, and continued in it full executive power until the 30th 
of July, or until their commission should be abrogated by the representatives. 
The committee consisted, at this time, of John Hancock, Benjamin Church, 
Benjamin White, Joseph Palmer, Richard Devens, Abraham Watson, Azor 
Orne, Benjamin Grecnieaf, Nathan Cushing, Samuel Holten, and Enoch 
Freeman. 



226 



THE SIEGE OF BOSTON. 



the 15th, before the army at Cambridge, by President Lang- 
don. General Washington, other general officers, and a 
large number of people, were present. It was received with 
great enthusiasm, and was immediately responded to by three 
huzzas. On the 18th, it was read to the troops on Prospect 
Hill, under the immediate command of General Putnam. 
"After which," the Essex Gazette states, "an animated and 
pathetic address to the army Avas made by the Rev. Mr. 
Leonard, chaplain to General Putnam's regiment, and sifb- 
ceeded by a pertinent prayer; when General Putnam gave the 
signal, and the whole army shouted their loud amen by three 
cheers ; immediately upon which, a cannon was fired from 
the fort, and the standard lately sent to General Putnam was 
exhibited flourishing in the air, bearing on one side this motto, 
— 'An Appeal to Heaven!' and on the other side, — ' Qui 
TranstiiUt Sustinet!'' The whole was conducted with the 
utmost decency, good order, and regularity, and to the uni- 
versal acceptance of all present. And the Philistines on Bun- 
ker's Hill heard the shout of the Israelites, and being very 
fearful, paraded themselves in battle array." 

In the evening (18th) a strong party took possession of an 
advanced post in Roxbury, and the next day there was an 
incessant cannonade kept up on the works. There was an 
appearance of a sally by the British during this cannonade. 
" But," a letter states, " they disappointed General Thomas, 
who commands there, and made an excellent disposition to 
receive them. Roxbury is amazingly strong. I believe it 
would puzzle ten thousand troops to go through it, — I mean 
of the best in the world." 

Thursday, the 20th, was a day of general fasting and 
prayer. In general orders it was directed to be religiously 
observed in the camp. The troops, in attending worship, were 
ordered to take their arms, ammunition, and accoutrements, 
and be prepared for immediate action. The labor on the 
works was ordered to be suspended, if, in the judgment of the 
officers, their condition would permit. 

A party under Major Vose, of Heath's regiment, in whale- 
boats, landed on Nantasket Point, before day, and set fire to 
the light-house. At daylight the men-of-war discovered them, 



THE RIFLEMEN. 227 

and fired upon them. An eye-witness says: — "I ascended 
an eminence at a distance, and saw the flames of the hght- 
house ascending up to heaven hke grateful incense, and the 
ships wastirig their powder. Our men proceeded from 
thence to Point Shirley, in order to drive off some young colts 
which were there. A party of regulars attacked them, but 
were repulsed and drove into their boats." Major Vose 
returned the next day. He burnt the wooden portions of the 
light-house, brought off its furniture, lamps, &c., and the 
boats. He also brought from Nantasket a thousand bushels 
of barley, and a quantity of hay. An armed schooner and 
several barges engaged the detachment, and wounded two 
Americans. Major Vose gained much crfdit for his success in 
this enterprise. 

An occasional cannonade, the coming in of deserters from 
the enemy, the arrangement of the army into brigades, and 
the arrival of the riflemen from the south, constituted the 
chief incidents of the siege for eight days. The general 
orders indicate a strict attention to discipline. They prohib- 
ited all conversation, both by officers and soldiers, with the 
enemy's sentries, and declared that any guilty of it should 
be tried by a court-martial, and punished with the utmost 
severity. They prohibited the injury of trees ; enjoined the 
faithful reading of the orders ; discouraged the application for 
furloughs, and required the prompt delivery of returns. One 
order (July 17) says : " If, after what has happened, the 
enemy, in revenge of their late loss, should dare to attempt 
forcing our lines, the army may be assured, that nothing but 
their own indolence and remissness can give the least success 
to so rash an enterprise." The southern riflemen attracted 
much attention. They had enlisted with great promptness, 
and had marched from four to seven hundred miles. In a 
short time, large bodies of them arrived in camp. They were 
remarkably stout, hardy men, dressed in white frocks or rifle- 
shirts, and round hats, and were skilful marksmen. At a 
review, a company of them, while on a quick advance, fired 
their balls into objects of seven inches diameter, at the dis- 
tance of two hundred and fifty yards. They were stationed 
on the lines, and became terrible to the British. The accounts 



228 



THE SIEGE OF BOSTON. 



of their prowess were circulated over England. One of them, 
taken prisoner, was carried there, and the papers describe him 
minutely, as a remarkable curiosity.' 

The British officers, about this time, were much annoyed 
at the success of the American sentinels in dispersing hand- 
bills among their rank and file. One was framed, entitled 
"An address to the soldiers;" and another contained the 
following comparison : — 



PROSPECT HILL. 

I. Seven dollars a month. 

II. Fresh provisions and in plenty. 

III. Health. 

IV. Freedom, ease, affluence, and a 

good farm. 



BUNKER'S HILL. 



f. Three pence a day. 

II. Rotten salt pork. 

III. The scurvy. 

IV. Slavery, beggary, and want. 



"These bills," says a letter, July 24, "are blown into their 
camp, and get into the hands of their soldiers, without the 
officers being able to prevent it. Major Bruce complained, at 
an interview the other day, of such usage. We retorted his 
decoying our sentries from their posts, two rascals having left 
us a day or two before, by his or some other officer's means." 
Colonel Reed, also, sent to General Gage a copy of the decla- 
ration of the united colonies, who pronounced its contents to 
be "as replete with deceit and falsehood as most of their (the 
Americans) publications." ^ 

The works on Winter Hill were prosecuted with vigor at 
this time. General Lee sent, July 24, the following note to 
General Sullivan : — " General Lee begs General Sullivan will 
get as much work as possible out of the men this day. If 
they cannot all work on the face of the citadel, let them 
deepen and widen the ditch of the flank and rear faces, and 
heighten the parapet all round. P. S. For God's sake, finish 
and strengthen the abatis." 

On the 29th of July the British planted a bomb battery on 

' A letter, July 19, says: — " The general uniforms are made of brown 
Holland and Osnaburghs, something like a shirt, double caped over the shoul- 
der, in imitation of the Indians; and on the breast, in capital letters, is their 
motto, ' Liberty or Death ! ' " 

^ Gage's Letter, July 24. 



SKIRMISH AT CHARLESTOWN NECK. 229 

Bunker Hill, advanced their guard on Charlestown Neck fur- 
ther into the country, and began to throw up an abatis to 
protect It, cutting down large trees for this purpose.^ Wash- 
ington, in the evening, ordered the York county rifle company 
to cut off these outposts, and bring off" a prisoner. The com- 
pany attempted this service in the following manner. Cap- 
tain Dowdle and thirty-nine men filed off" to the right, and 
crept on their hands and knees to the rear of the enemy's 
works ; Lieutenant Miller, with a party, in like manner, got 
behind the sentries on the left. But just as the two divisions 
were about to join, a party of the British came down from 
Bunker Hill to relieve the guard, and discovered the riflemen. 
Both sides fired. The riflemen killed five and took two pris- 

' Col. William T. Miller, of the Rhode Island forces, was at Prospect 
Hill, and in a letter dated " Camp Prospect Hill, July 29, 1775," gives an 
incident relating to cutting down trees, and the camp rumors, as follows : — 
" I had the honor to be field officer of the day here yesterday ; and as I was 
visiting the out sentries, which stand within half musket shot of the enemy's 
sentries, the regulars came out with a party, and began to cut some trees and 
remove some fencing stuff which was between the sentries. I beckoned to 
two officers who commanded there, one of whom I took to be Major Bruce of 
the regulars, who came out and met me between the sentries, when I told him 
that his conduct in felling the timber so near our sentries created a jealousy, 
and desired him to desist from any further encroachments ; when he told me 
he thought the trees, &c., which they were getting, were as near their lines 
as they were to ours, and that they had not interrupted our men in cutting 
hay close to the lines ; and he promised me he would advance no further. I 
immediately returned, and reported what had happened to Major-general Lee, 
who thanked me for my conduct. 

" I also saw a gentleman that came out of Boston yesterday, who says the 
people of Boston and the soldiers are very sickly and much dejected ; that 
General Gage had given orders for all the inhabitants of Boston that have a 
mind to depart by water to return their names, and they should have liberty to 
depart. We have three deserters from the regulars come into this camp 
since we came here, one of whom found his own brother here in the camp. 
Their meeting was very affecting. One hath deserted by way of Roxburv, 
who it is thought will prove a very serviceable man to our army, as he is able 
to give a plan of all the works and fortifications in Boston, and knows all 
their plans. He says he can direct the army to storm Boston, with the loss 
of very few men ; that it has been in contemplation among the Gageites to 
set Boston on fire, and withdraw all the troops and ships. But we ought not 
to catch at such shadows as that. We have nothing under God to depend 
upon, but our own strength." 



230 THE SIEGE OF BOSTON. 

oners, and retreated, having one man captured. General 
Howe, in general orders the following day, stated that had his 
directions relative to reliefs been complied with, " the soldiers 
could not have failed to destroy a number of the rebels last 
night." 

On the 30th, Sunday, at eleven o'clock, about five hun- 
dred British troops marched over the Neck, and built a 
slight breastwork to cover their guard. The American camp 
was in alarm through the day, and at night the troops lay on 
their arms. The British, mortified at the success of the rifle- 
men, resolved to retaliate on the American sentries, atid hence 
the night proved an eventful one. About one o'clock a Brit- 
ish floating battery went up Charles River, within three hun- 
dred yards of SewalFs Point, and discharged a number of 
shot into the American works on both sides of the river. At 
the same time a party sallied out towards Roxbury, drove in 
the American sentinels, set fire to the George tavern, and 
returned to the works. The picket guard at Charlestown 
Neck attacked and drove in the American advanced guard of 
sixty men, who, being reinforced by orders of General Lee, 
beat off the enemy, recovered their ground, killed several, 
and took seven muskets, without the loss of a man. This 
simultaneous firing kept the army in a state of alarm 
through the night, as the design of the British general was 
not known.' 

The enemy had commenced rebuilding the light-house, and 
this day, July 31, Major Tupper, with three hundred men. 
was detached with orders to disperse the working party. The 
enemy prepared to receive the Americans in a hostile manner. 
Major Tupper landed in good order on the island, marched up 

' A royalist lady in Boston, in a letter dated August 10, 1775, gives a 
vivid picture of the alarm felt by the residents during this night : — " We 
were roused about one o'clock on the morning of the 31st ult. by the most 
dreadful cannonading I ever heard. It seemed to be a general attack on all 
sides around us. It is impossible to convey an idea how terrible it was in the 
dead of night, with the apprehensions that naturally seize every one, either 
of the enemy breaking in, or the town being set on fire. It appears that 
they attempted again to cut off our outposts, upon which General Howe 
attacked their intrenchments with cannon and bombs on that side ; and we 
attacked them in several places besides, at the same time, all in the dark." 



DEFICIENCY OF POWDER. 231 

to the works, killed ten or twelve on the spot, and took the 
remainder prisoners. Having demolished the works, the party 
were ready to embark, but the tide leaving them, they were 
obliged to remain until its return. Meantime, a number of 
boats came up from the men-of-war to reinforce those at the 
island, and a smart firing from both parties took place. A 
field-piece, under Major Crane, planted on Nantasket Point to 
cover a retreat, sunk one of the boats, and killed several of 
the crew. Major Tupper brought his party off with the loss 
of only one man killed, and two or three wounded. He killed 
and captured fifty-three of the enemy. Washington, the next 
day, in general orders, thanked Major Tupper, and the officers 
and soldiers under his command, " for their gallant and sol- 
dier-like behavior," and remarked that he doubted not "but 
the continental army would be as famous for their mercy as 
their valor." ^ 

No movements were made, nor were there any skirmishes 
of importance, in the early part of August. General Wash- 
ington felt more anxious than ever at the shortness of his sup- 
ply of powder. A council of war (August 3) was held on 
this important subject, when the whole stock was represented 
to be only 9,937 pounds. Measures were taken to procure a 
supply from the neighboring colonies. "Our situation," 
Washington wrote to Congress, " in the article of powder, is 
much more alarming than I had the most distant idea of." 
He felt the more anxious, as he was expecting an attack. 
Things looked like it in Boston. Detachments of the enemy 
practised embarking in boats daily, and rowing about the har- 
bor ; and they paraded in large detachments of seven or eight 
hundred, with their light horse, on Charlestown common, 
where their brilliant appearance contrasted strangely with the 
homely garb of the continentals. They kept up, too, a con- 
tinual cannonade. Colonel Reed writes, (August 7,) "The 
enemy, having more ammunition to sport than we have, divert 
themselves every day with cannonading our lines ; but with 
very little effect, except where the imprudence of some of our 
own people exposes them to danger. Two were killed at the 
lines last week, by running after cannon shot. We scarcely 
lie down or rise up, but with the expectation that the night or 
20 



232 THE SIEGE OF BOSTON. 

the day must produce some important event." ' He writes 
August 24 : " The word 'powder' in a letter sets us all on 
tiptoe. We have been in a terrible situation, occasioned by a 
mistake in a return ; we reckoned upon three hundred quar- 
ter-casks, and had but thirty-two barrels." He remarked that 
this damped their spirits, and obliged them " to bear with the 
rascals on Bunker Hill, when a few shot, now and then, in 
return, would keep the men attentive to their business, and 
give the enemy alarms." 

A few incidents may be worthy of notice. Kettell, Aug. 1, 
writes : " They continue quarrelling on the common. The 
riflemen keep round, picking them (the British) off. They 
fire in from their hill and their batteries, and our men pick up 
the balls ; fired eight or ten guns from the ship, but did no 
mischief We raised a high liberty-pole upon Rand's Hill 
(at) five o'clock this afte^oon, and gave three cheers all 
round, and then fired a twenty-four pounder at the ship." 
The next day, in the skirmish, the Americans burnt a barn 
near the Charlestown Neck, in which hay was stored, and 
wounded a British officer, who was carried within the lines. 
On the Gth, Sunday, a party landed from two barges, covered 
by a floating battery, on the Maiden side of Penny Ferry, 
(where Maiden Bridge is,) and set the ferry-house on fire.'* 
On the 13th two barges and two sail-boats, on their way to 
the floating battery in Mystic River, bearing near Maiden 
Point, Captain Lindsey's company opened a smart fire upon 
them, which obliged them to return ; when they commenced 
a fire on a party of Americans, under Lieut. -colonel Baldwin, 
stationed in Chelsea, which was briskly returned. "Our 
brave Yankees, so called," Kettell writes, "played the man, 
and beat them." On the 20th, the British, it was thought, 

1 Reed's life of President Reed, vol. i., p. 117. 

^ Kettell writes, August 10 :"Thursday, cloudy. Much firing among the 
sentries. A flag of truce was sent out this afternoon, with three letters. He 
was a drum-major of the grenadiers. I heard that he brought an account of 
the men killed since yesterday morning, — amounts to forty odd. A man in 
Boston sent a letter to his brother in the army, and says that they are taking 
all the interest out of Boston, and everything that is good for anything. 
Some thunder. Considerable of rain this evening."' 



PLOUGHED HILL. 233 

were about to sally out of Charlestown, when the camp was 
alarmed, and the men ordered to he on their arms. On the 
25th there was a smart firing at the rehef of guard, and the 
British exercised their cavahy on Charlestown common.' 

The next enterprise was an important one. In front of 
Winter Hill, and within point-blank shot of Bunker Hill, is 
Ploughed Hill, now Mount Benedict. Washington determined 
to take possession of it. For weeks it had been rumored that 
the British intended to come out of Boston, and storm the 
American intrenchments ; ^ and hence it was expected that 
taking possession of a post so exposed would bring on a gen- 
eral action. This made the occasion one of uncommon inter- 

' It was customary, for several years, to celebrate the anniversary of the 
14th of August, 1765, the day of the first forcible resistance to the acts of 
the British Parliament, when the stamp office in Boston was demolished. 
The following account appeared in the newspapers : — 

Cambridge, Aug. 14, 1775. 
This day the field-officers of the 6th brigade, under the command of Col. 
James Frye, met at the house of Jonathan Hastings, Esq., to celebrate the 
14th of August, where the following toasts were drunk, viz : — 



1. The Continental Congress. 

2. Success to our undertaking. 

3. The memorable 14ih of August, 

1765. 

4. May American valor ever prove 

invincible to the attempts of 
ministerial tyranny to oppress 
them. 

5. The twelve United States. 

6. All our friends in Great Britain. 

7. Liberty without licentiousness. 

8. A speedy and happy conclusion to 

the present unhappy disputes. 

9. The 19th of April. 

10. A speedy entrance, possession, 



and opening, of the town of 
Boston. 

11. The president of the Continental 

Congress. 

12. General Washington, and the 

other general officers of the 
American army. 

13. A speedy export of all the ene- 

mies of America, without any 
drawback. 

14. Immortal honor to that patriot 

and hero. Doctor Warren, and 
the brave American troops who 
fought the battle on the 17th 
of June, 1775. 



'^ Col. Jedediah Huntington, August 26, writes: "We have been told 
that our enemies have for some time past been boasting the 25th August, 
intending then to make a visit to us, and that General Gage has given Earl 
Percy the command of the lines on the Neck, who is to exhibit such proofs 
of his military abilities as will retrieve the honor he lost at the Lexington 
aflray ; but matters remain this morning in statu qvo.'" 



234: THE SIEGE OF BOSTON. 

est in the camp. On the night of August 26 a fatigue party 
of a thousand, with a guard of twenty-four hundred, under 
General Sulhvan, marched on to this hill, and worked so dili- 
gently, during the night, that in the morning the works were 
strong enough to form a good protection against the enemy's 
cannon. About nine o'clock, on the 27th, Sunday, the British 
began a heavy cannonade from Bunker Hill, and from one of 
the ships hauled into Mystic River, and from two floating bat- 
teries stationed in this river, which continued throughout the 
day. Adjutant Mumford, of Colonel Varnum's Rhode Island 
regiment, and a soldier, had their heads shot off, and a rifle- 
man was mortally wounded. On account of the scarcity of 
powder in the camp, this cannonade was not returned. A nine- 
pounder, however, was planted on a point at the Ten Hills 
Farm to play against the two floating batteries, and so eftect- 
ual was the shot that one of them was sunk and the other 
was silenced. At night the firing ceased. On Monday morn- 
ing the enemy, were observed from Chelsea, to be drawn up 
and in motion on Bunker Hill. The camp was alarmed ; five 
thousand troops were marched to Ploughed Hill and to the 
Charlestown road ; and Washington expected, and even hoped, 
that at high water the British intended to attack him. Until 
three o'clock in the afternoon " the most awful silence was 
observed on both sides." The enemy declined the challenge. 
They continued for several days to bombard the works. On 
the 10th of September the firing had ceased.' 

In the mean time, so successful a blockade had made an im- 
pression on the British commander, and was seriously felt by 
the troops and the people of Boston. General Gage, although 
he had received reinforcements since the battle of Bunker Hill, 
began to despair of reducing Massachusetts to submission. 
He informed Lord Dartmouth (July 24) that the rebellion was 
general. "This province began it," he said, "I might say 
this town, for here the arch-rebels formed their scheme long 
ago. This circumstance brought the troops first here, which 
is the most disadvantageous place for all operations." He 

1 Newspapers of 1775 ; Sparks' Washington ; General Sullivan's letter, 
in Force's Archives, ii., 1755 ; the date should be August 29, 1775, instead 
of July. 



THE BRITISH ARMY. 235 

suggested that the province of New York might be more 
easily reduced, and that the friends of government there might 
be able to raise forces to join the troops. His general orders 
of this period rather indicate apprehensions of an attack from 
the Americans than any idea of moving into the country. 
Thus an order of August 28 enjoined the utmost alertness 
from the troops, as well in the day as in the night ; and it 
predicted, that in case " the rebels presumed to make an 
attack" they would meet with a fate similar to that of the 
17th of June. 

In the last week in July the number of inhabitants was 
stated at 6753 ; the number of troops, with their dependents, 
women and children, at 13,600. The town became sickly, 
both among the people and the troops, for neither had been 
accustomed to live on salt provision. " We are in the Strang-" 
est state in the world," a lady writes, August 10, " surrounded 
on all sides. The whole country is in arms, and intrenched. 
We are deprived of fresh provisions, subject to continual 
alarms and cannonadings, the provincials being very auda- 
cious, and advancing near to our lines, since the arrivals of 
Generals Washington and Lee to command them." 

The troops had an abundance of salt provision, and of fish, 
but this exclusive diet rendered many unfit for service. The 
weather was extremely hot. They were encamped on the 
common, and in other places, without proper shade to screen 
them from the sun, or without sufficient straw to lie on in 
their tents. " It is not to be wondered," a letter, August 2, 
says, " that the fatigue of duty, bad accommodation, and the 
use of too much spirits," should produce fevers in the camp. 
" The soldiers cannot be kept from rum ; sixpence will buy a 
quart of West India rum, and fourpence is the price of a quart 
of this country rum." " Even the sick and wounded have 
often had nothing to eat but salt pork and fish." The sailors 
were better off. The ships had a wider range, and got sup- 
plies of fresh meat along the coasts. " Even in those that 
lie in Boston harbor," a letter stales, " though the men have a 
great deal of fatiguing duty in boats, yet they are coolly and 
cleanly lodged on board ; the decks are shaded with awnings, 
the lower ports are open, the hammocks are up, and the ships 
2G* 



236 THE SIEGE OF BOSTON. 

washed inside and out twice a day, and there is always a- 
little air of wind on the water that is not upon the shore." 
The sailors were more accustomed to salt diet, and had be- 
sides a full supply of wine and spruce beer, and they enjoyed 
good health. General Gage made exertions to obtain supplies 
of fresh meat from the neighboring colonies ; and a fleet that 
returned from a plundering excursion' from the neighborhood 
of New London, and the capture of an American vessel with 
stores, gave him a temporary supply. "With these trophies 
of victory," — the Essex Gazette states, August 17, — "on 
their arrival in Boston, the bells, we hear, were set to music, to 
the no small joy and comfort of the poor, half-starved Tories." 
The patriotic portion of the inhabitants were annoyed by 
the stringent regulations of martial law, and often insulted by 
the conduct of individual soldiers. Sometimes these insults 
were minutely related in the journals. The citizens'^ were 
charged with taking "plans of the works, with making signals 
from the church steeples, with holding correspondence with 

1 General Gage, Aug. 20, 1775, informed Lord Dartmouth of the arrival 
of this fleet, " with about 1800 sheep, and above 100 head of oxen, which 
will be some relief to the troops in general, and of great benefit to the hos- 
pitals." This letter was published, when there appeared in the London 
Chronicle the following impromptu, written on hearing that a detachment of 
regulars had returned safe to Boston with the sheep : — 
In days of yore the British troops 

Have taken warlike kings in battle ; 
But now, alas ! their valor droops, 

For Gage takes naught but — harmless cattle. 

Britons, with grief, your bosoms strike ! 

Your faded laurels loudly weep I 
Behold your heroes, Quixote-like, 

Driving a timid flock of — sheep. 

* Prisoners, inhabitants of Boston, Sept. 2, 1775 : — 

Master Lovell, imprisoned sixty-five days, charged with being a spy, and 
giving intelligence to the rebels. 

Mr. Leach, sixty-five days, charged with being a spy, and suspected of 
taking plans. 

Mr. Peter Edes, son of Mr. Benjamin Edes, printer, and Mr. William 
Starr, seventy-five days each, for having fire-arms concealed in their houses. 

Mr. John Gill, printer, twenty-nine days, for printing treason, sedition, 
and rebellion. — Newspaper, 1775. 



THE BOSTON PATRIOTS. 237 

their friends. Dr. Eliot writes, "We are offenders for a 
word." Some were thrown into prison, — among others, Mas- 
ter Lovell and Mr. Edes. At the commencement of the siege 
passes to go out might be bought, and some paid as high as 
forty dollars for them, but they were generally refused. At 
length the scarcity of provisions made so many inhabitants a 
burden to General Gage, and he endeavored to make an 
arrangement for their removal from Boston. A notification ' 
was posted up in town, requesting such as wished to go into 
the country to leave their names with James Urquhart, town 
major, and in two days upwards of two thousand applied. 
Many hesitated as to the course to take, being unwilling to 
leave their effects subject to the plunder of the soldiery, and 
as unwilling to remain and suffer the hazards of the siege. 
No plate of any kind was allowed to be carried away, nor 
more than five pounds in cash. But much silver found its 
way out, and many are the stories told as to the way the men 
concealed it among their goods, and the women quilted it in 
their garments. Some were refused permission to leave. 
Many who obtained it landed at Chelsea, and scattered 
through the country. There is much matter relating to the 
poor at this period. They were provided for by the Provin- 
cial Congress, and donations also continued to be made for 
their relief Congress (July 5) authorized the town clerk to 
summon the citizens of Boston to meet at Concord, July 18, 
to choose representatives to the General Court. The patriots 
who continued in town were much annoyed. Among other 
vexations, they saw their celebrated liberty-tree cut down by 
the troops and the Tories. Armed with axes, the Essex 
Gazette (August 31) says, " they made a furious attack upon 
it. After a long spell of laughing and grinning, sweating, 
swearing, and foaming, with malice diabolical, they cut down 
a tree because it bore the name of liberty." A soldier was 
killed during the operation. Be it known, says the Gazette, 

^ Notification. — All persons who are desirous of leaving the town of Bos- 
ton are hereby called upon to give in their names to the town major forth- 
with. By order of his excellency the general, 

James Urquhart, Town Major. 

Boston, 24th July, 1775. 



238 THE SIEGE OF BOSTON. 

" that the grand American tree of liberty, planted in the 
centre of the united colonies of North America, now flourishes 
with unrivalled, increasing beauty, and bids fair, in a short 
time, to afford under its wide-spreading branches a safe and 
happy retreat for all the sons of liberty, however numerous 
and dispersed." ^ 

The Tories were willing to put up with the inconveniences 
of the siege, in consideration of the boon of security. One 
writing to a friend (August 10) says: "Although we are 
deprived of the comforts and luxuries, and some of the con- 
veniences of life, yet, our being in a place of safety lessens 
the want of those conveniences; and I heartily wish you 
and your good family were as safe as we are here, out of the 
reach of the Tory hunters." This letter names " a Mr. Hitch- 
born, a young lawyer," taken prisoner, as on board of the 
Preston, and as standing fair "for the gallows." They felt 
confident that the rebellion would be put down. They had 

^ A tract was printed in 1775, entitled, " Voyage to Boston." The trav- 
eller was supplied by " the native genius of North America " with a mantle 
which had the virtue of rendering the wearer invisible. After being in the 
midst of Gage's council of war, he visited the liberty-tree while the Tories 
were cutting it down, and describes the scene as follows : — 

"Now shined the gay-faced sun with morning light, 

All nature joyed exulting at the sight. 

When swift as wind, to vent their base-born rage, 

The Tory Williams and the Butcher Gage 

Rushed to the tree, a nameless number near, 

Tories and negroes following in the rear — 

Each, axe in hand, attacked the honored tree, 

Swearing eternal war with Liberty ; 

Nor ceased their strokes, 'till each repeating wound 

Tumbled its honors headlong to the ground ; 

But e'er it fell, not mindless of its wrong, 

Avenged, it took one destined head along. 

A Tory soldier on its topmost limb — 

The genius of the shade looked stern at him, 

And marked him out that same hour to dine 

Where unsnuffed lamps burn low at Pluto's shrine, 

Then tripped his feet from off their cautious stand ; 

Pale turned the wretch — he spread each helpless hand, 

But spread in vain — with headlong force he fell. 

Nor stopped descending 'till he stopped in hell." 



BOSTON TORIES. 239 

manifested their loyalty by volunteering to act as patrol, and 
now enrolled themselves into regiments.' " We learn from 
Boston " — Col. Reed writ|^, Aug. 24 — " that they have been 
employed in cutting off all the limbs of the trees in the town 
for fascines, — that the Tories and refugees are regimented, 
have a green uniform, and are called the king's volCinteers." 
The Essex Gazette, the same day, says: "We are informed 
that the negroes in Boston were lately summoned to meet in 

^ The following extracts from Draper's Gazette will give some idea of 
things in Boston : — 

Sept. 21, 1775.— "Last week the Rev. Doctor Morrison received a call to 
the elegant new church in Brattle-street, vacated by the flight of Dr. Cooper ; 
and on Sunday he delivered an excellent discourse to a genteel audience. 
His discourse tended to show the fatal consequences of sowing sedition and 
conspiracy among parishioners, which this pulpit has been most wickedly 
practising ever since the corner-stone was laid. 

We are desired to acquaint the public that service will begin every Sunday 
at 11 o'clock, at Dr. Morrison's church, in Brattle-street. 

Tuesday a Snow arrived from Cork, laden with claret, pork, and butter; 
she brings advice of great armaments fitting out in England, which may be 
expected here iu the course of next month ; and that a certain popular magis- 
trate had been sent to the t,ower, from whence ('tis imagined) he will be 
drawn on a sledge to Tyburn, there to meet the reward due to treason and 
rebellion. 

A brigade of Irish Roman Catholics is forming in Munster and Connaught, 
in order to be sent to Boston, to act against the rebels. 

Col. Gorham, lately arrived from England, has almost completed his bat- 
talion here, which is called the Royal Fencible Americans. 

Several other corps are actually raising in the northern provinces, with 
great success, and many deluded people have left the rebels to enter therein. 

We hear a certain person of weight among the rebels hath offered to 
return to his allegiance, on condition of being pardoned and provided for ; 
what encouragement he has received remains a secret." 

Sept. 28, 1775. —"Such is the abundance of fuel, and provision for man 
and beast, daily arriving here, that instead of being a starved, deserted town, 
Boston will be, this winter, the emporium of America for plenty and 
pleasure. 

The Hivernal concert will be open on Thursday next, and the play-house 
(Faneuil Hall) will shew away with the tragedy of Zara on Tuesday, the 
17th of October, and continue to perform on those days weekly. 

Six hundred pounds sterling (donation money) are received from Canada, 
for the sick and wounded soldiers of his majesty's army. 

The Cerberus man-of-war arrived on Tuesday." 



240 ^ THE SIEGE OF BOSTON. 

Faneuil Hall, for the purpose of choosing out of their body a 
certain number to be employed in cleaning the streets, — in 
which meeting Joshua Loring, Esq., presided as moderator. 
The well-known Csesar Merriam opposed the measure, for 
which he was committed to prison, and confined until the 
streets are all cleaned." The journals contain a minute 
description of a street-fight that took place in August, between 
Commissioner Hallowell and Admiral Graves. In September 
the arrival of supplies of provisions made things look a little 
more cheerful in Boston. Madam Draper's Gazette predicted 
(Sept. 28) that Boston, instead of being a starved, deserted 
town, would be, this winter, the emporium of America for 
plenty and pleasure. 

The treatment of the prisoners taken at Bunker Hill, and 
at other places, occasioned an interesting correspondence be- 
tween the commanding generals of the two armies. They 
were thrown into a common jail. No distinction was made 
between officers and soldiers ; and though, in July, a message 
from them stated that they were treated kindly, yet it was 
reported in August that they were treated with severity. This 
called for action on the part of Washington. " The occa- 
sion," Sparks writes, " awakened recollections of more than 
common interest. Just twenty years had elapsed since he 
and Gage fought side by side on the bloody battle-field of the 
Monongahela. An intimacy then subsisted between them, 
which was cherished afterwards by a friendly correspondence. 
Far different was the relation in which they now stood to 
each other, at the head of contending armies : the one obey- 
ing the commands of his sovereign, the other upholding the 
cause of an oppressed people." Their letters were significant 
of the change. Washington's was severe in the mere relation 
of the facts already stated. In addition, he stated that some, 
languishing with wounds and sickness, had been amputated 
in the unworthy situation of a jail ; and he informed Gage 
(August 11) that he should be obliged to resort to the neces- 
sity of retaliation. General Gage's reply (13tli) was arrogant 
and insulting : " Britons, ever preeminent in mercy, have out- 
gone common examples, and overlooked the criminal in the 
captive. Upon these principles, your prisoners, whose lives, 



AMERICAN PRISONERS. 241 

by the laws of the land, are destined to the cord, have hith- 
erto been treated with care and kindness, and more comfort- 
ably lodged than the king's troops in the hospitals; indis- 
criminately, it is true, for I acknowledge no rank that is not 
derived from the king." He then stated, that he had intelli- 
gence that the Americans were guilty of inhumanity in the 
treatment of British prisoners. General Washington replied 
to this letter on the 20th, in which he denied the correctness 
of this intelligence, and read him a wholesome political lesson: 
" You affect, sir, to despise all rank not derived from the same 
•source with your own. I cannot conceive one more honor- 
able than that which flows from the uncorrupted choice of a 
brave and free people, — the purest source and original foun- 
tain of all power. Far from making it a plea for cruelty, a 
mind of true magnanimity and enlarged ideas would compre- 
hend and respect it." On receiving Gage's first letter, Wash- 
ington resolved to treat the British prisoners the same way 
the Americans were treated, and ordered Colonel Reed, his 
secretary, to direct those at Watertown and Cape Ann to be 
confined in Northampton jail. Accordingly, Captain Knight 
and others were immediately sent to Northampton. Wash- 
ington, however, soon changed his mind with regard to their 
imprisonment, and the order was countermanded. The three 
letters on this subject were published together in October, by 
order of Congress. 

The following notes passed between General Washington 
and Sir William Howe, this month : — 

" Charlestown Camp, 22d August, 1775. 
" Sir : — The men under your command having repeatedly 
fired upon the officers of his majesty's troops, before they 
were returned to the outworks of this camp from parleys that 
have been brought on by your desire, 1 am to request all fur- 
ther intercourse between the two camps may be at an end, 
your own letters excepted, which will be received, if you are 
pleased to send them by a drummer. 

"I am, sir, your most obedient servant, 

"W. Howe. 
" George Washington, Esq., Cambridge." 



242 THE SIEGE OF BOSTON. 

" To Sir William Howe. • 

" Camp at Cambridge, 23d August, 1775. 

"Sir: — I flatter myself you have been misinformed as to 
the conduct of the men under my command, complained of in 
yours of yesterday. It is what I should highly disapprove 
and condemn. 

" I have not the least objection to put a stop to the inter- 
course between the two camps, either totally or partially. It 
obtained through the pressing solicitations of persons cruelly 
separated from their friends and connections, and I under- 
stood was mutually convenient. 

"I am, sir, your most obedient humble servant, 

"George Washington." 

The month of September passed without any important 
military enterprise about Boston, though some incident daily 
occurred that served to give life and animation to the camp. 
Skirmishes continued between the American riflemen and the 
British regulars; while, at intervals, shot and shells were dis- 
charged, both by day and night, from the lines of the enemy. 
The British paid special attention to the new works at 
Ploughed Hill. On the 2d two shells fell inside of them, but 
did no damage ; on the 20th and 21st, after a furious cannon- 
ade of shot and shells at the works, and at a fatigue party 
near them, they killed an ox and wounded two men ; on the 
25th nine shells were discharged at them, without success. On 
the side of Roxbury, the month opened with a severe cannon- 
ade, which killed two and wounded several Americans. On 
the 2d the British threw up a slight work on Boston Neck, in 
advance of their lines, to cover their guard. This was fol- 
lowed, on the 6th, by a similar movement, without molesta- 
tion, by the Americans, though within musket-shot of the 
enemy. This work was below the George tavern. On the 
lOtli a strong work at Lamb's Dam was completed, and 
mounted with four eighteen-pounders. On the 23d the British 
discharged one hundred and eight cannon and mortars on the 
works at Roxbury, without doing any damage. On the 27th 
Major Tupper, with two hundred men, embarked in whale- 
boats at Dorchester, landed on Governor's Island, brought oflT 



SPIRIT OF THE TIMES. 243 

twelve head of cattle, two fine horses, burnt a pleasure-boat 
just ready to be launched, and returned without loss to the 
camp.' It was on the 13th of this month that Washington 
detached Colonel Arnold, with one thousand men, to Quebec. 

' The following song shows the spirit of the times. It is taken from the 
New Hampshire Gazette of September 12, 1775 : — 

LIBERTY TREE, — A NEW SONG. 

Tune — The Gods of the Greeks. 

In a chariot of light, from the regions of day, < 

The Goddess of Liberty came ; 
Ten thousand celestials directed the way, 

And hither conducted the Dame. 
A fair budding branch from the gardens above. 

Where millions with millions agree, 
She brought in her hand, as a pledge of her love, 

And the plant she named Liberty Tree. | 

The celestial exotic struck deep in the ground. 

Like a native it flourished and bore : 
The fame of its fruit drew the nations around. 

To seek out this peaceable shore. 
Unmindful of names or distinctions they came. 

For freemen like brothers agree ; 
With one spirit endued, they one friendship pursued. 

And their temple was liiBERTY Tree. 

Beneath this fair tree, like the patriarchs of old, 

Their bread in contentment they ate ; 
Unvexed with the troubles of silver and gold, 

The cares of the grand and the great. 
With timber and tar they Old England supplied. 

And supported her power on the sea ; 
Her battles they fought, without getting a groat. 

For the honor of Liberty Tree. 

But hear, ye swains, ('tis a tale most profane,) 

How all the tyrannical powers. 
King, Commons, and Lords, are uniting amain. 

To cut down this guardian of ours : 
From the east to the west blow the trumpet to arms ; 

Through the land let the sound of it flee. 
Let the far and the near — all unite with a cheer, 

In defence of our Liberty Tree. 
21 



244 THE SIEGE OF BOSTON. 

The fitting out this memorable expedition occupied a large 
share of his time. The details of it, however, do not come 
within the limits of this work. 

Washington was compelled by circumstances around him 
to pursue an inactive defensive policy. This, together with 
the condition of his army, more especially as to enlistments, 
weighed heavily on his mind. The Connecticut and Rhode 
Island troops were engaged only until the first of December, 
and those of Massachusetts only until the first of January; 
and he was desirous, before this time, by "some decisive 
stroke," to drive the enemy from Boston, and thus to relieve 
the country from the expense of an army. On the 8th of 
September, he addressed a circular to his major and brigadier- 
generals, calling a council of war on the following Monday; 
and he requested them to consider, preparatory to the meet- 
mg, whether it was expedient to make a simultaneous attack, 
by land and water, on Boston. This council was held on the 
11th, consisting of the commander-in-chief. Major-generals 
"Ward, Lee, and Putnam; and Brigadier-generals Thomas, 
Heath, Sullivan, Spencer, and Greene. It was unanimously 
agreed, " That it was not expedient to make the attempt at 
present, at least." On the 21st of September, Washington 
communicated this result to Congress, and stated that he had 
not wholly laid aside the project of an attack. He remarked, 
"Of this I hope the honorable Congress can need no assur- 
ance, that there is not a man in America who more earnestly 
wishes such a termination of the campaign as to make the 
army no longer necessary." His secretary, Joseph Reed, in 
a letter, September 29, expressed the views entertained on this 
point in the camp : — " Boston must, I fear, be given up for 
the common safety. The army and navy here must, at all 
events, be destroyed this winter. Should it be reinforced, the 
consequences to America will be dreadful. I preach this doc- 
trine with all my might, and hope the committee of Congress, 
who are expected here this week, will confirm it. The gen- 
eral is anxious to strike some decisive stroke, and would have 
done it before this, if matters had not been misrepresented to 
him." In an elaborate letter (September 21) Washington 
forcibly describes his situation : — " My situation is inexpress- 



APPLICATIONS FOR DETACHMENTS. 245 

ibly distressing — to see the winter fast approaching upon a 
naked army, the time of their service within a few weeks of 
expiring, and no provision yet made for such important events. 
Added to these, the military chest is totally exhausted; the 
paymaster has not a single dollar in hand. The commissary- 
general assures me he has strained his credit for the subsist- 
ence of the army to the utmost. The quartermaster-gen- 
eral is precisely in the same situation ; and the greater part of 
the troops are in a state not far from mutiny, upon the deduc- 
tion from their stated allowance." 

Washington, at this period, received many applications for 
detachments from the main army, to defend the towns along 
the coast from the pillage parties of the enemy; and among 
them, formal requests from the legislature of Massachusetts, 
and the governor of Connecticut. It was a delicate task to 
refuse them, for it might create serious disaffection among the 
people ; it was a dangerous policy to grant them, for it would 
have so seriously weakened the army as to have exposed it to 
a successful attack. Washington, taking council of the stern- 
est dictates of public duty, declined to comply with these 
requisitions. In reply to a letter of the patriotic Governor 
Trumbull, September 21, he said: "I wish I could extend 
protection to all; but the numerous detachments, necessary to 
remedy the evil, would amount to a dissolution of the army, or 
make the most important operations of the campaign depend 
upon the piratical expeditions of two or three men-of-war and 
transports." The policy of leaving isolated points to the 
protection of the local militia was acted upon through the 
war. 



246 



THE SIEGE OF BOSTON. 



CHAPTER X. 

Recall of General Gage. Proclamations of General Howe. New Organi- 
zation of the American Army. Armed Vessels. 

General Gage saw reason to alter his opinion of the colo- 
nists after a short experience, and in a despatch of June 25, 
1775, told Lord Dartmouth much wholesome though unwel- 
come truth. After regretting his loss of the 17th. he M^rote : 
" The trials we have had show the rebels are not the despica- 
ble rabble too many have supposed them to be; and Ifind it 
owing to a military spirit, encouraged among them for a few 
years past, joined with an uncommon degree of zeal and 
enthusiasm, that they are otherwise." He informed his supe- 
rior that the conquest of the country was not an easy work. 
It could only be effected by time and perseverance, and by 
strong armies attacking it in various quarters. He remarked 
of the colonists, that '' In all their wars against the French, 
they never showed so much conduct, attention, and persever- 
ance, as they do now." The general here was in error. The 
colonists manifested the same spirit in conquering Louisburg, 
and in saving the remnant of Braddock's army. His percep- 
tive powers had been blinded by contempt. When he repre- 
sented that, in conquering a square mile of territory, a detach- 
ment made up of the flower of his army had one half of its 
number killed and wounded, and that after a complete victory, 
the whole of his army was closely besieged, it became neces- 
sary, in accounting for such facts, to admit the presence of 
something besides cowardice. 

General Gage, though in favor of occupying New York, 
regarded the evacuation of Boston as a measure of too much 
danger, and difficulty, and importance, to be taken without 
having the sanction of government. He accordingly deter- 
mined to winter his army in its present position, and the last 
of September he commenced preparations to quarter it in the 



GENERAL GAGE RECALLED. 247 

houses of the inhabitants. In consequence of this determina- 
tion, it was necessary to remove the furniture from the build- 
ings that would be required ;. and on the 1st of October, 
Crean Brush received a commission authorizing him to receive 
for safe keeping such goods as the people might voluntarily 
intrust to him. On the 2d General Gage issued a proclama- 
tion requiring a return of the names of all inhabitants, the 
army and navy excepted, and their places of abode, unto the 
town major, at his office, in Long-lane, on or before the 5th 
of October. On the 7th he issued a proclamation appointing 
" Joshua Loring, Jr., Esq., to be sole vendue master and 
auctioneer, in and for the town of Boston," and strictly pro- 
hibiting any other person from doing such business. 

This was one of the last official acts of General Gage in 
Boston. Just before the reception, in England, of intelligence 
of the battle of Bunker Hill, a despatch had been made out 
for him, in which a sketch of future operations was drawn, 
and important questions were proposed for his consideration. 
But when this intelligence arrived, a separate letter was writ- 
ten, bearing the same date with the other, — August 2, — and 
closing in the following terms: "From the tenor of your 
letters, and from the state of affairs after the action of 
the 17th, the king is led to conclude that you have little 
expectation of effecting anything further this campaign, and 
has therefore commanded me to signify to you his majesty's 
pleasure, that you do, as soon as conveniently may be after 
you receive this letter, return to England, in order to give his 
majesty exact information of everything that it may be 
necessary to prepare, as early as possible, for the operations 
of next year, and to suggest to his majesty such matters in 
relation thereto as your knowledge and experience of the 
service enable you to furnish." He was directed to leave the 
other despatch, when he came away, with General Howe, 
who would succeed him in the command. These letters were 
received in Boston, by the Cerberus, on the 26th of Septem- 
ber. General Gage replied in full to the letter of Lord Dart- 
mouth, in a communication dated October 1, which certainly 
bears the marks of ability, good sense, and sound judgment. 
Subsequent events show, that if the ministry rejected the 
21=^ 



248 THE SIEGE CF BOSTON. 

general, they accepted his advice. He recommended the 
occupancy of New York, and stated the difficulty of making 
New England the seat of the war. " I am of opinion," he 
wrote, "that no offensive operations can be carried on to 
advantage from Boston. On the supposition of a certainty 
of driving the rebels from their intrenchments, no advantage 
would be gained but reputation ; victory could not be im- 
proved, through the want of every necessary to march into 
the country. The loss of men would probably be great, and 
the rebels be as numerous in a few days as before their defeat ; 
besides, the country is remarkably strong, and adapted to their 
way of fighting." 

General Gage immediately prepared for his departure. On 
this occasion he received several testimonials from his friends. 
On the 6th his council, and the leading loyalists, presented 
separate addresses to him, drawn up in a similar loyal tone, 
and expressing gratitude for his civil and military services. 
Both of them are highly eulogistic of his personal character. 
That of the inhabitants is reserved in its endorsement of his 
proceedings ; that of the council is fulsome in its flattery. It 
not only expressed "profound respect" for his "prudence, 
benevolence, and candor," in civil affairs, but for the "steadi- 
ness, vigilance, and humanity," of his military career. They 
presented their "loyalty to the best of kings" as their title 
"to the care and protection" of Gage's successors; and they 
requested him to assure their "gracious sovereign" that they 
were " unalienably attached to his sacred person and govern- 
ment." ' Gage, in one of his replies, lamented the miseries 
brought upon this once happy country, through the deep 
designs and dark contrivances of ambitious men, to raise 
themselves from obscurity to power and emoluments. He 
could not reflect " without pain upon the infatuation of the 

' The council, in their address, said : " We have seen with pleasure the 
many efforts you have made to avert this unhappy rebellion. We lament 
that the success has not been equal to your endeavors. But the undisturbed 
constancy and firmness with which you have pursued this principle, opposed 
to every abuse which wickedness, delusion, or enthusiasm could devise, has 
been as much the object of admiration to the loyal, as the sul)je(;t of disap- 
pointment to the disaffected, people of this province." 



GENERAL WILLIAM HOWE. 249 

multitude," " who enjoyed perfect liberty, who felt no oppres- 
sion, but, deceived and betrayed, had flown to arms to avert 
evils that existed only in imagination ;" and "in lieu of lib- 
erty had madly erected a tyranny upon the most free, happy, 
and lenient government." The country loyalists in Boston 
presented (the 7th) another address to Gage, which vied with 
that of the council in its fulsome flattery. Their regrets at 
his departure were relieved by the hopes of his speedy return; 
their lamentations at the few who dared to stem the torrent 
of rebellion and sedition were softened by the anticipation of 
the establishment of the rightful supremacy of Parliament 
over America. Gage, in his reply, gave them the welcome 
assurance that, during his absence, his successors in civil and 
military command would aflbrd them every favor and protec- 
tion. This language indicated that he expected to resume his 
command in America, after he had given the "exact informa- 
tion" which the British cabinet demanded and needed. He 
sailed October 10 for England, and soon found that his serv- 
ices would be dispensed with. He did not return to America. 
On this day General Howe took the command.' 

General Howe was superior in ability to his predecessor, 
inferior to him in education, and no better informed of the 
temper of the people he was ordered to conquer. He had 
learned, however, to respect their courage, and was as averse 
as his predecessor had been to offensive operations about Bos- 
ton. His reasoning, of the inductive cast, was conclusive. 
If the works of a single night, unfinished as they were, ill- 
supplied with ammunition and cannon as they were, cost so 
much blood to carry, what would be the sacrifice in storming 
lines made formidable by the labor of months, and frowning 
with heavy artillery 7 And if successful, no other end would 
be gained than to drive the Americans from one stronghold to 

> Boston, Oct. 10, 1775. — "The king having ordered the commander-in- 
chief to repair to Britain, and that, during his absence, Major-general Carle- 
ton should command his majesty's forces in Canada, and upon the frontiers, 
with the full powers of commander-in-chief ; and that Major-general Howe 
should have the like command within the colonies on the Atlantic Ocean, from 
Nova Scotia to West Florida inclusive, — orders are hereby given to the troops 
to obey the said major-general accordingly."— Howe's Orderly Book. 



250 THE SIEGE OF BOSTON. 

another. In his letter in reply to the important despatch of 
August 2, which was dated October 9, he frankly stated to 
Lord Dartmouth, " That the opening of the campaign from 
this quarter would be attended with great hazard, as well 
from the strength of the country, as from the intrenched posi- 
tion the rebels had taken." He recommended an entire evac- 
uation of Boston. Further south the army might possibly 
penetrate into the country, but here it could only defend this 
post, and send out plundering expeditions, without having the 
power of reducing the inhabitants. In the beginning of the 
letter he assured Lord Dartmouth that Boston, " without the 
most unforeseen accident, would be iri no danger from the 
enemy during the winter ;" at the close of the letter he earn- 
estly solicited the arrival of the destined reinforcement early 
in the spring. In the mean time he proposed to keep quiet, 
and to attempt nothing material. The British veterans in 
Boston would "shortly have full employment in preparing 
quarters for the winter ; " while the reinforcement of five bat- 
talions of two thousand, expected from Ireland, would enable 
him "to distress the rebels by incursions along the coast." 
He "hoped Portsmouth, in New Hampshire, would feel the 
weight of his majesty's arms." Such was the policy prescribed 
by the ministry * to bring the freemen of America to the feet 
of the British throne. It was carried out to the letter by the 
king's generals, in their wanton sacrifice of life and property. 
Its mission was to widen the breach between England and 
her colonies, to break the charm of loyalty that so long had 
bound them together, and thus to pave the way for political 
independence and national unity. 

The change of commanders was popular with the army. 
They thought General Gage lacked enterprise and nerve. 
They thought he had been too lenient to the people of Boston, 

' This savage policy was expressly authorized by the British government, 
althourrli it affected to be displeased at the destruction of Falmouth. It ought 
to have the full odium of it. Thus Lord Dartmouth, in a despatch dated 
October 22, 1775, authorized Howe to employ the troops in " attacking and 
doing their utmost to destroy any towns in which the people should assemble 
in arms, hold meetings of committees or congresses, or prevent the king s 
courts of justice from assembling." 



Howe's popularity. 251 

and too favorably disposed, out of family connections, towards 
the body of the colonists. They fancied General Howe to 
possess opposite qualities. One letter says, " he is in the high- 
est estimation and honor among his brave countrymen;" 
another account says, " even the blunders of Bunker Hill were 
forgotten, so happy were most people at the change." He 
had proved himself brave and energetic in battle, and gen- 
erous and humane in sharing the fatigues and in ministering 
to the necessities of the troops. Measures more decisive and 
uncompromising were expected.' 

General Howe first improved his defences, and provided 
quarters for his troops. The main works in progress at this 
time were, a fort on Bunker Hill, and additional fortifications 
at Boston Neck. The former was so far completed, October 
26th, that a general order designated the manner in which the 
several regiments were to line it in case of an attack. This 
v/as a very strong work. In describing it, an account says : 
"I do not recollect whether you saw Charlestown-side in that 
forwardness to give you any idea of its present strength ; nor 
can I, with words, well describe the plan ; — suffice it to say, 
that we thought six hundred men, commanded by two field- 
officers, so fully sufficient to protect it against the whole rebel 
army, that the flushes are levelled, and the Neck left open for 
their approach." General Clinton took the command of this 
post September 29, on the promotion of General Howe. 

' In England the British commander was much blamed for his inactivity. 
A British journal, Sept. 23, says : " With a degree of apathy scarce recon- 
cilable to the honor of a great nation, we see our whole force penned up in 
America by a rabble of half-armed militia-men. Even on the element of our 
nation, the sea, we have been strangely inactive, if not negligent. Both by 
sea and by land our commanders have been, with reason, complained of; and 
while we complain like women, we have not the spirit of men to remove 
them from places which they fill so awkwardly." 

The British officers wrote various apologies to their friends in England for 
this inaction. A letter, dated August 19, says, that the Bunker's Hill busi- 
ness of the 17th of .Tune has convinced the provincials so entirely of the irre- 
sistible intrepidity of our troops, that they have attempted nothing of any 
moment since. They have formed a line of contravallation from Mj'stic 
River, which runs by Bunker's Hill round to Dorchester, about eight miles 
in extent, and carry on the petit guerre of popping at sentries. 



252 THE SIEGE OF BOSTON. 

Adjutant Waller's orderly book, kept on the heights, gives 
glimpses of camp scenes. The troops were enjoined to main- 
. tain a high state of discipline. They were occasionally 
assembled for divine service, when they were directed to 
appear "clean," to be arrayed in order, and to be "as much 
as possible sheltered by a grove of trees." Sometimes rogues 
were barbarously flogged, and deserters were hung on Charles- 
town Neck. Views of the heights sent to England represent 
two clusters of tents, — one on Bunker Hill, and the other on 
Breed's Hill. These beautiful hills, at this time unincum- 
bered with scarcely a building, and in full view of the sur- 
rounding country, presented a fine appearance, as the British 
troops, in their brilliant uniforms, paraded on their summits. 
The British general was uncommonly busy in Boston. 
Many buildings near the hay-market, at the south end, were 
pulled down, and an opening was made from water to water. 
Here the troops were engaged in raising works. Six hundred 
men were employed on Boston Neck. The lines here also 
were made very strong. Other defences also were thrown up. 
"Our works," Carter writes, October 19, "are daily increas- 
ing ; we are now erecting redoubts on the eminences on Bos- 
ton common ; and a meeting-house, where sedition has been 
often preached, is clearing out, to be made a riding-house for 
the light dragoons." 

General Howe, on the 28th of October, issued three procla- 
mations, which created much indignation. In one he stated 
that several inhabitants had " lately absconded," to join, as 
he apprehended, "his majesty's enemies, assembled in open 
rebellion ; " and he threatened any who were detected in an 
attempt to leave the town, " without his order or permission 
given in writing," with " military execution." Any who 
escaped he should treat as traitors, "by seizure of their goods 
and effects." A second proclamation prohibited any person 
who had thus obtained permission to go out from taking more 
than five pounds in specie, and threatened offenders with the 
forfeit of the whole sum discovered, and with such fine and 
imprisonment as might be adjudged proper for the offence. 
To insure sharpness, he promised that one half of the moneys 
thus detected should go to the informer. A third proclama- 



EVENTS OF OCTOBER. 253 

tion recommended the inhabitants to associate themselves into 
companies, which were to be employed solely within the pre- 
cincts of the town, to preserve order and good government. 
They were to be armed, such as were able, and to be allowed 
fuel and provisions equal to the allowance of the troops. 
This proclamation was equivalent to a threat ; for it said, in 
order " that no one might plead ignorance," the association, 
under the direction of Hon. Peter Oliver, Foster Hutchinson, 
and William Brown, Esquires, would continue in session four 
days in the Council Chamber. Up to this time the Tories in 
the country, and even the officers of the crown, if neutral, 
were generally unmolested. It could not, however, be ex- 
pected, that there could be burning of towns and seizure of 
private property on the one side, and forbearance on the other 
side. Washington (Nov. 12) recapitulated the substance of 
these harsh proclamations, and ordered Gen. Sullivan, about 
to repair to Portsmouth, N. H., to seize all officers of govern- 
ment there who had given proofs of their unfriendly disposi- 
tion to the patriot cause. On the same day he gave similar 
orders to Governor Trumbull, of Connecticut. He wrote 
(Nov. 15) also to Governor Cooke, of Rhode Island, as fol- 
lows : " Would it not be prudent to seize on those Tories who 
have been, are, and that we know will be, active^gainst us 7 
Why should persons, who are preying on the vitals of the 
country, be suifered to stalk at large, whilst we know they 
will do us every mischief in their power 1 " 

No skirmish of importance occurred in October in the neigh- 
borhood of Boston, nor was a new position taken. Early in 
the month there was a sharp cannonade on Roxbury, but after 
this, things for some days continued remarkably quiet. On 
the 19th, the Essex Gazette states that scarcely a gun had 
been fired for a fortnight. On the 4th, a small fleet, under 
Capt. Mowatt, sailed out of Boston. It consisted of a sixty- 
four, a twenty gun ship, two sloops of eighteen guns, two 
transports, and six hundred men. They took two mortars, 
four howitzers, and other artillery. This was the fleet that 
burnt Falmouth. About the 12th a naval skirmish took place 
at Beverly. One of the privateers fitted out at this place was 
driven in by the Nautilus man-of-war, and getting aground 



254 THE SIEGE OF BOSTON. 

in a cove just out of the harbor, the people collected, 
stripped her, and carried her guns ashore. The ship also got 
aground, but was able to bring her broadside to bear on the 
privateer, when she began to fire upon it. The Salem and 
Beverly people soon returned the compliment from the shore, 
and the firing lasted for two or three hours. When the tide 
rose the ship got off. The privateer was but little damaged. 
On the night of the 17th the Americans saluted the British 
camp on Boston common. Carter writes: "They brought 
three floats (with a piece of cannon in each) out of Cam- 
bridge River, and fired a number of shot, — some of which 
went over, several fell short ; in fine, we had not even a tent- 
cord broke." The assailants did not fare so well. One of 
their cannon burst, damaging the battery, and wounding some 
of the men. Colonel Huntington writes, Oct. 19: "We had 
three fine floating batteries, — two in Cambridge, and one in 
Mystic River. Two of them remain good yet ; and about 
twenty flat-bottom boats, that will carry near an hundred men 
each, besides a number of whale-boats." 

Dr. Belknap (Oct. 20) visited the lines at Roxbury, and 
writes : " Nothing struck me with more horror than the pres- 
ent condition of Roxbury ; that once busy, crowded street is 
now occupied only by a picquet-guard. The houses are 
deserted, the windows taken out, and many shot-holes visible ; 
some have been burnt, and others pulled down, to make room 
for the fortifications. A wall of earth is carried across the 
street to Williams' old house, where there is a formidable fort 
mounted with cannon. The lower line is just below where 
the George tavern stood ; a row of trees, root and branch, lies 
across the road there, and the breastwork extends to Lamb's 
Dam, which makes a part thereof I went round the whole, 
and was so near the enemy as to see them (though it was 
foggy and rainy) relieve their sentries, which they do every 
hour. Their outmost sentries are posted at the chimneys of 
Brown's house." ' 

Washington, during October, was occupied with making 
preparations for the winter, and in a new organization of the 
army. He was not in a condition to act offensively. This 
' Life of Dr. Belknap, p. 92. 



WASHINGTON IN OCTOBER. 255 

inactivity, however, grew more and more irksome to the com- 
mander, and more unsatisfactory- to the country ; and it occa- 
sioned audible murmurs. It was believed that an assault on 
Boston was delayed out of a desire to spare its inhabitants, 
and to save their property. Congress, either sharing this 
feeling or willing to hazard an engagement, suggested to the 
commander-in-chief, that if he thought a successful attempt 
against the British troops practicable, it would be advisable to 
make the "attack upon the first favorahle occasion, and 
before the arrival of reinforcements." But Washington 
hardly needed this hint, for at no period of his command was 
he more solicitous to act on the offensive than during the 
siege of Boston. He stated his position, and the necessity of 
his continuing to act on the defensive, in a letter dated Octo- 
ber 5, 1775: '• The enemy in Boston and on the heights of 
Charlestown are so strongly fortified, as to render it almost 
impossible to force their lines, thrown up at the head of each 
neck. Without great slaughter on our side, or cowardice 
on theirs, it is absolutely so. We therefore can do no more 
than keep them besieged, which they are to all intents and 
purposes, as closely as any troops upon earth can be, that 
have an opening to the sea. Our advanced works and theirs 
are within musket-shot. We daily undergo a cannonade, 
which has done no injury to our works, and very little hurt 
to our men. These insults we are compelled to submit to for 
want of powder, being obliged, except now and then giving 
them a shot, to reserve what we have for closer work than 
cannon distance." ^ 

' A paper dated October 28, 1775, gives the names, rates, and situation of 
the navy in Boston harbor : — 

The Boyne — mounts 64 guns, and lies near the western end of Spectacle 
Island. 

The Preston — 50 guns — is now moored for the winter between Long 
Wharf and Hancock's Wharf, at the eastern end of the town. 

The Scarborough, and another sloop, — one of twenty and the other of 
sixteen guns, — are moored at a small distance to the southward of the Pres- 
ton. 

There are at present no other ships of force in the harbor, except the 
Mercury, stationed at the north-west side of the town, upon Charles River. 

A plan was proposed to capture the Preston by surprise. 
22 



256 THE SIEGE OF BOSTON. 

Washington was much reheved by the arrival (October 15) 
of a committee from Congress, appointed to consuh with other 
committees, in relation to a new organization of the army. It 
consisted of Dr. Franklin, Hon. Thomas Lynch, of Carolina, 
and Colonel Harrison, of Virginia.' Deputy Governor Gris- 
wold and Judge Nathaniel Wales were present from Connect- 
icut; Deputy Governor Cooke from Rhode Island ; Hon. James 
Bowdoin, Colonel Otis, Hon. William Sever, and Hon. Wal- 
ter Spooner, of the Massachusetts council. The president of 
the Provincial Congress appeared for New Hampshire. The 
labors of this "committee of conference" continued several 
(Jays, — from the 18th to 22d, — and embraced all the points 
of the proposed new army. Joseph Reed acted as secretary. 
His records have been preserved. On the last day the dele- 
gates from the several colonies stated the number of men each 
colony could supply before the 10th of March, and the terms 
on which they could be enlisted. Massachusetts could furnish 
twenty thousand men, on the terms on which the present 
army were raised; viz., a coat, forty shillings a month, — 
one month's pay being advanced ; and a greater number on 
any emergency. Connecticut could supply eight thousand 
men, at forty shillings a month, and forty shillings bounty. 
New Hampshire could furnish three thousand at forty shilhngs, 
without a bounty. Rhode Island conld not go any further 
than to continue its force of fifteen hundred men. The con- 
ference decided that the General Court of Massachusetts ought 
properly to take cognizance of all armed vessels fitted out by 
its citizens, and that commissions should be granted, and cap- 
tures made, at least under some authority ; and that captures 
made by armed vessels in the pay of the contment should be 
disposed of by the general for the public use. The result of 
this conference was extremely satisfactory to Washington. A 
plan was agreed upon for a new organization of the army, 
which provided for the enlistment of twenty-six regiments, of 
eight companies each, besides riflemen and artillery. This 

' General Greene writes, October 16, 1775 : " The committee of Congress 
arrived last evenintr, and I had the honor to be introduced to that very great 
man Doctor Franklin, whom I viewed with silent admiration during the whole 
evening. Attention watched his lips, and conviction closed his periods." 



PROPOSED ATTACK ON BOSTON. 257 

plan, and the details of it, were substantially adopted by Con- 
gress. 

On the 23d and 24th, the delegates from Congress held a 
formal conference with Washington on sundry matters upon 
which no order had been made by Congress. The most 
prominent of them was the important measure of an attack on 
Boston. A council of war,' convened in consequence of an 
intimation from Congress, had decided that at present it was 
not practicable. Washington desired the delegates to state 
how far it might be deemed advisable to destroy the troops in 
Boston by bombardment ; in other words — whether the town 
and the property were to be so considered that an attack on 
the troops should be avoided when it evidently appeared that 
the town must, in consequence, be destroyed 7 The delegates 
considered the subject of too much importance to be decided 
by them, and referred it to Congress.'^ Dr. Belknap was in the 
camp during this conference, and dined with a party consist- 
ing of the delegates and the generals. He writes of the con- 
versation : "Lynch, Harrison, and Wales wished to s^e 

• At a council of war, held at head-quarters October 18, 1775, present his 
excellency General Washington ; Major-generals Ward, Lee, Putnam ; 
Brigadier-generals Thomas, Heath, Sullivan, Greene, Gates. 

The general acquainted the members of the council, that he had called 
them together in consequence of an intimation from the Congress that an 
attack upon Boston, if practicable, was much desired. That he therefore 
desired their opinions on the subject. 

General Gates. — That under present circumstances it is improper to 
attempt it. 

General Greene. — That it is not practicable under all circumstances ; but 
if ten thousand men could be landed at Boston, thinks it is. 

General Sullivan. — That at this time it is improper. The winter gives a 
more favorable opportunity. 

General Heath. — Impracticable at present. 

General Thomas. — Of the same opinion. 

General Putnam. — Disapproves of it at present. 

General Lee. — Is not sufficiently acquainted with the men to judge ; 
therefore thinks it too great a risk. 

General Ward. — Against it. 

General Washington. 

2 The documents in relation to this committee of conference may be found 
in American Archives, vol. in. 



258 THE SIEGE OF BOSTON. 

Boston in flames. Lee told them it was impossible to burn it 
unless they sent men in with bundles of straw on their backs 
to do it. He said it could not be done with carcass and hot 
shot; and instanced the Isle Royal, in St. Lawrence River, 
which was fired at in 1760 a long time, with a fine train of 
artillery, hot shot, and carcasses, without effect." ^ 

In October much excitement was occasioned in the camp, 
and in the colonies, by the discovery of a correspondence of 
Dr. Church, who had been a prominent patriot, with the 
enemy. In the month of July, he gave a letter to a woman 
who was going to Newport, with directions to go on board 
a British man-of-war stationed there, and give it to its com- 
mander. Captain Wallace. She applied to Mr. AVainwood, 
a patriot, to assist her in getting access to the vessel, who 
artfully drew from her the fact of her errand. It occurring to 
him that the letter might be from a traitor in the army, he 
prevailed on her to intrust the delivery of it to him. He 
then imparted the secret to Mr. Maxwell, another patriot, 
■^ho opened the letter, and found it written in characters 
which he did not understand. The matter here rested until 
Mr. Wainwood received a letter from the woman, manifesting 
uneasiness as to the missing letter. This led them to con- 
clude that such correspondence might be still continued. 
They then advised with Mr. Henry Ward, of Providence, who 
sent the letter, with an account of the matter, to General 
Greene. He immediately conferred with Washington. The 
woman was examined, and after some hesitation, she said 
Dr. Church gave her the letter. He was then arrested. The 
letter was deciphered by Rev. Samuel West. It was mostly 
made up of a description of the force of the Americans, but 
contained no disclosure of consequence, and no expressions 
prejudicial to the cause of the country. Dr. Church, as soon 
as the contents were found out, wrote an incoherent account of 
the matter to Washington, in which he attempted to vindicate 
himself from any design unfriendly to his country. A coun- 
cil of war assembled, (October 3,) before which Dr. Church 
confessed that he wrote the letter, stated that his object was 

'Life of Dr. Belknap, 9G. 



CASE OF DR. CHURCH. 259 

to effect a speedy accommodation of the dispute, but protested 
his innocence of any traitorous design. The council were 
not satisfied, but were unanimously of opinion that he had 
carried on a criminal correspondence. They decided to refer 
the case to Congress ; and in the mean time to confine the 
prisoner closely, and allow no person to visit him but by 
special direction. ^ 

Washington immediately laid the niatter before Congress. 
It also came before the committee of conference in the camp. 
This body, after discussion, resolved to refer Dr. Church for 
trial and punishment to the Massachusetts General Court, with 
the understanding that no procedure should be had until the 
pleasure of Congress was known. 

Dr. Church underwent next the ordeal of the General Court, 
He was examined by this body October 27. His letter was 
read, and he made a long and curious speech in his own justi- 
fication. It failed to convince his associates of his innocence, 
and he was, November 2, expelled from his seat. His fate 
was decided by the Continental Congress. It resolved, 
November 6, that he should be confined in a jail in Connecti- 
cut, " without the use of pen, ink, or paper, and that no per- 
son be allowed to converse Wnh him, except in the presence 
and hearing of a magistrate of the town, or the sheriff of the 
county, where he should be confined, and in the English lan- 
guage," until the further order of Congress. He was im- 
prisoned at Norwich. In the following May he petitioned 
Congress for his release from confinement, on the ground of 
declining health. This was granted, on the condition that he 
should be removed to Massachusetts, and be put in the charge 
of the council of this colony; and that he should give his 
parole, with sureties in the penalty of one thousand pounds, 
not to hold correspondence with the enemy, or to leave the 
colony without license.' He accordingly returned to Boston, 

' The documents relative to this affair are voluminous. They are collected 
in the American Archives. See Sparks' Washington, vol. in. Dr. 
Church, during his confinement, wrote two long and earnest letters to Wash- 
ington's secretary, Joseph Reed, in relation to his case. — Reed's Life of 
President Reed, vol. i., p. 123. 

22* 



260 THE SIEGE OF BOSTON. 

and during the year 177(3 obtained permission to visit the 
West Indies. The vessel in which he sailed was never heard 
of. 

Efficient measures were taken this month to fit out armed 
vessels. The necessity of them to cut off the enemy's supplies 
prompted the efforts made (see pages 110, 111) in the Massa- 
chusetts Provii^ial Congress to authorize them, before the 
battle of Bunker Hill. A report in relation to them was con- 
sidered in this body, (June 19,) and after debate, "the matter 
was ordered to subside." Meantime, the Rhode Island 
Assembly (June 12) authorized two vessels to be fitted out, — 
one of eighty men, under Abraham Whipple; the other of 
thirty men, nnder Christopher Whipple. They were cruising 
in July. Connecticut authorized (July 1) two armed vessels 
to be fitted out. So important was it to distress the British, 
that Washington, under his general authority, authorized 
vessels to be equipped. The first captain he commissioned 
was Nicholas Broughton, of Marblehead, whose instructions 
are dated September 2, 1775. He was addressed as." captain 
in the army of the united colonies of North America." and 
was directed " to take the command of a detachment of said 
army, and proceed on board tie schooner Hannah, at Bev- 
erly." Captain Broughton immediately sailed, and captured 
the ship Unity. His vessel, or the name of it, seems the next 
month to have been changed. 

Washington soon made contracts for other vessels. He 
received instructions from Congress, October 5, to commission 
vessels to capture the enemy's transports, and was especially 
directed to capture " two north-country built ships, of no 
force," but loaded with military stores. Every eftbrt was 
then made to fit out a small fleet of six schooners, but they 
were not all ready for sea until the last of October. On the 
29th the Lynch, commanded by Captain Broughton, and 
Franklin, by Captain Selman, had sailed for the St. Law- 
rence; the Lee, by Captain Manly, sailed this day on a 
cruise; the Warren, by Captain Adams, and the Washington, 
by Captain Martindale, were to sail the 30th ; the Harrison. 
Captain Coit, was on a cruise. It would require too much 
space to relate the fortunes of this little fleet. Some of the 



ARMED VESSELS. 261 

vessels were inifortiinate. Captain Martindale was captured, 
and, with his crew, was carried to England. Others, how- 
ever, were highly successful. 

Meantime, public opinion and individual daring compelled 
the Massachusetts Assembly to act on this subject. Persons 
petitioned to be permitted to fit out privateers, and Newbury- 
port and Salem memorialized in favor of public armed ves- 
sels being authorized. And more than this, — vessels were 
captured by enterprising seamen, without acting under any 
authority. At length, September 28, the Assembly appointed 
a committee to consider the subject. This committee not 
reporting, the Assembly, October 6th, "enjoined it to sit," 
and appointed Elbridge Glerry a member. A law was drawn 
up, during this month, by Messrs. Gerry and Sullivan, author- 
izing armed vessels, and establishing a court for the trial and 
condemnation of prizes ; and finally, November 13, it was 
passed. This is said to be the first law establishing American 
naval warfare.' 

The vessels commissioned by Washington — the first com- 
missioned by the authority of the united colonies — sailed 
under the pine-tree flag. This was the flag of the floating- 
batteries. Colonel Reed, October 20, 1775, writes to Colonels 
Glover and Moylan: — "Please to fix upon some particular 
color for a flag, and a signal by which our vessels may know 
one another. What do you think of a flag with a white 
ground, a tree in the middle, the motto ' Appeal to Heaven'? 
This is the flag of our floating batteries." Moylan and 
Glover replied, (October 21,) that as Broughton and Selman, 
who sailed that morning, had none but their old colors, they 
had appointed the signal by which they could be known by 
their friends to be "the ensign up to the main toppinglift." 
That the pine-tree flag, however, was carried by the colonial 

1 The Continental Congress, Oct. 13, authorized a vessel of ten guns and 
eighty men to be fitted out, and voted to equip another vessel, — both to 
cruise to the eastward, and intercept the enemy's transports. On the 30th it 
authorized two other vessels, of twenty and thirty-six guns, and determined 
that the second vessel, authorized 13th, should have fourteen guns. It 
appointed a committee to carry this vote into execution. On the 28th of 
November it agreed to a code of regulations for " the navy of the united 
colonies." — Journals of Congress. 



THE SIEGE OF BOSTON. 



cruisers is certain, because one was captured, and the British 
papers (January, 1776) describe its colors as follows : " The 
flag taken from a provincial privateer is now deposited in the 
admiralty; the field is white bunting, with a spreading green 
tree; the motto, 'Appeal to Heaven.'" A map of Boston 
and vicinity was published in Paris in 1776, which has the 
following representation of this flag : — 




'''^'...'".■fjftv^K^- ::::-^\jmi^yj 



^y':^:-''~^t^iJii!ffM^:,/.^fi^^'.':-^^^ 



IDEA OF INDEPENDENCE. 263 



CHAPTER XI. 

The new Organization of the Army. Fortification of Cobble Hill and Lech- 
mere's Point. State of the American Camp. Distresses of the British 
Army. Boston in December. 

Six months had elapsed since the breaking out of hostihties 
between the colonies and Great Britain. During this period 
things had been gradually tending to a state of open, regular 
war, by sea as well as by land. Not only had the people 
become accustomed to the idea of settled hostility, but they 
were entertaining the idea of political independence. This 
had been broached in various quarters by sagacious patriots, 
and had been favorably received. The American camp 
was alive with it. "I found," Dr. Belknap writes, October 
19, " that the plan of independence was become a favorite 
point in the army, and that it was offensive to pray for the 
king." General Greene advocated the policy of a declaration, 
in a letter, Oct. 23, evincing great foresight, and filled with 
admirable reasoning. After stating that " people began heart- 
ily to wish it," he said : " The alternative is a separation from 
Great Britain, or subjugation to her." '' We had as well be in 
earnest first as last ; for we have no alternative but to fight it 
out, or be slaves." This, also, was the policy that would be 
the most likely to secure foreign aid. France was the real 
enemy of Great Britain, and desired to see its power dimin- 
ished : but she would refuse to intermeddle in the dispute until 
she saw there was no hope of an accommodation. Should she. 
without such a declaration, supply warlike stores, and should 
the breach between the colonies and Great Britain be after- 
wards made up, "she would incur the hostility of her rival, 
without reaping any solid advantage." Such was the reason- 
ing of this clear-headed general. Such was, undoubtedly, the 
political sentiment of the camp, held alike by the commander- 
in-chief and the rank and file. Such was the growing pub- 



264 THE SIEGE OF BOSTON. 

lie opinion, not only of Massachusetts, but of other colonies. 
Abroad the contest was watched with intense interest. Eng- 
land felt that its arms had been humiliated. France was 
deliberating whether to take sides in the contest. Europe was 
astonished to see so fine a British army rendered so entirely 
useless. Thus numerous were the eyes that were fixed on the 
dawning of American independence ! 

Tiie success thus far was gratifying to those who knew the 
difficulties that had been overcome. The general officers, in 
a long address to the soldiers,^ Nov. 24, remarked : " The 
ministerial army, with three of their most esteemed generals 
at their head, have been able to effect nothing. Instead of 
overrunning and ravaging the continent, from north to south, 
as they boasted they would do, they find themselves ignomin- 
iously cooped up within the walls of a single town." Instead 
of the disaffection of some of the colonies, which the ministry 
pledged themselves to the people of England would be the 
case, the union became stronger every day. Georgia, it was 
just announced, had acceded to it, which made up the Thir- 
teen United Colonies. Although the success of the American 
arms might not have altogether come up to the expectations 
of the people, or even of the Congress, it satisfied the general 
officers. 

Nor was it overlooked that this success had been mainly 
achieved by four only of the colonies, — by the forces of Mas- 
sachusetts, Connecticut, Rhode Island, and New Hampshire. 
One regiment from the south had joined the army; but a por- 
tion of it — Morgan's celebrated rifle-corps — had been de- 
tached to Quebec. This left New England mostly to its own 
resources. It is true there were reasons why it should have 
made these large exertions. It was the chief object of minis- 
terial vengeance. It was the immediate object of hostile 
attack ; and the duty of repelling this attack fell more prop- 
erly to its hands. In this day of trial New England did not 
disappoint the expectations entertained of it by the friends of 
freedom. 

And of New England it is but sheer justice to keep in view 
the efforts of Massachusetts. It was as much the great sup- 
' This address is in the American Archives, vol. iii., p. 1666. 



EFFORTS OF NEW ENGLAND. 265 

porter of the colonies, in this day of action, as Boston had been 
the great leader of the towns, in the day of preparation. Its 
service, perhaps, is best told in contemporary language, elic- 
ited by contemporary jealousy. " Let it be remembered," — 
Elbridge Gerry wrote, Oct. 9, 1775, — "that the first attack 
was made on this colony ; that we had to keep a regular 
force, without the advantage of regular government ; that we 
had to support in the field from twelve to fourteen thousand 
men, when the whole forces voted by the other New England 
governments amounted to eight thousand five hundred only. 
That New Hampshire found it impracticable to support its 
own troops at so short a notice, and was for a considerable 
time actually supplied with provisions from this province. 
That after we had ransacked the seaports, and obtained all 
that was not wanted for their support, and had stopped two 
cargoes of flour owned in Boston, it was found that all the 
pork and grain in the government would not more than sup- 
ply the inhabitants and the army until the new crops came 
in ; and that there was no way left, unassisted as we were by 
the continent, or any other colony, — for we never had a barrel 
of continental flour to supply the army, — but to write a cir- 
cular letter to every town in the counties of Worcester, Hamp- 
shire, and Berkshire, desiring them, in the most pressing terms, 
to send in provisions, and engaging that the inhabitants should 
be allowed the customary price in their respective towns, and 
the teamsters the usual rate for carting. But for this meas- 
ure the forces of this colony and New Hampshire must have 
been dispersed." ' This presents a striking view of some of 
the difficulties which the indomitable men who had thrown 
down the gauntlet to Great Britain were obliged to encounter. 
The general histories of this time abound with others. It 
'required as stout hearts to struggle through them as it did to 
meet the enemy in the shock of battle. 

It is not surprising that merit so great excited envy in other 
colonies. Even the pressure of external danger could not 
repress it. "The eyes of friends and foes," Gerry wrote, 
" are fixed on this colony ; and if jealousy or envy can sully 
its reputation, they will not miss the opportunity." A jeal- 
' Life of Elbridge Gerry, vol. i., p. 115. 



266 THE SIEGE OF BOSTON. 

ousy of New England is often seen in contemporary docu- 
ments. It seems strange, at this day, that, at a time when the 
pressure of external danger demanded close union, such an 
assurance as the following was considered necessary: "I 
assure the gentlemen from the southward," — wrote General 
Greene, October 16, — " that there could not be anything more 
abhorrent to * * * than a union of these colonies for the pur- 
pose of conquering those of the south." Hence the strong 
desire of Washington to supplant this local jealousy by a 
union spirit. And in the new organization of the army, one 
point was to make it as much as possible a continental, rather 
than a colonial, army. In considering the difficulties which 
the commander-in-chief had to surmount, this jealousy should 
not be overlooked. 

In carrying out the plan of the committee of conference for 
the organization of the army, adopted by the Continental Con- 
gress, a new arrangement of officers was necessary. The old 
army contained thirty-eight regiments ; the plan for the new 
army contemplated only twenty-six regiments. Much judg- 
ment was required in the delicate duty of reduction, to avoid 
the imputation of prejudice or of partiality. The officers 
selected were such as appeared best qualified to perform all 
the duties, and to undergo all the fatigues, of a military life. 
This whole business gave Washington and his generals great 
perplexity. There is much matter about it in the letters of 
the day. The men would not enlist unless they were allowed 
their favorite commanders ; many of the officers would not 
serve unless their rank was adjusted to meet their expecta- 
tions. " The trouble I have in the arrangement of the army," 
— Washington writes, November 11th, — "is really incon- 
ceivable." At length this obstacle was overcome, and (Nov. 
12) recruiting orders were given out. It was expected that 
most of the old army would reenlist, and that the difficulties 
had been surmounted. Washington was doomed to severe 
disappointment. A month's exertions only procured five 
thousand recruits. Washington's patience and patriotism 
were put to a severe test. His correspondence presents a 
vivid picture of his trials. "Such a dearth of public (spirit) 
and want of virtue," he wrote, "such stock-jobbing and fer- 



SKIRMISH AT LECHMERe's POINT. 267 

tility in all the low arts, to obtain advantages qf one kind and 
, another, I never saw before, and pray God I never may be 
witness to again." ^ 

During November a skirmish occurred at Lechmere's Point, 
and ground was broken at Cobble Hill. On the 9th Lieuten- 
ant-colonel Clark, at the head of six companies of light infan- 
try and a hundred grenadiers, — about four hundred men, — 
embarked in boats from Boston, and landed at Lechmere's 
Point, to carry off the stock there. It was at high water, when 
the place was an island. The Cerberus and several floating 
batteries covered the party. The alarm was given. Colonel 
Thompson, with his regiment of riflemen, joined by Colonel 
Woodbridge, with a part of his regiment and part of Patter- 
son's regiment, marched down to meet the enemy. To get 
on to the point, the troops were obliged to ford the causeway, 
in the face of the British, when the water was several feet 
deep. This they did with much spirit. The enemy, how- 
ever, were about to embark under cover of the fire of the Brit- 
ish man-of-war, of a floating battery, and the fire of a battery 
on Charlestown Neck. They lost two men, and carried off" ten 
cows. The Americans had two men dangerously wounded 
by grape shot from the ship. Some of the troops behaved with 
great spirit. Major Mifflin, a favorite officer. Mrs. Adams 
writes, " flew about as though he would have raised the 
whole arm.y." In a few instances, the men were backward. 
''The alacrity of the riflemen and officers upon the occasion," 

' The following order shows that it was intended the new army should be 
in uniform : — " October 28. It is recommended to the non-commissioned 
oiRcers and soldiers, whose pay will be drawn in consequence of last Thurs- 
day's orders, (especially to those whose attachment to the glorious cause in 
which they are engaged, and which will induce them to continue in the service 
another year,) to lay out their money in shirts, shoes, stockings, and a good 
pair of leather breeches, and not in coats and waistcoats, as it is intended 
that the new army shall be clothed in uniform. To effect which, the Con- 
gress will lay in goods upon the best terms they can be bought anywhere for 
ready money, and will sell them to the soldiers without any profit ; by which 
means, a uniform coat and waistcoat will come cheaper to them than any 
other clothing of the like kind can be bought. A number of tailors will be 
immediately set to work to make regimentals for those brave men who are 
willing at all hazards to defend their invaluable rights and privileges." 

23 



268 THE SIEGE OF BOSTON. 

writes Washington, "did them honor, to wliich Colonel Pat- 
terson's regiment, and some others, were equally entitled." . 
He praised them in the general orders the next day. He 
noticed, in the order, the conduct of some, — names unknown, 
— who manifested backwardness in crossing, and reprimanded 
the officers for the manner in which the arms of several of the 
regiments appeared. Colonel Clark, British, acted under the 
immediate eye of General Clinton, who was so well satisfied 
with his conduct that he praised it in the general orders. 
The affair, somewhat highly colored for the press, was viewed 
with exultation in the colonies. Washington regarded this 
manoeuvre of the enemy only as the prelude to a general 
attack on his lines.' 

On the night of the 22d of November, a strong detachment 
of the army, under General Putnam, broke ground at Cobble 
Hill, (McLean Asylum,) without the least annoyance from 
the enemy. The fatigue men worked until the break of day, 
when the whole party retired. On the following night 
another detachment, under General Heath, was ordered to 
complete the works. It was expected that the British would 
sally out of Boston and attack the intrenching party, and 
Colonel Bridge, with his regiment, was ordered to the foot of 
the hill, and to patrol towards the bay and neck during the 
night. Colonel Bond's regiment, and the picket guard on 
Prospect Hill, were ordered to be ready to support General 
Heath. But the enemy continued inactive. Two British 
sentinels came off in the night to the detachment. The forti- 
fication was finished without receiving a single shot. "It is 

' Lieutenant Carter, in a letter dated " Charlestown Heights, November 
13, 1775," gave the following account of this affair : " On the 9th instant, six 
companies of light infantry, and a hundred grenadiers, embarked in flat-boats, 
and landed on Phipps' Farm, (the Cerberus frigate covering the descent,) a 
piece of land which, at high tide, is an island ; it lies directly under Mount 
Pisgah, where the enemy have a very strong redoubt ; they threw several shot 
at our people, who brought off some cattle, and returned to camp without 
having a man hurt. Immediately on the embarkation of our troops, the 
enemy came on to the farm in great numbers, and boldly fired with small 
arms after the boats ; the Cerberus threw some shot amongst them, wliich, 
by the information of deserters since come in, killed seven and wounded 
eleven." 



THE NANCY STORE SHIP. 269 

allowed," the Essex Gazette states, "to be the most perfect 
piece of fortification that the American army has constructed 
during the present campaign, and on the day of its comple- 
tion was named Putnam's impregnable fortress." Washing- 
ton could account for the inactivity of the enemy only by 
supposing that he was meditating some important enter- 
prise.' 

The commander-in-chief regarded his position, at this time, 
as extremely critical. "Our situation," he writes, November 
28, "is truly alarming; and of this General Howe is well 
apprized, it being the common topic of conversation when the 
people left Boston last Friday. No doubt, when he is rein- 
forced, he will avail himself of the information." Washing- 
ton made the best disposition he was able for a defence. He 
described the additional works thrown up this month as fol- 
lows : "I have caused two half- moon batteries to be thrown 
up for occasional use, between Lechmere's Point and the 
mouth of Cambridge River, and another work at the causey 
going to Lechmere's Point, to command that pass, and rake 
the little rivulet that runs by it to Patterson's Fort. Besides 
these, I have been and marked out three places between Sew- 
all' s Point and our lines on Roxbury Neck, for works to be 
thrown up, and occasionally maimed, in case of a sortie when 
the bay gets froze." 

In November, the American armed vessels, which had 
caused Washington much perplexity, met with various suc- 
cess. The Fowey man-of-war captured the Washington, 
Captain Martindale. On the other hand, several British ves- 
sels were brought into Salem and Beverly, and the month 
closed amid great exultations at the capture of the British 
ordnance brig Nancy, by Captain Manly, commander of the 
Lee. She was carried into Cape Ann. So complete was the 
assortment of military stores on board of her, that Washing- 
ton, on receiving the intelligence, (November 30,) was appre- 
hensive that the British general would make a bold move- 
ment to recover the ship. "I instantly," he wrote, "upon 

' Essex Gazette ; Heath's Memoirs ; Sparks' Washington ; Reed's Life, 
vol. 1., p 129. 



270 



THE SIEGE OF BOSTON, 



receiving the account; ordered four companies down to protect 
the stores, teams to be impressed to remove them without 
delay, and Colonel Glover to assemble the minute-men in the 
neighborhood of Cape Ann, to secure the removal to places of 
safety." Among the articles of this truly fortunate capture, 
were two thousand muskets ; one hundred thousand flints ; 
thirty thousand round shot, for one, six, and twelve pounders ; 
over thirty tons of musket shot ; eleven mortar beds. Among 
the trophies was a thirteen inch brass mortar, weighing 2700 
pounds. A letter of Colonel Moylan describes the joy of the 
camp when the stores arrived. He says: " Such universal 
joy ran through the whole camp as if each grasped victory in 
his hand ; to crown the glorious scene, there intervened one 
truly ludicrous, which was Old Put (General Putnam) mount- 
ed on the large mortar, which was fixed in its bed for the 
occasion, with a bottle of rum in his hand, standing parson to 
christen, while god-father Mifllin gave it the name of Con- 
gress. The huzzas on the occasion, I dare say, were heard 
through all the territories of our most gracious sovereign in 
this province." ' 

Washington, in December, in spite of a severe spell of cold 
weather, and a heavy fall of snow, built strong works at Lech- 
mere's Point. He commenced planting a bomb-battery here on 
the night of Nov. 29th, and the next day the party came off 
without being interrupted. This work was prosecuted several 
days, without a gun being fired by the enemy. Washington 
says, Dec. 15. that he was " unable, upon any principle what- 
ever, to account for their silence, unless it be to lull us into a 
fatal security, to favor some attempt they may have in view 
about the time the great change they expect will take place 
the last of this month. If this be their drift, they deceive 
themselves, for, if possible, it has increased my vigilance, and 
induced me to fortify all the avenues to our camps, to guard 
against any approaches upon the ice." At no time during 

' A British account, after mentioning the capture of the Nancy, says : 
" Several other vessels have been surprised by their insignificant bomb-boats. 
I trust it will not last, and that they will pay dear for all in the spring. 
Indeed, I make no doubt of it, if the force intended arrives early enough to 
act." 



lechmere's point fortified. 271 

the siege, perhaps, was the expectation more generally enter- 
tained in the army of an assault from the enemy than during 
the progress of this work. " Not an officer in the army," 
wrote Washington, "but looks fur an attack." On the 12th 
he commenced a causeway over the marsh leading to Lech- 
mere's Point, and carried a covered way (16th) nearly to the 
top of the hill. Then a detachment of three hundred men, 
under General Putnam, (17th,) broke ground near the water 
side, within half a mile of a British man-of-war. The morn- 
ing was foggy, and the party at work was not discovered 
until about noon, when the ship began to cannonade with 
round and grape shot, and a battery at Barton's Point, with 
twenty-four-pounders and mortars. A soldier was wounded, 
and the party was driven from the works. On the next morn- 
ing Captain Smith, of the artillery, played an eighteen-pounder 
from Cobble Hill upon the vessel with such effect that she 
weighed anchor and dropped down below the ferry ; and Gen- 
eral Heath, being ordered to prosecute the work begun by 
General Putnam, went on to the hill with another detachment. 
Notwithstanding a renewed cannonade from the enemy's 
batteries, he continued to labor with efficiency and success. 
Shells fell, burst, and covered the party with dirt, and one 
broke in the air about seventy feet above it. The men in 
the works were ordered, when sentinels cried "A shot," to 
settle down, and not leave their places. The British could 
see this manoeuvre from their batteries. One of the command- 
ers of the artillery is said to have told the general that the fire 
did no good, and advised its discontinuance, as it only inured 
the Americans to danger. The fire ceased in the afternoon, 
when Washington, and other officers, visited the hill. The 
works, during several successive days, continued to be pros- 
ecuted, though under a severe discharge of shot and shells 
from the enemy, — some of which were fired from Bunker 
Hill. Two redoubts were thrown up, one of them intended 
for a mortar ; and a covered line of communication was built 
along the causeway, quite up to the redoubts.' This position 

' Heath's Memoirs ; Letters of 1775. This battery much annoyed the 
British. Their letters have much to say about it. One, Dec. 31, says: 

" If the rebels can complete the new battery which they are raising, this 
23* 



272 THE SIEGE OF BOSTON. 

was regarded as highly important in case of an attack on the 
British. " It will be possible," wrote Colonel Moylan, " to 
bombard Boston from Lechmere's Point. Give us powder 
and authority, (for that, you know, we want, as well as the 
other,) I say give us these, and Boston can be set in flames." 

An unsuccessful attempt was made on the 28th, at night, to 
surprise the British outposts on Charlestown Neck. The 
party attempted to cross on the ice from Cobble Hill, but, on 
reaching the channel of the river, one of the men slipped 
down, and his piece went off. This alarmed the British, and 
the detachment returned.' 

During this month Capt. Manly made more captures, and 
his praise was in every mouth. One vessel was from Glas- 
gow, loaded with coals and dry goods. Colonel Moylan 
writes : " There were a vast number of letters, and what is 
really extraordinary, not one that does not breathe enmity, 
death, and destruction, to this fair land." Had all the cap- 
tains appointed by Washington been as successful as Manly 
in cruising near Boston, the consequences to the British must 
have been far more serious. Broughton and Selman, this 
mouth, returned from the St. Lawrence. They were unfor- 
tunate in their supply of provisions, and in the character of 
their warfare. Other captains were unfit for their duties. In 
consequence, the Americans, in the latter part of December 
and former part of January, heard of vessels constantly arriv- 

town will be on fire about our ears a few hours after, — all our buildings 
being of wood, or a mixture of brick and woodwork. Had the rebels erected 
their battery on the other side of the town, at Dorchester, the admiral and all 
his booms would have made the first blaze, and the burning of the town 
would have followed. If we cannot destroy the rebel battery by our guns, 
we must march out and take it sword in hand." 

^ Dec. 25. — " Some persons have been so curious as to note the number 
of men killed by the firings of the enemy on Cambridge side of the Ameri- 
can lines, and on the Roxbury, as also the number and nature of their firings. 
The account stands thus : From the burning of Charlestown to this day, 
the enemy have fired upwards of 2000 shot and shells, — an equal number 
of twenty-four-pounders with any other sort. They threw more than 300 
bombs at Ploughed Hill, and 100 at Lechmere's Point. By the whole firing 
on Cambridge side they killed only seven, and on Roxbury side just a dozen." 
— Gordon's History, vol. i., p. 429. 



THE CONNECTICUT TROOPS. 273 

ing at Boston, — some of which might have been intercepted. 
However, in a short time, the sea swarmed with pubhc vessels 
and privateers from several of the colonies. They often made 
successful cruises, and British commerce suffered severely 
from their enterprise. 

Washington suffered intense anxiety, during this month, on 
account of the threatened desertion of a large part of his com- 
mand. The Connecticut troops demanded a bounty, and 
because it was refused, they became mutinous; and, deaf to 
the entreaties of their officers, regardless of the contempt with 
which their own government threatened to treat them on their 
return, they resolved to quit the lines on the 6th of December. 
A convention, composed of a committee of the General Court 
and of officers of the army, assembled at head-quarters to 
devise measures to meet the crisis. It^as determined to call 
in three thousand of the minute-men of Massachusetts, and 
two thousand from New Hampshire, to be in camp December 
10th, when the time of most of the Connecticut troops would 
be out. This was communicated to these troops, and they 
were ordered to remain until this date. "Notwithstanding 
this," Washington wrote (Dec. 2) to Governor Trumbull, 
" yesterday morning most of them resolved to leave the camp; 
many went ofi", and the utmost vigilance and industry were 
used to apprehend them ; several got away with their arms 
and ammunition." This conduct called forth the severest 
condemnation in the army, and met with a prompt rebuke 
from the patriotic people of Connecticut. 

Massachusetts met the call made upon it with its accus- 
tomed patriotism, and with uncommon promptness. General 
Sullivan, in a letter dated November 30, in urging upon the 
New Hampshire committee of safety an early compliance 
with the requisition of Washington, said : "I hope the eager 
speed with which the New Hampshire forces will march to 
take possession of and defend our' lines will evince to the 
world their love of liberty and regard to their country. As 
you find the business requires much infinite haste, I must 
entreat you not to give sleep to your eyes nor slumber to your 
eyelids till the troops are on their march." The alacrity 
with which both of these colonies responded to this call, and 



274 THE SIEGE OF BOSTON. 

the good conduct of the miUtia after their arrival in the camp, 
proved extremely gratifying to Washington. The number 
called for was nearly all at the lines at the appointed time. 
On the 18th of December General Greene wrote: " The Con- 
necticut troops are gone home ; the militia from this province 
and New Hampshire are come in to take their places. Upon 
this occasion they have discovered a zeal that does them the 
highest honor. New Hampshire behaves nobly." 

In consequence of this ardor in the cause, Washington began 
to feel, so far as men were concerned, under no apprehensions 
of an attack. The letters from camp are in a more cheerful 
vein. One, Dec. 13, says : "I have the satisfaction to tell you 
things wear a better complexion here than they have done for 
some time past. The army is filling up. The barracks go 
on well. Firewood cgmes in. The soldiers are made com- 
fortable and easy. Our privateers meet with success in bring- 
ing in vessels that were going to the relief of Boston." Gen- 
eral Greene writes, (18th,) "The army is filling up. I think 
the prospect is better than it has been. Recruits come in out 
of the country plentifully, and the soldiers in the army begin 
to show a better disposition, and to recruit cheerfully." The 
army was much elated and encouraged also by news of the 
success of the Americans in Canada. 

A visiter (Dec. 20) gave the following sketch of the Ameri- 
can camp : — " About two months ago I viewed the camps at 
Roxbury and Cambridge. The lines of both are impreg- 
nable ; with forts (many of which are bomb-proof ) and re- 
doubts, supposing them to be all in a direction, are about 
twenty miles ; the breastworks of a proper height, and in 
many places seventeen feet in thickness ; the trenches wide 
and deep in proportion, before which lay forked impediments ; 
and many of the forts, in every respect, are perfectly ready 
for battle. The whole, in a word, the admiration of every 
spectator ; for verily their fortifications appear to be the works 
of seven years, instead of about as many months. At these 
camps are about twenty thousand men. The generals and 
other officers, in all their military undertakings, solid, discreet, 
and courageous; the men daily raving for action, and seem- 
ingly void of fear. There are many floating batteries, and 



THE AMERICAN CAMP. 275 

bateaux in abundance ; besides this strength, ten thousand 
militia are ordered in that government, to appear on the first 
summons. Provisions and money there are very plenty, and 
the soldiers faithfully paid. The army in great order, and 
very healthy, and about six weeks ago lodged in comfortable 
barracks. Chaplains constantly attend the camps, morning 
and night ; prayers are often offered up for peace and recon- 
ciliation, and the soldiers very attentive. The roads at the 
time I viewed the camps were almost lined with spectators, 
and thousands with me can declare the above, respecting the 
camps, to be a just description." 

The army was well supplied with provisions. A general 
order, December 24, 177-5, directed the rations to be delivered 
in the following manner : — 

Corned beef and pork, four days in a week. 

Salt fish one day, and fresh beef two days. 

As milk cannot be procured during the winter season, the 
men are to have one pound and a half of beef, or eighteen 
ounces of pork, per day. 

Half pint of rice, or a pint of Indian meal, per week. 

One quart of spruce beer per day, or nine gallons of molas- 
ses to one hundred men per week. 

Six pounds of candles to one hundred men per week, for 
guards. 

Six ounces of butter, or nine ounces of hog's lard, per 
week. 

Three pints of peas or beans per man per week, or vege- 
tables equivalent, — allowing six shillings per bushel for beans 
or peas, two and eight-pence a bushel for onions, one and 
four-pence per bushel for potatoes and turnips. 

One pound of flour per man each day ; hard bread to be 
dealt out one day in the week, in lieu of flour. 

The army, however, had suffered much for want of fire- 
wood and hay. The Massachusetts Assembly endeavored to 
relieve this suffering, by calling on the towns within twenty 
miles of Boston to furnish specific quantities at stated times, 
according to the population of each town, and its distance 
from camp. A committee was authorized also to procure 
wood from such woodlands as it thought proper, even without 



276 THE SIEGE OF BOSTON. 

the consent of the owner, a reasonable price being paid for it. 
This energetic procedure, after a time, procured a sufficient 
supply. General Greene, December 31, wrote as follows: — 
" We have suffered prodigiously for want of wood. Many 
regiments have been obliged to eat their provision raw, for 
want of fuel to coolc it; and notwithstanding we have burnt 
up all the fences, and cut down all the trees, for a mile round 
the camp, our sufferings have been inconceivable. The bar- 
racks have been greatly delayed for want of stuff. Many of 
the troops are yet in their tents, and will be for some time, 
especially the officers. The fatigues of the campaign, the 
suffering for want of food and clothing, have made a multi- 
tude of soldiers heartily sick of service." ' 

In England, in the mean time, the intelligence from Boston, 
official and private, occasioned severe animadversions on the 
inactivity of the troops, and on the conduct of the ministry. 
The debates in Parliament, in October and November, abound 
with allusions to the army. "They" — (the Americans) 
exclaimed Burke, Nov. 1 — coop it up, besiege it, destroy it, 
crush it. Your officers are swept off by their rifles, if they 
show their noses." " They burn even the light-house" — said 
Colonel Barre — "under the nose of the fleet, and carry off the 
m'en sent to repair it." Its alarming sickness, its want of 
fresh provisions, the insults heaped upon it by the daring 
enterprise of the Americans, were dwelt upon with no little 
effect. The ministers quailed under such heavy blows. To 
relieve themselves of the grave charge of neglect, they re- 
solved to send immense quantities of stores to Boston, and 
purchased, among other articles, five thousand oxen, fourteen 
thousand sheep, a vast number of hogs, ten thousand butts 
of beer, five thousand chaldrons of coal, and even fagots, for 
fuel. A few items show the enormous expense that was 

' Accounts of the weak state of the American army were frequently pub- 
lished in the British papers. One of them says : " The provincial troops 
before Boston are in want of clothing and firing to a degree scarcely to be 
credited, and must break up their camp before winter, but will probably 
attempt a coup de main. They have burnt all the fruit-trees and those 
planted for ornament in the environs of Cambridge, and are mutinous beyond 
measure." 



■^....>c^-...-^.^-..^.^>,.. 



SUPPLIES FROM ENGLAND. 277 

incurred to support, at such a distance, an unnatural war in a 
land of plenty. Twenty-two thousand pounds were paid for 
vegetables, casks and vinegar; nearly as much for hay, 
oats, and beans; half a million was paid for corn, flonr, 
and salted provisions. So great was the demand for trans- 
ports that it raised the price of tonnage, which served to swell 
the cost. From various causes, the vessels chartered to freight 
these suppHes delayed their day of sailing until late in the 
season. Then contrary winds detained them, tempests tossed 
them about, many foundered at sea, the British Channel was 
strewed with the floating carcasses of the dead animals, and 
a great portion of the vegetables fermented and perished. Of 
the transports that got clear of the coasts, some were driven to 
the West Indies, and others were taken by the American pri- 
vateers ; so that, after all the vast labor and expense, but an 
inconsiderable portion of the supplies reached the place of 
destination.' 

The representations made to the British ministry elicited 
instructions to General Howe to move to New York or to the 
south, unless an alteration for the better took place. There 
he might supply his troops with provisions, and by a sudden 
enterprise, if not subdue, at least strike terror to the rebellious 
colonies. " The situation of the troops," — Lord Dartmouth 
wrote, September 5th, in a letter received November 9th, — 
" cooped up in a town, exposed to insult and annoyance, if not 
to surprise, from more places than one, deprived of the comforts 

' Annual Register, 1775-6 ; Register of Debates ; London Chronicle. 
General Gage, on his return, had given the ministry information as to things 
in Boston more flattering than "exact." Thus the London Chronicle of 
Nov. 18, 1775, says: "The accounts given by General Gage of the army 
in Boston are much more favorable than were expected ; the utmost harmony 
subsists among all ranks of it. The numbers in the hospitals have been daily 
decreasing for these two months ; from which time fresh provisions have been 
very plenty there. On the other hand, the provincials become every day 
more dissatisfied, being much distressed for want of proper clothing to defend 
them from the inclemency of the season." It was stated that three hundred 
of the soldiers wounded at Bunker Hill had recovered and resumed their places 
in their respective regiments. There is much matter about Gage in the jour- 
nals. One says : " We hear that General Gage, on his arrival in England, 
is to be created Lord Lexington, Baron of Bunker Hill." 



278 THE SIEGE OF BOSTON. 

and necessaries of life, wasting away by disease and desertion 
faster than we can recruit, and no longer either the objects of 
terror or cause of distress to the rebels, is truly alarming." 
The removal before winter, therefore, was regarded not only 
as advisable but as necessary. The British general, however, 
could not remove without hazard, nor remain without suffer- 
ing; and he was obliged to write, in reply, (November 26,) 
that his majesty's intentions could not be carried into execu- 
tion. He had not tonnage enough, were all the vessels in the 
port, by eleven thousand tons, to go at one embarkation, and 
he dared not weaken his army by division. Nor would his 
force allow him to undertake any enterprise of consequence to 
the service. On the 27th General Howe wrote another long 
letter describing the state of the army, and accompanied it 
with tables of statistics of the quantity of stores on hand, and 
the quantity that would be wanted for the spring campaign.' 
At this time he began to entertain apprehensions of a serious 
deficiency of provisions ; and after the capture of the Nancy, 
and of other store-ships, his advices betray his alarm. He 
apprized Lord Dartmouth (December 2d) of the state of his 
supplies, of some of the captures, and of the uncertainty of 
the arrival of the transports ordered to Boston. On the 13th, 
he sent by the Tartar intelligence of the capture of other ves- 
sels, loaded with every kind of woollen goods and articles 
necessary for clothing, and expressed '-very alarming appre- 
hensions" respecting the supply of provision ; "especially," 
he remarked, " as demands for this article are increased from 
the transports, provisions for seamen being expended from the 
pressing wants of useful persons, who must be supported for 
their services ; and of many others, who have ever been 

* General Howe, November 27, 1775, states the number of horses, caUle 
and sheep, as follows : Light dragoons, 234 horses ; generals and officers, 
160 horses ; royal artillery, 200 horses ; deputy quartermaster-general, 80 
horses; 100 cattle ; 400 sheep. Total — 674 horses, 100 cattle, 400 sheep. 

An account, Dec. 2d, says : — " Ships, &c., at Boston, — Boyne, 70 guns ; 
Preston, 50 ; Phoenix, 40 ; Lively, 20 ; Scarborough, 20 ; Empress of Rus- 
sia, 20, — for the lighthouse ; Raven, 16 ; Scimetar, 14 ; Viper, 10 ; George, 
10 ; Spitfire, 8 ; Cruizer, 8 ; Hope, (schooner,) 6 ; three small tenders, 4 guns 
each ; Custom-house schooner, 4 ; Job Williams, (a Tory,) master." 



ENLISTMENT OF LOYALISTS. 279 

attached to government."' In consequence of ■' rebel priva- 
teers infesting the bay," he suggested that in future suppUes 
should be sent out "in ships-of-war, without their lower deck 
guns, or in sufficient force to defend themselves against these 
pirates." 

At this period General Howe endeavored to enlist the loyal- 
ists in the service of the army. In this he was successful. A 
general order (November 17) alludes to three companies, as 
follows: "Many of his majesty's loyal American subjects 
residing in Boston, with their adherents, having oifered their 
service for the defence of the place, the commander-in-chief 
has ordered them to be armed, and formed into three compa- 
nies, under the command of the Honorable Brigadier-seneral 
Timothy Ruggles, to be called the Loyal American Associators. 
They will be distinguished by a virhite sash round the left arm. 
Honorable Timothy Ruggles commandant." Another order 
(December 7th) states, that "Some Irish merchants residing 
in town, with their adherents, having offered their service for 
the defence of the place," they were armed, and formed into a 
company called "Loyal Irish Yolunteers," and distinguished 
by a white cockade. James Forrest was appointed the cap- 
tain, and their duty was to mount guard every evening. 
Another order (December 9th) names the Royal Fencible 
Americans, — Colonel Gorham's corps. A letter from him 
states, that " he had already got three hundred, most of whom 
were Europeans, who have deserted from the corps of rifle- 
men." Many deserters from the Americans were riflemen, 
but this must have been an exaggerated statement. I have 
met with no account as to the number of the loyalists of Bos- 
ton who joined the British ranks. 

In consequence of the scarcity of provisions, things began to 
wear a sombre aspect in Boston. A proclamation issued by 
General Howe (November 6th) indicates his apprehensions, 
and the distress of the citizens even in November. It com- 
menced as follows : " Whereas the present and approaching 
distresses of many of the inhabitants in the town of Boston, 
from the scarcity and high prices of provisions, fuel, and 
other necessary articles of life, can only be avoided by permit- 
ting them to go where they may hope to procure easier means 
24 



280 THE SIEGE OF BOSTON. 

of subsistence." Inhabitants who wished to leave town were 
requested to leave their names with the town major before 
twelve o'clock, on the ninth instant. During this month 
several regiments in Boston struck their tents, and went into 
the houses allotted to them. Some of the meeting-houses 
were converted into barracks. 

The army in December' suifered much for want of the 
necessaries of life, food, clothing, and fuel. A few store-ships 
from England got in, but furnished but a small portion of the 
supplies that were needed and were expected. To add to the 
distress, winter set in with uncommon severity. Before the 
barracks were ready on Bunker Hill, for the winter garrison, 
the troops encountered cutting winds and driving snows. 
These troops, at length, (11th and 12th,) struck their tents. 
Lieutenant-col. Agnew, with seven hundred men, was left in 
" the three redoubts erected on the heights." General Clin- 
ton, with the remainder, moved into Boston. There are long 
descriptions of the sufferings of the troops and inhabitants at 
this period. One account (December 14) says: "The dis- 
tress of the troops and inhabitants in Boston is great beyond 
all possible description. Neither vegetables, flour, nor pulse 
for the inhabitants ; and the king's stores so very short, none 
can be spared from them ; no fuel, and the winter set in 
remarkably severe. The troops and inhabitants absolutely 
and literally starving for want of provisions and fire. Even 
salt provision is fifteen pence sterling per pound." The 
small-pox broke out, and spread alarm through the troops, 
who were generally inoculated. The British commanders 
considered this disease alone as a sufficient protection against 
an assault from their antagonists.'^ 

' On the 5th the Boyne sailed for England, with General Burgoyne on 
board. A London paper, Dec. 30, says : " Yesterday morning- the Generals 
Gage and Burgoyne, the Earl Dartmouth, and Lord George Germaine, went 
to the queen's house, and had a conference with his majesty for upwards of 
two hours, on which account his majesty did not ride out to take the air." 

* The following is from the newspaper printed in Boston: — "Boston, 
December 14, 1775. Last Thursday a piratical brig, with ten carriage-guns 
and seventy-five men, fitted out at Plymouth, and commanded by one Mar- 
tingale, was taken by the Foway man-of-war and brought in here. The 
prisoners we have are to be sent to England in the Tartar, which sails this 



SUFFERING IN BOSTON. 281 

Plimdering, also, — if the numerous cases of discipline of 
this period be a fair criterion to judge from, — kept pace with 
the increase of suffering, and seemed almost to bid defiance to 
the efforts made to stop it. General Howe had every motive 
to check licentiousness, to respect private property, and to 
preserve order ; and he dealt with merciless severity with 
cases of robbery by house-breaking. Some of the offenders 
were hung; some were sentenced to receive four hundred, 
some six hundred, some one thousand, lashes on the bare 
back with a cat-o'-nine-tails. This discipline was extended 
to receivers of stolen goods. In one case, the wife of one of the 
privates, convicted of this offence, was sentenced " to receive 
one hundred lashes on her bare back, with a cat-o'-nine-tails, 
at the cart's tail, in different portions of the most conspicuous 
parts of the town, and to be imprisoned three months." The 
instances of discipline, while they confirm the contemporary 
relations of robbery and licentiousness, prove that they are 
unjust in ascribing them to the disposition or to the policy of 
the British commander. 

The want most easily supplied was that of fuel, and this 
was obtained by demolishing the poorest of the buildings. 
The "useless houses" in Charlestown — so an order terms the 
few that escaped the general conflagration — were the first that 
were directed to be pulled down. They were divided into 
lots, and portions were assigned to each regiment. In Boston, 

day. Several other ships, likewise, sail this day for England, two of which 
carry the officers of the 18th and 59th regiments. 

"It is currently reported that the Continental Congress have declared the 
colonies in a state of independency. 

" We are informed that there is now getting up at the theatre, and will be 
performed in the course of a fortnight, a new farce, called the Blockade of 
Boston." 

In copying this, an American editor remarks : " It is more probable, before 
that time, the poor wretches will be presented with a tragedy called the 
Bombardment of Boston." 

In the London Chronicle of Dec. 2 is the following : " General Burgoyne 
has opened a theatrical campaign, of which himself is sole manager, being 
determined to act with the provincials on the defensive only. Tom Thumb 
has been already represented, while, on the other hand, the provincials are 
preparing to exhibit early in the spring Measure for Measure." 



2S2 



THE SIEGE OF BOSTON. 



SO scanty was the supply dealt oi;t, that the soldiers, notwith- 
standing severe prohibitions, demolished houses and fences, 
without waiting for orders. The evil became so great, that 
General Howe (December 5th) directed " the provost to go 
his rounds, attended by the executioner, with orders to hang 
up on the spot the first man he should detect in the fact, 
without waiting for further proof for trial." No supply hav- 
ing arrived, an order was issued (14th) authorizing working 
parties to take down the Old North Church and one hundred 
old wooden houses. 

Boston, at this period, presented its most deplorable aspect. 
Hostile cannon were planted on its hills and lawns, and an 
insolent soldiery sat around its hearth-stones, or used its 
buildings for fuel, or wantoned in its temples of worship. 
Faneuil Hall was a play-house, where the efforts of the 
sons of liberty were turned into ridicule. Its patriot popula- 
tion, exposed to the ill-treatment of the army and to the 
espionage of its adherents, in want of the necessaries of life, 
and cut off from relief which friends would gladly have 
e:^tended, were obliged to endure the severest trials. The 
pursuits of commerce and of the mechanic arts, the freedom of 
the press, of speech and of public meetings, the courts, the 
churches and the schools, were all interrupted. Even the 
air was filled with unwelcome noise, as the morning and 
evening guns sounded from Beacon Hill, or as the relief 
guards marched with their music to perform their stated 
duties. In a word, Boston under rigid martial law was like 
a prison, and it is not strange that the inhabitants who sided 
with the patriots longed to leave a place so filled with hated 
sights and sounds, and to breathe, although in poverty and 
exile, the free air of the surrounding hills. Necessity obliged 
General Howe to promote their departure, and hundreds were 
permitted to go in boats to Point Shirly, whence they dis- 
persed into the country.' 

1 Wfttertown, Nov. 27. " On Friday last General Howe sent three hundred 
men, women, and children, poor of the town of Boston, over to Chelsea, 
without anything to subsist on, at this inclement season of the year, having, 
it is reported, only six cattle left in the town for Shubael Hewes, butcher- 
master-general, to kill." — Newspaper. 



THE AMERICAN ARMY. 283 



CHAPTER XII. 

The American Army. Knowlton's Expedition. The British receive Sup- 
plies. Dorchester Heights occupied. Boston evacuated. 

The first day of the memorable year of seventeen hundred 
and seventy-six was the day which gave being to the new 
continental army. On this occasion the Union Flag of the 
Thirteen Stripes was hoisted in compliment to the Thirteen 
United Colonies.' On this day the king's speech at the open- 

' II has been stated (p. 103) that the New England troops marched to the 
field under their colony flags, and that (p. 262) the pine-tree flag of Massachu- 
setts was on the floating batteries, and was carried by the colonial vessels. 
Another flag is alluded to in 1775, called " The Union Flag." The notice 
in the text is the first time I have met with it in the camp. British observers 
in Boston occasionally mention the colors of the flags in the American camp ; 
sometimes they describe them to be " wholly red," sometimes to be "blue 
streamers," sometimes as having on them the motto " An appeal to Heaven." 
Washington (Jan. 4) states the fact in the text, and that it was raised in 
compliment to the United Colonies. Also, that without knowing or intending 
it, it gave great joy to the enemy, as it was regarded as a response to the 
king's speech. The Annual Register ( 1776) says the Americans, so great was 
their rage and indignation, burnt the speech, and " changed their colors from a 
plain red ground, which they had hitherto used, to a flag with thirteen stripes, 
as a symbol of the number and union of the colonies." Lieut. Carter, how- 
ever, is a still better authority for the device on the union flag. He was on 
Charlestown Heights, and says, January 26 : "The king's speech was sent 
by a flag to them on the 1st instant. In a short time after they received it, 
they hoisted an union flag (above the continental with the thirteen stripes) at 
Mount Pisgah ; their citadel fired thirteen guns, and gave the like number of 
cheers." This union flag also was hoisted at Philadelphia in February, 
when the American fleet sailed under Admiral Hopkins. A letter says it 
sailed " amidst the acclamations of thousands assembled on the joyful occa- 
sion, under the display of a union flag, with thirteen stripes in the field, 
emblematical of the thirteen united colonies." 

There was, in 1775, another flag, at the south, the device of which is 

described as being " a snake with thirteen rattles, the fourteenth budding, 

described in the attitude of going to strike, witii the motto ' Don't tread on 

me.' " This is said to have been the flag raised by the Alfred, and to have 

24* 



284 THE SIEGE OF BOSTON. 

ing of Parliament was received in the camp. It declared 
that the "rebellious war" was "manifestly carried on for the 
purpose of establishing an independent empire." It announced 
that the spirit of the British nation was too high, and its 
resources were too numerous, to give up so many colonies, 
which it had planted with great industry, nursed with great 
tenderness, and protected with "much expense of blood and 
treasure." It had become the part of wisdom and clemency 
to put a speedy end to the disorders in America by the most 
decisive exertions. Hence the navy had been increased, the 
land forces had been augmented, and negotiations had been 
commenced for foreign aid. 

The king's language was rather calculated to nurture the 
idea of independence than to crush it. " He breathes revenge, 
and threatens us with destruction," wrote General Greene. 
"America must raise an empire of permanent duration, sup- 
ported upon the grand pillars of truth, freedom, and religion, 
based upon justice, and defended by her own patriotic sons." 
" Permit me," he says to a member of Congress, (January 4,) 
"to recommend, from the sincerity of my heart, ready at all 
times to bleed in my country's cause, a declaration of inde- 
pendence ; and call upon the world, and the great God whc 
governs it, to witness the necessity, propriety, and rectitude 
thereof" Such were the sentiments, and such was the spirit, 
that continued to pervade the American camp. Such was 
American resolution, when it was proclaimed that the Cossack 
and the Hessian were to be hired to crush American liberty. 

The army, on this day, was weaker than at any other 
time during the siege. The changes that took place in it 
necessarily caused great confusion. Thousands of the old 
legiments v/ere hurrying home, and many with open feelings 

been carried by the Alliance, under Paul Jones, when she dashed through a 
British fleet of twenty-one sail, and made her escape. Some accounts repre- 
sent this to have been the flag of the American fleet in 1776. Probably this 
device was confined to a colony. 

The legislature of Massachusetts, April 29, 1776, ordered the naval flag 
of the colony to be a white flag, with a green pine-tree, and an inscription, 
" Appeal to Heaven." 

The present national colors were adopted by Congress in 1777. 



RESOLVE OF CONGRESS, 285 

of discontent. A large number had brought into the field 
their own fire-arms. Owing to the scarcity of this article, 
they were ordered to be prized by inspectors, paid for accord- 
ingly, and retained for service. Some of the soldiers, dissatis- 
fied with the value affixed to their property, regarded this 
measure as mijust and tyrannical, and hence, thoifgh neces- 
sary, it occasioned great difficulty. From these circumstances, 
and from others, this season was one of keen anxiety to the 
commander-in-chief. He alluded with great force to his posi- 
tion, in a long and eloquent general order of this date, and 
urged on the troops a strict attention to discipline. " When 
everything dear to freemen was at stake," he enjoined them 
to acquire the knowledge and conduct necessary in war. 
"An army without order, regularity, or discipline," he re- 
marked, " is no better than a commissioned mob." At length 
this critical period was successfully passed. " Search the vol- 
umes of history through," — he wrote, January 4th, — "and 
I much question whether a case similar to ours is to be found ; 
namely, to maintain a post against the flower of the British 
troops for six months together, without powder, and then to 
have one army disbanded, and another to be raised, within 
the same distance of a reinforced army. It is too much to 
attempt." General Greene, the same day, wrote : "We have 
just experienced the inconveniences of disbanding an army 
within cannon-shot of the enemy, and forming a new one in 
its stead. An instance never before known. Had the enemy 
been fully acquainted with our condition. I cannot pretend to 
say what might have been the consequence." 

And yet, weak as the army was, scantily supplied as it was 
with arms, with powder, and even with the necessary com- 
forts of life, the country was looking to see it expel the British 
forces from Boston. It was in the midst of the confusion of 
the new year that Washington received a resolution of Con- 
gress, passed December 22, after long and serious debate, 
authorizing him to make an assault upon the troops "in any 
manner he might think expedient, notwithstanding the town, 
and property in it, might be destroyed." It was in communi- 
cating this resolve that President Hancock, who had a large 
property in Boston, wrote: "May God crown your attempt 



286 THE blEGE OF BOSTON. 

with success. 1 most heartily wish it, though I may be the 
greatest sufferer." Anxious to meet the expectations of Con- 
gress, and of the country,' Washington, January 16, again 
submitted the question of an attack to a council of war, with 
the declaration, that, in his judgment, it was " indispensably 
necessarjf to make a bold attempt to conquer the ministerial 
troops in Boston before they could be reinforced in the spring, 
if the means should be provided, and a favorable opportunity 
should offer." Hon. John Adams and Hon. James Warren 
took part in this council, and it was unanimously agreed that 
a vigorous attempt ought to be made on Boston as soon as it 
was practicable. The present force, however, was inadequate 
to such an enterprise ; and the council advised Washington to 
make a requisition on Massachusetts, New Hampshire, and 
Connecticut, for thirteen regiments of militia, to be at Cam- 
bridge by the first of February, and to remain until the last 
of March. Congress approved of this measure of calling out 
the militia, and resolved that Washington, in doing it, exhib- 
ited " a further manifestation of his commendable zeal for the 
good of his country." In writing to that body on the 24th, 
he remarked : " No man upon earth wishes more ardently 
to destroy the nest in Boston than I do ; no person would be 
willing to go greater lengths than I shall to accomplish it, if 
it shall be thought advisable. But if we have neither powder 
to bombard with, nor ice to pass on, we shall be in no better 
situation than we have been in all the year ; we shall be 
worse, because their works are stronger." 

^ Washing-ton, Jan. 14, wrote : " The reflection upon my situation, and 
that of this army, produces many an uneasy hour, when all around me are 
wrapped in sleep. Few people know the predicament we are in, on a thou- 
sand accounts ; fewer still will believe, if any disaster happens to these lines, 
from what cause it flows. I have often thought how much happier I should 
have beeh, if, instead of accepting of a command under such circumstances, 1 
had taken my musket upon my shoulder and entered the ranks ; or, if I could 
have justified the measure to posterity and my own conscience, had retired 
to the back country, and lived in a wigwam. If I shall be able to rise supe- 
rior to these, and many other difficulties which might be enumerated, 1 shall 
most religiously believe that the finger of Providence is in it, to blind the 
eyes of our enemies ; for surely, if we get well through this month, it must 
be for want of their knowing the disadvantages we labor under." 



knovvlton's enterprise. 287 

Washington, at this time, received intelhgence of the re- 
verses in Canada, in the repulse and death of General Mont- 
gomery. A comicil (Jan. IG) considered the critical affairs 
in that quarter, and resolved that in the feeble state of the 
army before Boston it was not expedient to detach any force 
from these lines to Canada, but that three regiments of the 
thirteen called for should be directed to march with all 
possible expedition to reinforce General Schuyler. Of this 
requisition of thirteen regiments, seven were apportioned to 
Massachusetts, four to Connecticut, and two to New Hamp- 
shire, to serve until April 1, if required. In writing to these 
governments, (Jan. 16,) Washington urgently solicited their 
attention as to arms, ammunition, blankets, kettles, clothing, 
as "from his amazing deficiency" in the camp, it was not in 
his power to supply them. 

No enterprise of importance took place this month, except 
a daring attempt on Charlestown. A few houses (fourteen) 
along the Main-street, in the neighborhood of the Bunker Hill 
tavern, or Mill-stropt, had escaped the general conflagration 
and the demolition for fuel, and were now used by the British. 
General Putnam detached (Jan. 8th) a party of about two 
hundred men, under the command of Major Knowlton, aided 
by Brigade-majors Henly and Cary, to destroy these houses, 
and bring off the guard stationed in them. About nine o'clock 
in the evening the party crossed the mill-dam from Cobble 
Hill. Major Cary was directed to proceed to the houses 
furthest from the dam, and set fire to them ; while another 
party, under Major Henly, was ordered to wait until this was 
done, and then set fire to those nearest to it. But some of the 
party set fire to the latter first. The flames gave the alarm 
to the enemy on Bunker Hill. Guns were immediately dis- 
charged from every quarter of the fort, indicating the confu- 
sion of the defenders, and affording no little amusement to 
General Putnam and his staflE", who were spectators of the 
affair from Cobble Hill. Nor was this the only alarm. The 
attack was made in the midst of the performance, in Boston, 
of the British play, entitled "The Blockade of Boston," in 
which the figure designed to burlesque Washington enters in 
an uncouth gait, with a large wig, a long rusty sword, attended 



288 THE SIEGE OF BOSTON. 

by a country servant with a rusty gun. A sergeant suddenly 
appeared, and exclaimed, " The Yankees are attacking our 
works on Bunker Hill ! " At first this was supposed by the 
audience to be a part of the diversion ; but when General 
Howe called out "Officers to your alarm posts!" the people 
dispersed, amidst fainting and shrieking among the females. 
Major Knowlton burnt eight of the houses, killed one man, 
who made resistance, and brought off five prisoners, without 
sustaining any damage. Majors Knowlton, Gary, and Henly, 
were much praised for their good conduct on this occasion, 
and were thanked in the general orders of the next day.^ 
This month several captures were made by the armed ves- 

^ January 9. — Parol, Knowlton ; Countersign, Charlestown. The gen- 
eral thanks Major Knowlton, and the officers and soldiers who were under 
his command last night, for the spirit, conduct, and secrecy, with which they 
burnt the houses near the enemy's works upon Bunker's Hill. The general 
was in a more particular manner pleased with the resolution the party dis- 
covered, in not firing a shot, as nothing betrays greater signs of fear, and less 
of the soldier, than to begin a loose, undirected, and unmeaning fire, from 
whence no good can result, nor any valuable purposes answered. 

A British letter gives the following account of this affair : — "Boston, 
Jan. 29. — The rebels have been very quiet ever since I arrived. They 
gave a small alarm about a fortnight ago, which occasioned a little confusion, 
but was soon over. The officers have fitted up a play-house, and some of 
them had wrote a farce, called the Blockade of Boston. The first night it 
was to be acted the house was very full. The play being over, the curtain 
was hauled up for the entertainment to begin, when a sergeant came in and 
told the officers the alarm-guns were fired at Charlestown, which made no 
small stir in the house, every one endeavoring to get out as fast as possible ; 
and immediately we heard a pretty smart firing of small arms. It being 
dark, and the rascals making a great huzzaing, I did not know what to make 
of it at first ; but it was soon over, so that I went quietly to sleep about eleven 
o'clock, and next morning found all the mischief had been done was three or 
four men taken, who had been among the old ruins of Charlestown, a mill 
burnt down, and the company disappointed of their entertainment." 

Another letter states that " The Busy Body " had been performed, and the 
play of the Blockade was about to be commenced, when a sergeant repre- 
sented the "burning of two or three old houses " as a general attack on Bos- 
ton. " But it is very evident the rebels possess a sufficiency of what Falstaff 
terms the better part of valor, to prevent their making an attempt that must 
inevitably end in their own destruction." This play was again announced, 
" with the tragedy of Tamerlane." Sometimes play-bills were sent out 
directed to Washington and the other general officers. 



WASHINGTON IN FEBRUARY. 289 

sels. Washington (January 31) writes: "Our commodore, 
Manly, has just taken two ships, from Whitehaven to Bos- 
ton, with coal and potatoes, and sent them into Plymouth, and 
fought a tender close by the light-house, where the vessels 
were taken, long enough to give his prizes time to get off; in 
short, till she thought best to quit the combat, and he to move 
off from the men-of-war, which were spectators of this 
scene." 

Through the month of February, also, no enterprise of 
importance was undertaken. A few British soldiers (1st) 
began to pull down the old tide-mills in Charlestown, but a 
few shot from Cobble Hill dispersed them ; and a party of 
Americans (8th) went from Winter Hill and burnt them. 
Several cows were near the British outposts at Charlestown 
Neck, when a party (5th) drove them in. This brought on a 
brisk fire of cannon and musketry. A party of the British 
from the castle, and another from Boston, several hundred 
grenadiers and light-infantry, crossed over (14th) to Dorches- 
ter Neck, to surprise the American guard there, seventy in 
number, and nearly succeeded. The guard barely escaped. 
The houses were burned, and two persons were captured. 
Three British sentinels were captured on Boston Neck (23d) 
without a gun being fired. The works at Lechmere's Point 
were strengthened, and heavy cannon and a mortar were 
planted. Another mortar was placed at Lamb's Dam. Dis- 
cipline was rigidly enforced. "Our life in camp," Lieutenant 
Shaw writes, (Feb. 14,) "is confined. The officers are not 
allowed to visit Cambridge, Avithout leave from the command- 
ing officer, and we are kept pretty closely to our duty. The 
drum beats at daybreak, when all hands turn out to man the 
lines. Here we stay till sunrise, and then all are marched off 
to prayers. We exercise twice a day, and every fourth day 
take our turns on guard. Opinions are various whether Bos- 
ton is to be attacked or not. I think it a difficult question to 
answer. However, if it should be judged expedient to do it, 
I hope our troops will act with sufficient resolution to com- 
mand success." ' 

Though Washington was heartily tired of his forced inac- 
' Shaw's Journal, p. 8. 



290 THE SIEGE OF BOSTON. 

tivity, yet such was his weakness that he was obHged, for a 
season, to continue it. On the 9th of February he stated that 
two thousand of his men were without firelocks, and that he 
was obHged to- conceal the state of his army even from his 
own officers. And yet the public continued impatient for the 
long-expected attack on Boston. On the 10th he wrote : "I 
know that much is expected of me. I know that without 
men, without arms, without ammunition, without anything lit 
for the accommodation of a soldier, little is to be done." ' A 
feeling of conscious integrity sustained the American com- 
mander on this trying occasion. In a few days things wore a 
more favorable aspect. Ten regiments of the neighboring 
militia arrived in camp, large supplies of ammunition were 
received, and Washington once more felt like pressing offen- 
sive measures. At a council of general officers, held Febru- 
ary 16, 1776, Washington represented that when the new 
regiments were all in from Massachusetts, New Hampshire, 
and Connecticut, if complete, they would amount to 7280 men ; 
that the regiments in camp amounted to 8797 men fit for 
duty, besides officers, and 1405 men on command which 
might be ordered to join their respective regiments immedi- 
ately ; while, from the best intelligence that could be obtained 
from Boston, the strength of the British army did not much 
exceed .5000 men fit for duty. He asked their opinion in rela- 
tion to a general assault, while the bays were partly frozen, 

' Washington, in one of his familiar letters to Joseph Reed, dated Febru- 
ary 10, 1776, writes as follows of an assault : "I observe what you say in 
respect to the ardor of chimney-corner heroes. I am glad their zeal is in 
some measure abated, because, if circumstances will not permit us to make 
an attempt upon B., or if it should be made and fail, we shall not appear 
altogether so culpable. I entertain the . same opinion of the attempt now 
which I have ever done. I believe an assault will be attended with consider- 
able loss ; and I believe it would succeed, if the men should behave well ; 
without it, unless there is equal bad behavior on the other side, we cannot. 
As to an attack upon B. Hill, (unless it could be carried by surprise,) the loss, 
I conceive, would be greater in proportion than at Boston ; and if a defeat 
should follow would be discouraging to the men, but highly animating if 
crowned with success. Great good or great evil would result from it, — it is 
quite a different thing to what yon left, being by odds the strongest fortress 
they possess, both in rear and front." 



THE AMERICAN ARMY. 291 

and before the British should receive their expected reinforce- 
ment. The council were of opinion that an assault was 
improper, on account of the inadequate state of the army as 
it respected men, arms, and powder. They estimated the 
British troops, including new-raised corps and armed Tories, 
at a much larger number than 5000. They were furnished 
with artillery, were doubly officered, were protected by a fleet, 
and possessed of every advantage the situation of the place 
afforded. They resolved, however, that a cannonade and 
bombardment of Boston would be advisable, as soon as a suf- 
ficient supply of powder was received, and not before ; ' and 
that in the mean time preparations should be made to take 
possession of Dorchester Hill, with a view of drawing out the 

' January 24, 1776. — The general ordered the regiments to be brigaded 
in the following manner : — 

Brigadier-general Thomas' brigade, — Learned 's, Joseph Reed's, Whit- 
comb's, Ward's, and Bailey's regiments. 

Brigadier-general Spencer's brigade, — Parsons', Huntington's, Webb's, 
and Wyllys' regiments. 

Brigadier-general Greene's brigade, — Varnum's, Hitchcock's, Little's, 
and Bond's regiments. 

Brigadier-general Heath's brigade, — Prescott's, Sergeant's, Phinney's, 
Greaton's, and Baldwin's regiments. 

Brigadier-general Sullivan's brigade, — .Tames Reed's, Nixon's, Stark's, 
and Poor's regiments. 

Brigadier-general brigade, — Glover's, Patterson's, Arnold's, 

and Hutchinson's regiments. 

The troops were accommodated in barracks this winter, as follows : — 

At Prospect Hill, 3464 

At different places, — Number One, Inman's House, &c., .3400 

At Roxbury, 3795 

At Dorchester, 814 

At Sewall's Point, 400 

At Cambridge Barracks, ...... 640 

At Winter Hill, 3380 

In the College, 640 

In the New College, 640 

In the Old College, 240 

North Chapel, 160 

17633 

Exclusive of the private houses in Cambridge. 
25 



292 THE SIEGE OF BOSTON. 

enemy ; and also of Noddle's Island, if the situation of the 
water, and other circumstances, would admit of it. 

This decision of the council of war did not change Wash- 
ington's belief in the feasibility of a successful assault. The 
ice was strong enough to bear the troops, the works were 
sufficiently advanced to cover them, and the army were eager 
for action. He at no time felt more keenly his position. 
"To have the eyes of a whole continent," he wrote to Con- 
gress, February 18, 1776, " fixed with anxious expectation of 
hearing some great event, and to be restrained in every mili- 
tary operation, for want of the necessary means to carry it on, 
is not very pleasing, especially as the means used to conceal 
my weakness from the enemy conceal it also from our friends, 
and add to their wonder." 

The British general continued inactive during the winter. 
Admiral Shuldham arrived (Dec. 30th) to succeed Admiral 
Graves in the command of the fleet, and reinforcements also 
arrived. There had been serious differences between Howe 
and Graves. Much of the suffering endured by the army was 
charged to the want of vigilance and enterprise of the admiral 
in not protecting the store-ships. In the month of January 
Sir Henry Clinton, and a small fleet, sailed from Boston on a 
secret expedition. Washington supposed the object of it was 
to take possession of New York, and he ordered General Lee 
(Jan. 8th) to proceed there and put the city in the best pos- 
ture of defence that circumstances would permit. But Clin- 
ton's object was North Carolina. It was an expedition 
planned by the ministry at the solicitation of Governor Martin. 
The orders for the conduct of it were of a savage character.' 
But it proved a signal failure ; as did most of the expeditions, 

1 Lord Dartmouth gave General Howe minute instructions relative to tins 
expedition, in a letter dated October 22. He had been assured that the 
inhabitants of the southern colonies would join the king's army. If deceived 
in this, Clinton was directed to gain possession " of some respectable post to 
the southward," from which " the rebels might be annoyed by sudden and 
unexpected attacks of their towns upon the sea-coast during open winter." 
These attacks Dartmouth thought " might be made very distressing" to the 
Americans, and would be no inconsiderable advantage to the British. Clin- 
ton was positively ordered to " destroy any towns" that refused submission. 



Howe's views of the war. 293 

Sparks writes, " undertaken at the suggestion of the colonial 
governors and zealous partisans of the crown, whose wishes 
and hopes betrayed them into a deplorable ignorance of the 
state of the country and character of the people." ' 

General Howe, in a long despatch, (January 16,) gave his 
views of the present and future operations of the army. He 
intimated a doubt of the success of the southern expedition, 
and of the policy of making drains from his main army. 
With an army of twenty thousand men, having twelve thou- 
sand at New York, six thousand at Rhode Island, and two 
thousand at Halifax, exclusive of the force destined for Quebec, 
a different aspect might be put upon affairs at the end of the 
ensuing campaign. " With fewer troops," he says, " the suc- 
cess of any offensive operations will be very doubtful." Nor 
was the American army " in any ways to be despised ;" for it 
had in it " many European soldiers, and all, or most of the young 
men of spirit in the country, who were exceedingly diligent and 
attentive in their military profession." At the conclusion of 
this despatch he informed Lord Dartmouth, that " the leaders 
of the rebels seemed determined, since the receipt of the king's 
speech among them, to make the most diligent preparations 
for an active war;" and that it was his firm opinion they 
would not retract until they had tried their fortune in battle 
and were defeated. 

In the mean time things in Boston assumed a more cheer- 
ful aspect. General Howe, to relieve the necessities of his 
army and its dependents, sent vessels to Nova Scotia, the 
Southern Colonies, and the West Indies, for supplies. The 
arrival of some of them, laden with rice and coal, together 
with store-ships from England, in spite of the daring activity 
of the American privateers, relieved for a season the wants of 
the troops and the people. On the 19th of January, by a gen- 
eral order, the demolition of houses and wharves ceased ; the 
tools in possession of the regular working parties were called 
in, and the men engaged in this business were directed " to be 
made as clean and decent as possible immediately."^ The 
orderly books throughout the whole of the siege bear evidence 

' Sparks' Washington, vol. in., 223. - British Orderly Book. 



294 THE SIEGE OF BOSTON. 

of the attention paid to the looks of the soldiers, as well as to 
their discipline, comfort, and health. When on duty the men 
were " to appear decently dressed and accoutred ;" none were 
to be sent to parade " without having the hair properly and 
smoothly clubbed," and none were to appear under arms with 
tobacco in their mouths. The officers were ordered to wear 
sashes on duty; to be uniformly dressed in quarter leggins 
or boots. The marines wore short gaiters, and the roses were 
to be in front of their hats. Even the shape of the coats was 
prescribed in the general orders. Directions of this sort are 
frequent. An order dated January 13, 1776, presents a curi- 
ous picture of the habits and appearance of the soldiers. 
"The commanding officer is surprised to find the necessity of 
repeating orders, that long since ought to have been complied 
with, as the men on all duties appear in the following man- 
ner ; viz., — hair not smooth and badly powdered, several 
without slings to their firelocks, hats not bound, pouches in a 
shameful and dirty condition, no frills to their shirts, and 
their linen very dirty, leggins hanging in a slovenly man- 
ner about their knees, some men without uniform stocks, and 
their arms and accoutrements by no means so clean as they 
ought to be. These unsoldier-like neglects must be immedi- 
ately remedied." 

General Howe felt secure in his strong-holds. He wrote to 
Lord Dartmouth, — "We are not under the least apprehen- 
sion of an attack upon this place from the rebels, by surprise 
or otherwise;" on the contrary, he professed to wish "that 
they would attempt so rash a step, and quit those strong 
intrenchments to wliich they may attribute their present 
safety." He had no disposition, however, to make a sally 
out of Boston. The loyalists around him felt unbounded 
confidence in the ultimate triumph of the power of Great 
Britain. A single illustration will show the strength of this 
feeling. On the 10th of January, Crean Brush, in a memorial, 
offered to raise a body of volunteers, of not less than three 
hundred, on the same pay and gratuity as were received by 
the new raised Royal Fencible Americans ; and after " the sub- 
duction of the main body of the rebel force" should have been 
accomplished, he requested to be allowed an independent 



DORCHESTER HEIGHTS. 295 

commanci of three hundred men, " to occupy the main posts on 
Connecticut River, and open a Hue of communication west- 
ward toward Lake Champlain," — with such a force promis- 
ing to put down symptoms of rebelhon in that quarter ! ' The 
officers endeavored to reheve the tedium of the blockade by 
social amusements. " We had a theatre," one of them writes, 
" we had balls, and there is actually on foot a subscription 
for a masquerade. England seems to have forgot us, and we 
endeavored to forget ourselves." The winter, though severe 
at first, proved to be a mild one. "The bay is open," Col. 
Moylan wrote from the American camp in January ; — " every- 
thing thaws here except Old Put. He is still as hard as ever, 
crying out for powder — powder, — ye gods, give us powder ! " 
The absence of ice and want of powder checked military 
enterprise, prevented the effusion of blood, and left the British 
to enjoy in tranquillity their sports. Though General Howe 
had resolved to evacuate Boston, yet he determined to wait 
until he had additional transports and sufficient provisions 
for a long voyage ; and, also, until a favorable season should 
arrive. Then he might withdraw without loss, and with 
safety and honor. His policy, therefore, was to remain quiet. 
But Washington's operations suddenly, and sadly deranged 
the plans of the British commander. In the latter part of 
February the American army was sufficiently strong to war- 
rant even the cautious council of war in adopting offensive 
measures. Colonel Knox, with an enterprise and persever- 
ance that elicited the warmest commendations, had brought 
from Crown Point and Ticonderoga, over frozen lakes and 
almost impassable snows, more than fifty cannon, mortars, 
and howitzers;^ a supply of shells had been procured from 
the king's store at New York and an ordnance brig; and 
even powder became comparatively plenty in the camp. The 

' Mss. in Massachusetts Secretary of State Office. 

2 Colonel Knox brought from Fort George, on forty-two sleds, 8 brass 
mortars, 6 iron mortars, 2 iron howitzers, 13 brass cannon, 2(5 iron cannon, 
2300 lbs. lead, and 1 barrel of flints. On the 17th of December, at Fort 
George, he wrote to Washington, — " I hope in sixteen or seventeen days to 
present to your excellency a noble train of artillery, the inventory of which } 
have enclosed." 

25^ 



296 THE SIEGE OF BOSTON. 

works nearest Boston had been very strong. " We have," 
Washington wrote, February 26, "under many difficulties, 
on account of hard frozen ground, completed our work on 
Lechmere's Point. We have got some heavy pieces of ord- 
nance placed there, two platforms fixed for mortars, and 
everything for any offensive operation. Strong guards are 
now mounted there, and at Cobble Hill." Ten regiments 
had come in to strengthen the lines. A day was therefore 
fixed upon to take possession of Dorchester Heights. This, it 
was rightly judged, would bring on a general action, or would 
force the British army from the metropolis. Washington, on 
the 26th, apprized the Council of Massachusetts of his inten- 
tion, and requested them to order the militia of the towns 
contiguous to Dorchester and Roxbury " to repair to the lines 
at these places, with their arms, ammunition, and accoutre- 
ments, instantly upon a signal being given." The Council 
promptly complied with this requisition. " I am preparing," 
he wrote the same day, " to take post on Dorchester Heights, 
to try if the enemy will be so kind as to come out to us." 
" I should think," he wrote to Congress the same day, "if 
anything will induce them to hazard an engagement, it will 
be our attempting to fortify these heights, as, on that event's 
taking place, we shall be able to command a great part of the 
town, and almost the whole harbor, and to make them rather 
disagreeable than otherwise, provided we can get a sufficient 
supply of what we greatly want." ' 

' Extract from general orders, February 26, 1776. " All officers, non- 
commissioned officers, and soldiers, are positively forbid playing at cards, and 
other games of chance. At this time of public distress, men may find 
enough to do in the service of their God and their country, without abandon- 
ing themselves to vice and immorality. 

" As the season is now fast approaching when every man must expect to be 
drawn into the field of action, it is highly important that he should prepare 
his mind, as well as everything necessary for it. It is a noble cause we are 
engaged in ; it is the cause of virtue and mankind ; every temporal advan- 
tage and comfort to us, and our posterity, depends upon the vigor of our 
exertions ; in short, freedom or slavery must be the result of our conduct ; 
there can, therefore, be no greater inducement to men to behave well. But 
it may not be amiss for the troops to know, that, if any man in action shall 
presume to skulk, hide himself, or retreat from the enemy without the 



PREPARATIONS OF THE AMERICANS. 297 

The American camp, in the beginning of March, presented 
indications of an approaching conflict. Chandeliers, fascines, 
screwed hay, in large quantities, were collected for intrench- 
ing purposes ; two thousand bandages were prepared to dress 
broken limbs; forty-five bateaux, each capable of carrying 
eighty men, and two floating batteries, were assembled in 
Charles River; and the militia from the neighboring towns, 
applied for by Washington, February 26, were pouring into 
the camp with patriotic alacrity. Washington had deter- 
mined not only to take possession of Dorchester Heights, but, 
should subsequent circumstances warrant the enterprise, to 
make the long purposed attack on Boston. 

This design was kept a profound secret, and to divert the 
attention of the enemy, a severe cannonade and bombardment, 
on the night of the second of March, were commenced against 
Boston from Cobble Hill, Lechmere's Point, and Lamb's Dam, 
Roxbury. It shattered many houses, and one shot wounded 
six men in a regimental guard-house. The British returned 
the fire with spirit, and threw a thirteen-inch shell as far as 
Prospect Hill, but did no essential damage. The Americans, 
in firing, burst two thirteen-inch mortars, — one of them the 
"Congress," — and three ten-inch mortars. They had not 
been properly bedded. A similar cannonade was continued 
on the night of Sunday, the third of March. 

On the night of Monday, March 4th, the attention of the 
British was again occupied by a severe cannonade. In 
return they fired shot and shells. But while the occupants 
of Boston were employed in their personal safety, and with 
the damage done to buildings, the American camp was full 
of activity. About seven o'clock. General Thomas, with 
two thousand men, marched to take possession of Dorchester 
Heights. A covering party of eight hundred led the way ; 
the carts with the intrenching tools followed ; then twelve 
hundred troops, under the immediate command of General 
Thomas; and a train of three hundred carts, loaded with 
fascmes and hay, brought up the rear. The detachment, mov- 

orders of his commanding officer, he will be instantly shot down as an exam- 
ple of cowardice ; cowards having too frequently disconcerted the best formed 
troops by their dastardly behavior." 



298 THE SIEGE OF BOSTON. 

ing with the greatest silence, reached its place of destination 
about eight o'clock. The covering party then divided, — one 
half proceeding to the point nearest Boston, and the other 
half to the point nearest to the castle, — while the working 
party commenced labor. Bundles of hay were placed along 
Dorchester Neck, on the side next to the enemy, by which the 
carts passed, some of them several times, during the night. 
The occasion was one of intense interest and excitement. 
The moon shone brightly, cannon and mortars sounded a 
continuous roar, and shells occasionally burst high in the 
air.' At about four in the morning, a relief party went on. 
The labors of the night, under the direction of the veteran 
Gridley and his associates, were so efficient, that ere morning 
dawned, two forts were in sufficient forwardness to constitute 
a good defence against small arms and grape shot. " Per- 
haps," Heath writes, " there never was so much work done 
in so short a space of time." 

The day following, March 5, was memorable as the anni- 
versary of the " Boston Massacre." The British were again 
astonished to see the redoubts that had been so quickly thrown 
up by the Americans, and that loomed with so threatening an 
aspect in the haze of early dawn. "The rebels have done 
more in one night than my whole army would have done in 
a month," is said to have been General Howe's remark. " It 
must have been the employment of at least twelve thousand 
men," he wrote to Lord Dartmouth. One of his officers 
wrote : " They were raised with an expedition equal to that 
of the Genii belonging to Aladdin's Wonderful Lamp." But 
astonishment soon gave way to reflection. These works 
commanded both the harbor and the town. Admiral Shuld- 

' Report of the number of shot and shells fired into Boston on the night of 
the 4th of March, 1776 : — 

Lamb's Dam. — Five 13 inch shells, six 10 inch shells — 11 ; forty-two 24 
pound shot, thirty-eight 18 pound shot — 80. 

Lechmere's Point. — Thirty-two 24 pound shot, fourteen 18 pound shot — 
46. Two 10 inch shells. 

Cobble Hill. — Eighteen l^ pound shot. 
Total, — 144 shot, 13 shells. 

Henry Knox, Colonel Regiment Artillery. 



THE AMERICAN ARMY. 299 

ham was decided in the opinion that the fleet could not ride in 
safety unless the Americans were dislodged ; and the army 
was as insecure as the fleet. There were but two alterna- 
tives — either to evacuate the town, or to drive the Americans 
from their works. General Howe promptly made his deci- 
sion. He entertained a high sense of British honor, as well 
as of his own honor. He commanded a force, which, by loy- 
alists here, and by the government at home, was considered 
sufficient to look down all opposition ; and which, in the char- 
acter of its officers, in the disposition and ardor of the men, 
and in its powerful train of artillery, would be considered 
respectable in any country, and dangerous by any enemy. 
With such means at command, to give up the town that had 
been the original cause of the war, and the constant object of 
contention since its commencement, to a raw and despised 
militia, seemed, exclusive of other ill consequences, a disgrace 
too great to be borne.' He therefore resolved to hazard much, 
rather than to submit to such an indignity ; and so critical 
was his situation, that he determined to attack the new works 
with all the force he could bring to bear on them. 

Accordingly, twenty-four hundred men were ordered to 
embark in transports, rendezvous at Castle William, and at 
night make an attack on the works. The command was 
assigned to the brave, generous, chivalric Earl Percy. These 
preparations were observed in the American camp. 

It was now a time of intense interest with Washington and 
his whole army ; and the surrounding heights were again 
filled with spectators, in the expectation of seeing the scenes 
of Bunker Hill acted over again. The command of General 
Thomas, reinforced by two thousand men, was in high spirits, 
and ready and anxious to receive the enemy. No labor had 
been spared to make the works strong. The hills on which 
they were built being steep, rows of barrels, filled with loose 
earth, were placed in front, to be rolled down, and thus to 
break the attacking columns. Washington came upon the 
ground ; "Remember it is the 5th of March, and avenge the 
death of your brethren." he said, as he animated the troops. 

' Annual Register, 1776. 



300 



THE SIEGE OF BOSTON. 



He fully expected an engagement, and was highly gratified 
with the temper and resolution of his army. 

Meantime a fine detachment of four thousand chosen troops 
was under parade at Cambridge, near fort number two, ready 
to make an assault on the British lines in Boston. This 
detachment was arranged in two divisions, — one under Gen- 
eral Sullivan, and the other under General Greene, and the 
whole was commanded by General Putnam. On signals 
being given, they were to have embarked in the boats near 
the mouth of Charles River, and, under the cover of three 
floating batteries, to attack Boston. The first division was to 
land at the powder-house, and gain possession of Beacon Hill 
and Mount Horam ; the second division was to land at Bar- 
ton's Point, or a little south of it, and, after securing that 
post, join the other division, force the gates and works at the 
neck, and let in the troops from Roxbury. 

But the two armies, thus ready and anxious for a conflict 
that could not have failed to have been bloody and destruc- 
tive, were not yet permitted to meet. In the afternoon the 
wind blew furiously, and prevented the ships from reaching 
their destination ; and so great was the surf on the shore 
where the boats were to have landed, that they could not live 
in it. The attempt, therefore, became impracticable. The 
following day the wind was boisterous, and the rain was 
excessive. The attack was still further delayed, while the 
Americans continued to strengthen their works. General 
Howe, at length, was forced to abandon his plan, and the 
troops returned to Boston. Washington had made arrange- 
ments so satisfactory to himself, — so completely was every- 
thing working according to his wishes, — that he could not 
forbear lamenting his disappointment at not meeting the 
enemy.' 

' Gordon (vol. n., p. 39) states, that, at the council of war called to fix 
upon the time for takinsr possession of Dorchester Heights, the Quarter- 
master-general, Colonel Mifflin, was summoned for the first time. He was 
in favor of the night of the 4th, as it would have a great effect, in case of a 
battle the next day, to remind the troops of the " massacre." General 
Gates thought it an improper time, and it was carried for that night by one 
majority. 



Howe's critical situation. 301 

General Howe's situation, on the 7th of March, was per- 
plexing and critical. The fleet was unable to ride in safety 
in the harbor. The army, exposed to the mercy of the Ameri- 
can batteries, not strong enough to force the lines, was humil- 
iated and discontented. The loyalists were expecting and 
claiming the protection that had been so often guaranteed to 
them. In addition, the belief was general that no despatches 
had been received from the government since October. 
"This," a British letter states, "could not fail of making 
everybody feel uneasy ; it looked as if we were left destitute, 
to get out of a bad scrape as we liked best." " The fleet and 
army complain of each other, and both of the people at 
home." To remain in Boston was to expose the troops to the 
greatest danger ; to withdraw from Boston would occasion a 
severe loss of property. General Howe convened his officers 
in council, and made a speech so able as to carry conviction. 
It was determined, at whatever cost, to save the army ; and 
on this eventful day of anxiety and alarm General Howe 
resolved to evacuate the town. The conclusion was a morti- 
fying one. He had, in letters to the ministry, scorned the 
idea that he was in danger from his antagonist, and wished 
the "rebels" would "attempt so rash a step" as to attack 
him ; the " rebels" had no sooner, placed themselves in a posi- 
tion that was equivalent to an attack, than he felt obliged to 
quit, without an effort, the strong-holds that had so long shel- 
tered him. Nor was this all. He had given to the ministry 
strong reasons w^hy the army should not move from Boston 
until reinforced : as he was sailing out of the harbor he 
received the reply of the ministry, who supposed him still at 
his post, approving of his resolution to remain, as an evacu- 
atio'n, under such circumstances, would be an unadvisable 
measure ! 

This resolution came unexpected to the Tories. "Not the 

Notwithstanding the intense anxiety of this day, Rev. Peter Thatcher, of 
Maiden, delivered at Watertown the customary oration in commemoration of 
the massacre, before a meeting of the citizens of Boston legally warned. It 
was received with universal approbation. A committee was appointed to 
thank the orator in the name of the town, and to request a copy for the press. 
Dr. Cooper made the prayer on this occasion. 



302 THE SIEGE OF BOSTON. 

last trump," Washington wrote, "could have struck them 
with greater consternation." They were unprepared to see a 
power they regarded as invincible baffled by an army they 
affected to despise ; and rather than meet their offended coun- 
trymen, they preferred to brave the dangers of a tempestuous 
voyage, to endure the annoyance of insufficient accommoda- 
tion, and, with whatever property they might save, to follow 
the fortunes of the disgraced army. " The people of the 
town," a letter states, " who were friends of the government, 
took care of nothing but their merchandise, and found means 
to employ the men belonging to the transports in embarking 
their goods ; by which means several of the vessels were 
entirely filled with private property, instead of the king's 
stores." Thus, in the scramble and confusion, the public 
good shrunk into insignificance, compared with private inter- 
ests ; and hence it was that such large quantities of military 
stores were left behind. The British commander, however, 
immediately commenced preparations for departure. Ammu- 
nition, warlike magazines of all kinds, were put on board the 
ships ; heavy artillery were dismounted, spiked, or thrown 
into the sea ; and some of the works were demolished. " The 
necessary care of the women, children, sick, and wounded," 
a letter states, "required every assistance that could be given. 
It was not like the breaking up of a camp, where every man 
knows his duty ; it was like departing your country, with 
your wives, your servants, your household furniture, and all 
your encumbrances. The officers, who felt the disgrace of a 
retreat, kept up appearances. The men, who thought they 
were changing for the better, strove to take advantage of the 
present times, and were kept from plunder and drink with dif- 
ficulty." General Howe, in his official account to the Earl 
of Dartmouth, says: "A thousand difficulties arose on ac- 
count of the disproportion of transports for the conveyance of 
the troops, the well-aftected inhabitants,* their most valuable 

' Lord Dartmouth, as early as August 2, 1775, wrote to General Gage : 
" If we are driven to the difficulty of relinquishing Boston, care must be 
taken that the officers and friends of the government be not left exposed to 
the rage and insult of rebels, who set no bounds to their barbarity." 



THE NEGOTIATION WITH HOWE. 303 

property, and the quantity of military stores to be carried 
away." 

The keenest anxiety was now felt for the fate of Boston. 
The idea of its destruction had been entertained, at various 
times, in both of the hostile camps. Heretofore the danger 
had been from without. Its friends, moved by the stern dic- 
tates of patriotism, had resolved to offer it, if necessary, as a 
sacrifice on the altar of American freedom. Now, however, 
the danger came from within. General Howe threatened to 
destroy it in case his army was assaulted. The admiral 
moVed his ships in fearful array round the town ; while the 
melancholy ruins of Charlestown made the inhabitants sensibly 
feel that the threat might not prove an idle one. They took 
measures to avert, if possible, so great a calamity. A delega- 
tion of influential citizens communicated with the British 
commander, through General Robertson. The following for- 
mal statement of the result of that conference, having no 
special address, but intended for General Washington, was 
sent by Messrs. Amory and Johonnot to the American lines by 
a flag of truce : — 

Boston, 8th March, 1776. 
As his excellency General Howe is determined to leave the 
town, with the troops under his command, a number of the 
respectable inhabitants, being very anxious for its preservation 
and safety, have applied to General Robertson for this pur- 
pose, who, at their request, has communicated the same to his 
excellency General Howe, who has assured him that he has 
no intention of destroying the town, unless the troops under 
his command are molested during their embarkation, or at 
their departure, by the armed force without; which declara- 
tion he gave General Robertson leave to communicate to the 
inhabitants. If such an opposition should take place, we have 
the greatest reason to expect the town will be exposed to entire 
destruction. Our fears are quieted with regard to General 
Howe's intentions. We beg we may have some assurance 
that so dreadful a calamity may not be brought on by any 
measures without. As a testimony of the truth of the above, 
we have signed our names to this paper, carried out by Messrs. 
26 



304 



THE SIEGE OF BOSTON. 



Thomas and Jonathan Amory and Peter Johonnot, who have, 
at the earnest entreaties of the inhabitants, through the heu- 
tenant-governor, solicited a flag of truce for this purpose. 

John Scollay, 
Timothy Newell, 
Thomas Marshall, 
Samuel Austin. 

This paper was received at the lines at Roxbury by Colonel 
Learned, who carried it to head-quarters ; and in return, the 
next day, wrote to the messengers as follows : — 

Roxbury, March 9, 1776. 

Gentlemen, — Agreeably to a promise made to you at the 
lines yesterday, I waited upon his excellency General Wash- 
ington, and presented to him the paper handed to me by you, 
from the selectmen of Boston. The answer I received from 
him was to this effect : ' That, as it was an unauthenticated 
paper, without an address, and not obligatory upon General 
Howe, he would take no notice of it.' I am, with esteem and 
respect, gentlemen, your most obedient servant, 

Ebenezer Learned. 

To Messrs. Amory and Johonnot.^ 

This answer was, apparently, uncompromising. Neither 
party, however, desired a general action. Washington's object 
was to gain possession of the town, and it was in accordance 
with his principles and feelings to accomplish it, if possible, 
without bloodshed. Humanity and policy united to save it 
from the ravage and destruction that would inevitably accom- 
pany an assault. Howe's object was to save his army. He 
did not feel strong enough to meet his antagonists in the 
neighborhood of Boston. He could not act to advantage in 
this quarter. And it was his policy to avoid risk, and try his 
fortune, with all the force he could command, on a new field. 
Hence this informal negotiation, without placing either party 
under obligations, produced a tacit understanding between 
both parties that saved much bloodshed. General Howe left 
the town without doing material injury to it, and General 

' Sparks' Writings of Washington, vol. iii., Appendix. 



nook's hill. 305 

Washington allowed the troops to embark without molesta- 
tion. The American army was held in readiness to make an 
assault at any moment, in case indications appeared that 
injury was intended to the town. 

Washington, however, went on with his preparations. On 
the 9th he planted a battery at the north-east of Bird's Hill, 
near the water at Dorchester Neck, with the intention of 
annoying the British shipping. Nook's Hill, situated also in 
Dorchester, which was still nearer Boston, and which com- 
pletely commanded it, was especially dreaded by the British 
commander. Its possession by the Americans would place him 
entirely at their mercy. At night a strong detachment was 
sent to plant a battery there, and act as circumstances might 
require. Some of the men imprudently kindled a fire behind 
the hill, which revealed their purpose to the British, who 
commenced a severe cannonade upon them. This proved 
another dreadful night to the terror-stricken people of Boston. 
During the whole of it there was a roar of cannon and mor- 
tars, — on the part of the Americans, from Cobble Hill, Lech- 
mere's Point, Cambridge, and Roxbury, — on the British side, 
from the lines on the Neck and the castle. More than eight 
hundred shot were fired during the night. Five Americans 
were killed, and the works at Nook's Hill were suspended.^ 

' Mrs. Adams, in a letter commenced March 2, and closed Sunday even- 
ing, March 10, gives a vivid description of the cannonade during this period. 
The following are extracts from this letter : — 

March 2. 

I have been in a continual state of anxiety since you left me. It has been 
said " to-morrovi'," and " to-morrow," for this month, but when the dreadful 
to-morrow will be I know not. But hark ! The house this instant shakes 
with the roar of cannon. I have been to the door, and find it is a cannonade 
from our army. Orders, I find, are come, for all the remaining militia to 
repair to the lines Monday night, by twelve o'clock. No sleep for me 
to-night. 

Sunday Evening, 3d March. 

I went to bed after twelve, but got no rest ; the cannon continued firing, 
and my heart beat pace with them all night. We have had a pretty quiet 
day, but what to-morrow will bring forth, God only knows. 

Monday Evening. 
1 have just returned from Penn's Hill, where I have been sitting to hear 
the amazing roar of cannon, and from whence I could see every shell which 



306 THE SIEGE OF BOSTON. 

This movement, nowever, hastened the preparations of Gen- 
eral Howe. He issued (10th) a printed proclamation, ordering 
the inhabitants to dehver all linen and woollen goods to Crean 
Brush. In concluding, this document stated that, "If, after 
this notice, any person secretes or keeps in his possession such 
articles, he will be treated as a favorer of the rebels." But a 
written commission given this day, under General Howe's 
signature, to this officer, went much further. It stated that 
there were in town large quantities of goods, which, " in the 
possession of the rebels, would enable them to carry on war;" 
and authorized him to "take possession of all such goods as 
answered this description," and put them on board the Minerva 
ship, and brigantine Elizabeth.' 

was thrown. The sound, I think, is one of the grandest in nature, and is of 
the true species of the sublime. 'T is now an incessant roar ; but O, the 
fatal ideas which are connected with the sound ! How many of our dear 
countrymen must fall ! 

Tuesday Morning. 
I went to bed about twelve, and rose again a little after one. I could no 
more sleep than if I had been in the engagement ; the rattling of the win- 
dows, the jar of the house, the continual roar of twenty-four-pounders, and 
the bursting of shells, give us such ideas, and realize a scene to us of which 
we could scarcely form any conception. * * I hope to give you joy of 
Boston, even if it is in ruins, before I send this away. 

Sunday Evening, March 10. 

A most terrible and incessant cannonade from half-after eight till six this 
morning. I hear we lost four men killed, and some wounded, in attempting 
to take the hill nearest to the town, called Nook's Hill. We did some work, 
but the fire from the ships beat off our men, so that they did not secure it, but 
retired to the fort upon the other hill. — Mrs. Adams' Letters, pp. 68 — 71. 

' Most, if not all, the printed proclamations of Howe, during the siege, 
are among the rich collections of the Massachusetts Historical Society. 
They were circulated in hand-bills. The following is copied from the orig- 
inal, with General Howe's autograph, in the office of the Secretary of State : 

Sir, — I am informed there are large quantities of goods in the town of 
Boston, which, if in possession of the rebels, would enable them to carry on 
war. And whereas I have given notice to all loyal inhabitants to remove 
such goods from hence, and that all who do not remove them, or deliver them 
to your care, will be considered as abettors of rebels. You are hereby author- 
ized and required to take into your possession all such goods as answer this 
description, and to give certificates to the owners that you have received them 
for thrir use, and will deliver them to the owners' order, unavoidable accidents 



PLUNDERING IN BOSTON. 307 

This day (10th) the horse transports were ordered to fall 
down to Castle William. A large body of the grenadiers and 
light-infantry, and the fifth and tenth regiments, were selected 
to cover the retreat by land, and the Chatham and Fowey 
ships, by water. Many cannon were spiked, many gun-car- 
riages were broken, and much ammunition was thrown over 
the wharves. The army was much embarrassed between the 
necessity of being continually on duty, and the immediate 
attention required to save property. Many of the officers had 
laid out money in furniture and conveniences to make their 
situation comfortable. No purchasers of these articles could 
now be found. The crisis left no choice of measures, and 
regrets were useless. The embarkation of stores and people 
went on. Some, ascertaining they could not carry their furni- 
ture with them, began to destroy it. 

The day following (11th) was signalized by the operations 
of Crean Brush. He was a conceited New York Tory, as 
ignorant of the American character as he was insolent in the 
discharge of his official duties. At the head of parties of 
Tories, under cover of his commission, he broke open stores, 
stripped them of their goods, and carried them on board the 
ships. It is not strange that this authorized plunder was imi- 
tated by lawless bands of men from the fleet and the army. 
They broke open shops and dwelling-houses, "carrying 
destruction," says Gordon," wherever they went; what they 
could not carry away they destroyed." The next day (12th) 
the same scenes were renewed, though expressly forbidden in 
orders. Those found guilty of plundering, or in firing a 
house, were threatened with death. ^ 

excepted. And you are to make inquiry if any such goods be secreted or 
left in stores ; and you are to seize all such, and put them on board the 
Minerva ship, or the brigantine Elizabeth. Given under my hand, at head- 
quarters, Boston, this tenth day of March, 1776. 

W. Howe, Com. Chief 

To Crean Brush, Esquire. 

' The details of the last days of the British in Boston are given in British 
letters, and in Mss. in the State House. The brigantine Elizabeth was cap- 
tured, with Crean Brush on board, and among the Mss. are depositions 
respecting his conduct, his commission, lists of goods &c. Gordon writes, 
March 6th, from a journal kept in Boston, and gives many interesting facts. 

— History, vol. ii., p. 42. 

26-* 



ttuvm 



308 THE SIEGE OF BOSTON. 

On the 14th the streets in different parts of the town were 
barricaded, and dispositions were made for a departnre. 
Stores were phmdered by sailors, acting under their officers, 
and under the pretext of orders from the admiral.' On the 
15th proclamation was made by the crier for the inhabitants 
to keep in their houses from eleven o'clock in the morning 
until night, to prevent them from annoying the troops during 
their embarkation. But an easterly breeze sprung up, and 
the army was ordered to its barracks. On the 16th the troops 
did much mischief by defacing furniture, damaging goods, and 
breaking open stores. They were only waiting a fair wind to 
go on board the ships. 

During this exciting period the journals continued to chron- 
icle the success of the Americans on the sea. On the 6th it 
was announced that the Yankee Hero had sent into Newbury- 
port a fine brig of 200 tons burden; and, on the 14th, that 
Captain Manly had sent into Portsmouth an armed ship of 
240 tons, loaded with provisions for Boston ; and had also 
sent into Cape Ann a ship of 300 tons, filled with stores for 
the army. A transport brig of fourteen guns, laden with 
naval stores and provisions, ran ashore at the back of the 
cape. The people boarded her, and unloaded her cargo. She 
had on board five barrels of powder, and five hundred pounds 
of specie. 

In the mean time Washington, who had but partial infor- 
mation of the proceedings in Boston, became more and more 
impatient to see the British evacuate it. He wrote to Con- 
gress on the 13th, that he " fully expected, before this, that 
the town would have been entirely evacuated." He felt that 

' On this day General Howe issued tiie following order : — 
March 14. — The commander-in-chief finding, notwithstanding former 
orders that have been given to forbid plundering, houses have been forced 
open and robbed, he is therefore under a necessity of declaring to the troops 
that the first soldier who is caught plundering will be hanged on the spot. 

The commander-in-chief, having been informed that depredations have been 
committed in the town-house, oflfers the following rewards to any person or 
persons who shall convict any person or persons of cutting and defacing the 
king's and queen's picture, and destroying the records and other public 
papers, viz : For the king's picture jC50, for the queen's picture jC50, for 
other pictures, records, and public papers, jC20. 



EVACUATION OF BOSTON. 309 

Howe might be deceiving him, and that the arrival of addi- 
tional troops and vessels, hourly expected, might change the 
aspect of affairs. On this day a council of war was held at 
General Ward's quarters, in Roxbury, — Washington, Ward 
and Putnam, Thomas, Sullivan, Heath, Greene and Gates, 
were present. It was determined that if Boston were not 
evacuated the next day it would be advisable, " at all events," 
to fortify Nook's Hill the next night. It was also determined 
to detach the rifle battalion and five regiments the next day to 
New York. It was also concluded, that, should Boston be 
evacuated, it would be unnecessary to employ any part of the 
army for the defence of Massachusetts, as its militia were 
adequate for this work. Orders were immediately issued for 
the rifle battalion to be in readiness to march the next day by 
ten o'clock ; and for Stark's, Webb's, Patterson's, Greaton's, 
and Bond's regiments, to march on Friday. These regiments, 
however, did not march for New York until the 18th. The 
orders of the day threaten any who, on the retreat of the 
enemy, should be detected in pillaging in Boston, with the 
severest punishment. "The inhabitants of that distressed 
town," they say, "have already suffered too heavily from the 
iron hand of oppression. Their countrymen surely will not 
be base enough to add to their misfortunes." 

On Saturday, March 16, Washington brought matters to a 
crisis. A strong detachment was sent to Nook's Hill to fortify 
it. The British discovered it, and cannonaded it during the 
night. The Americans did not return the fire, but maintained 
their ground. General Howe then resolved to evacuate the 
town without further delay. He commenced very early in 
the morning of Sunday, March 17th, the embarkation of his 
army. About nine o'clock the garrison left Bunker Hill, 
and a large number of boats, filled with troops and inhab- 
itants, put off from the wharves of Boston.' 

' A British officer writes as follows, of the embarkation; " Nantasket 
Road, March 17. — According to my promise, 1 proceed to give a brief 
account of our retreat, which was made this morning between the hours of 
two and eight. Our troops did not receive the smallest molestation, though 
the rebels were all night at work on the near hill which I mentioned to you 
in my last letter, and we kept a constant fire upon them from a battery of 



310 THE SIEGE OF BOSTON. 

When these movements were observed in the American 
camp, the troops stationed at Cambridge and Roxbury pa- 
raded. General Putnam, at the head of several regiments, 
embarked in boats in Charles River, and landed at Sewall's 
Point. Though a large body of the enemy was seen to leave 
Bunker Hill, yet the sentries appeared to be faithfully per- 
forming their duties. Two men, however, sent forward to 
reconnoitre, found that the fortress was left in charge of 
wooden sentinels, and immediately gave the joyous signal 
that it was evacuated. A detachment soon took possession 
of it. General Putnam ordered another detachment to march 
forward and take possession of Boston, while the remainder 
of the troops returned to Cambridge. Meantime, General 
Ward, with about five hundred troops from Roxbury, under 
the immediate command of Colonel Ebenezer Learned, who 
unbarred and opened the gates, entered Boston in that direc- 
tion. Ensign Richards bearing the standard. They picked 
their way through great numbers of crow's-feet, which had 
been scattered over the Neck by the enemy, to retard the 
advance of an attacking force. The command of the whole 
was assumed by General Putnam, who proceeded to occupy 
the important posts, and thereby become possessed, the New 
England Journal says, '• in the name of the thirteen United 
Colonies of North America, of all the fortresses of that large 
and once flourishing metropolis, which the flower of the Brit- 
ish army, headed by an experienced general, and supported 
by a formidable fleet of men-of-war, had but an hour before 
evacuated in the most precipitous and cowardly manner." 

The small-pox prevailed in some parts of the town, and 
Washington was obliged to adopt stringent measures to pre- 
serve the health of the troops. He positively forbade, on the 

twenty-four-pounders. They did not return a single shot. It was lucky for 
the inhabitants now left in Boston they did not ; for I am informed every- 
thing was prepared to set the town in a blaze, had they fired one cannon. 
Tlie dragoons are under orders to sail to-morrow for Halifax, — a cursed 
cold, wintry place, even yet ; nothing to eat, less to drink. Bad times, my 
dear friend. The displeasure I feel from the very small share I have in our 
present insignificancy is so great, that I do not know the thing so desperate I 
would not undertake, in order to change our situation." 



EVACUATION OF BOSTON. 311 

19th, all officers, soldiers, and others, from entering Boston 
without a pass, or without being sent on duty. The orders 
of this day say : "As soon as the selectmen report the town 
to be cleansed from infection, liberty will be given to those 
who have business there to go in. The inhabitants belonging 
to the town will be permitted to return to their habitations, 
proper persons being appointed at the Neck, and at Charles- 
town Ferry, to grant them passes." 

On the next day (20th) the main body of the army marched 
into Boston, "^hile marching through the streets," Thatcher 
writes, " the inhabitants appeared at their doors and windows ; 
though they manifested a lively joy at being liberated from 
their long confinement, they were not altogether free from a 
melancholy gloom which ten tedious months' siege has spread 
over their countenances." 

On the 21st Washington issued a proclamation calculated to 
maintain amity between the troops and the citizens. It called 
upon the inhabitants to make known to the quartermaster- 
general "all stores belonging to the ministerial army" that 
might be secreted in the town ; and it enjoined on the officers 
of the army "to assist the civil magistrates in the execution 
of their duty, and to promote peace and good order." 

On the 22d a concourse of people, full of friendly solicitude, 
crowded into town. " It is truly interesting," writes Thatcher, 
" to witness the tender interviews and fond embraces of those 
who have been long separated, under circumstances so pecu- 
liarly distressing." 

General Howe's effective force, including seamen, was about 
eleven thousand men. More than a thousand refugees left 
Boston with the army, as follows : — members of the council, 
commissioners, custom-house officers, and other persons who 
had been in some official station, one hundred and two ; clergy, 
eighteen ; persons from the country, one hundred and five ; 
merchants and other inhabitants of Boston, two hundred and 
thirteen ; farmers, traders and mechanics, three hundred and 
eighty-two ; total, nine hundred and twenty-four. All these 
returned their names on their arrival at Halifax. About two 
hundred others did not return their names. The fleet dropped 
down to Nantasket Road, where it lingered ten days. During 



312 THE SIEGE OF BOSTON. 

this period the enemy burnt the block-house and barracks, 
and demohshed the fortifications on Castle William. On the 
27th of March the greater part of the fleet sailed for Halifax.' 

Washington, on the 18th, ordered five regiments, and a por- 
tion of artillery, under General Heath, to march for New 
York. He felt much embarrassed by the stay of the fleet at 
Nantasket. On learning its departure, he ordered the whole 
army to the south, with the exception of five regiments left for 
the protection of Boston, under General Ward, On the 27th, 
a brigade, under General Sullivan, marched ; on the 1st of 
April, another division ; and on the 4th, General Spencer, with 
the last brigade. On this day Washington also left Cambridge 
for New York. 

The British left a few vessels at Nantasket, where they 
continued to lie for over two months, to the great annoyance 
of the people. The fleet consisted of a fifty-gun ship. Com- 
modore Banks, the Milford, the Yankee Hero, (captured by 
the Milford,) an armed brig, and two schooners. They were 
subsequently joined by seven transports filled with High- 
landers. 

The five regiments left under the command of General 
Ward were stationed by Washington as follows : two in Bos- 
ton, one at Dorchester Heights, one at Charlestown, and one 
at Beverly. Such (April 16) continued to be their position. 

' While lying in the harbor the officers wrote many letters descriptive of 
their feelings. One writes, March 26 : " Expect no more letters from Bos- 
ton. We have quitted that place. Washington played on the town for sev- 
eral days. A shell, which burst while we were preparing to embark, did 
very great damage. Our men have suffered. We have one consolation left. 
You know the proverbial expression, ' neither Hell, Hull, nor Halifax,' can 
afford worse shelter than Boston. To fresh provision I have, for many 
months, been an utter stranger. An egg was a rarity. Yet I submit. A 
soldier may mention grievances, though he should scorn to repine when he 
suffers them. The next letter from Halifax." 

Another writes, March 25 : " We were cannonaded fourteen days by the 
provincial army, and at last, after many losses, embarked on board several 
vessels, and are got thus far. The provincials fired eighteen-pounders, and 
threw an innumerable quantity of shells, into the town. We do not know 
when we are going, but are in great distress. The spectacle is truly terrible. 
I wish I was with you. The provincials, after we left Boston, marched into 
It, with drums beating and colors flying." 



CAPTAIN MUGFORD. 313 

Great apprehensions were entertained of a return of the Brit- 
ish fleet, and complaints were made at the delay in completing 
fortifications for the defence of the harbor. The inhabitants 
volunteered to build a fort at Noddle's Island. A large num- 
ber, among them several of the clergy, worked on it in the 
beginning of May until it was completed. 

General Ward employed the troops left under his command 
also in throwing up works. He wrote to Washington (May 
4) that the forts on Fort Hill, Boston, at Charlestown Point, 
and Castle Point, were almost completed, with a number of 
heavy cannon mounted in each ; that a work was in good 
forwardness on Noddle's Island ; and that a detachment of 
the army was at work at Castle Island, repairing the batteries 
there. These works were carried on under the immediate 
superintendence of Colonel Gridley. 

In May there was a valuable prize taken within sight of the 
British fleet, which led to a sharp naval combat in the harbor. 
Captain James Mugford, of the schooner Franklin, one of the 
continental cruisers, (May 17,) fell in with the transport ship 
Hope, bound for Boston. He captured her without opposition. 
Captain Mugford determined on bringing his prize into Bos- 
ton, but she ran ashore at Pulling Point. Her cargo was 
brought to town in a large number of boats. It contained a 
fine assortment of military siores ; and as there were fifteen 
hundred whole barrels of powder, it was pronounced the most 
valuable prize that had been taken. On the 19th (Sunday) 
Captain Mugford, in the Franklin, fell down the harbor to 
sail on a cruise, but, in the evening, got aground at Point 
Shirley. A small privateer, the Lady Washington, also an- 
chored near the Franklin. About midnight thirteen boats from 
the men-of-war at Nantasket attacked the two armed schooners. 
The crews of both fought their assailants with the greatest 
intrepidity. Captain Mugford sunk two of the boats. But 
while fighting bravely, he received a mortal wound. He still 
continued to animate his men, exclaiming, " Do not give up 
the ship, — you will beat them off! " In a few minutes he 
died. His men beat off" the enemy's boats. No other Ameri- 
can was killed. The remains of Captain Mugford were car- 
ried to Marblehead for interment. 



314 THE SIEGE OF BOSTON. 

Much impatience was felt by the people to have the British 
fleet driven from the harbor. It consisted (June) of eight 
ships, two snows, two brigs, and one schooner. They had 
several hundred Highlanders on board. General Benjamin 
Lincoln planned an expedition to drive the fleet to sea. The 
Council of Massachusetts ordered him to carry it into execu- 
tion, and authorized him (June 11) to call out the militia for 
this purpose. On the 13th the people of Boston were notified, 
by beat of drum, that an enterprise was to be undertaken 
against the British at Nantasket, and to build fortifications in 
the lower harbor. General Ward ordered a part of the conti- 
nental troops to aid in this work. Detachments from Colonels 
Marshall's and Whitney's regiments, and a battalion of the 
train under Lieut. -colonel Crafts, embarked at Long Wharf, 
and sailed for Pettick's Island and Hull. Here they were 
joined by additional troops and companies from the sea-coast. 
About six hundred men were gathered at each place. About 
the same number of militia from the towns about the harbor, 
and a detachment of artillery, took post on Moon Island, at 
Hoff"'s Neck, and at Point Alderton. A detachment of the 
army, under Colonel Whitcomb, with two eighteen-pounders 
and a thirteen-inch mortar, took post at Long Island. The 
whole were under Colonel Whitcomb.' Owing to a calm, the 
troops did not gain their stations until the morning of the 

' General Ward's Letter, June 16, 1775 ; Gordon's History, ii., p. 88 ; 
American Archives, vol. vi., p. 915 ; Life of General Lincoln. 

In an account of this expedition a journal remarks : " It is worthy of spec- 
ial notice that the 14lh of June, 1774, was the last day allowed for trading 
vessels to leave or enter the port of Boston, through the cruelty of a British 
act of Parliament ; and that the 14th of June, 1776, through the blessing of 
God upon the operations of a much injured and oppressed people, was the 
last day allowed for British men-of-war or ministerial vessels to remain, or 
enter within the said port but as American prizes. Thus has Providence 
retaliated." 

This work was done at a fortunate time. In three days two British trans- 
ports, the George and the Annabella, were captured after a short and sharp 
action. Among the trophies were Colonel Archibald Campbell, and about 
three hundred Highlanders. Major Menzies, of this corps, was killed in the 
action, and was interred in Boston the next day, with military honors. Two 
other transports, with Highlanders on board, were captured about this time, 
— the Ann and the Lord Howe. 



THE BRITISH DRIVEN FROM THE HARBOR. 



315 



14th. Shot were first discharged at the fleet from Long 
Island. Commodore Banks returned the fire with spirit until 
a shot pierced the upper works of his ship, when he made 
signals for the fleet to get under way, and after blowing up 
the light-house, went to sea. Thus was Boston harbor cleared 
of an enemy. 

27 




View of the lines on Boston Neck, from the Post near Brown's House. 



316 THE SIEGE OF BOSTON. 



CHAPTER XIII. 

American Congratulations. British Comments. Condition of Boston. 

Conclusion. 

The intelligence of the evacuation of Boston occasioned 
great joy in the colonies. It was regarded as reflecting the 
highest honor on Washington and his army, and, indeed, as a 
glorious triumph. The result of this long siege was as 
encouraging to the friends of American liberty as it was dis- 
heartening to its enemies. Washington received congratula- 
tions from every quarter on his success. 

The selectmen of Boston waited on the general, and pre- 
sented to him the following address : — 

May it please your Excellency, — 

The selectmen of Boston, in behalf of themselves and fel- 
low-citizens, with all grateful respect, congratulate your 
excellency on the success of your military operations, in the 
recovery of this town from an enemy, collected from the once 
respected Britons, who, in this instance, are characterized by 
malice and fraud, rapine and plunder, in every trace left 
behind them. 

Happy are we that this acquisition has been made with so 
little effusion of human blood, which, next to the Divine 
favor, permit us to ascribe to your excellency's wisdom, evi- 
denced in every part of the long besiegement. 

If it be possible to enhance the noble feelings of thar per- 
son, who, from the most affluent enjoyments, could throw 
himself into the hardships of a camp to save his country, 
uncertain of success, 't is then possible this victory will height- 
en your excellency's happiness, when you consider you have 
not only saved a large, elegant, and once populous city from 
total destruction, but relieved the few wretched inhabitants 
from all the horrors of a besieged town, from the insults and 
abuses of a disgraced and chagrined army, and restored many 



Selectmen 

of 

Boston. 



ADDRESSES OF MASSACHUSETTS. 317 

inhabitants to their quiet habitations, who had fled for safety 
to the bosom of their country. 

May your excellency live to see the just rights of America 
settled on a firm basis, which felicity we sincerely wish you ; 
and, at a late period, may that felicity be changed into happi- 
ness eternal ! 

John Scollay, 
TiMO. Newell, 
Thos. Marshall, 
Samuel Austin, 
Oliver Wendell, 
John Pitts, 

To His Excellency George Washington, Esq., 

General of the United Forces in America. 

General Washington made the following reply to this 
address : — 

To the Selectmen and Citizens of Boston, — 

Gentlemen, — Your congratulations on the success of the 
American arms give me the greatest pleasure. 

I most sincerely rejoice with you on being once more in 
possession of your former habitations : and, what greatly adds 
to my happiness, that this desirable event has been effected 
with so little ejEFusion of human blood. 

I am exceedingly obliged by the good opinion you are 

pleased to entertain of my conduct. Your virtuous efforts in 

the cause of freedom, and the unparalleled fortitude with which 

you have sustained the greatest of all human calamities, justly 

entitle you to the grateful remeTnbrance of your American 

brethren ; and I heartily pray that the hand of tyranny may 

never more disturb your repose, and that every blessing of a 

kind Providence may give happiness and prosperity to the 

town of Boston. 

Geo. Washington. 

On the 29th of March a joint committee from the Coun- 
cil and House of Representatives of Massachusetts waited 
upon Washington with a long and flattering testimonial. It 
alluded to the early resistance of this colony to the tyran- 
nical policy, "impelled by self-preservation and the love of 
freedom ;" to the satisfaction at the appointment of Washing- 



318 THE SIEGE OF BOSTON. 

ton to be the commander-in-chief; to the wisdom and pru- 
dence and success of his measures ; and it conchided as 
follows : "May you still go on, approved by Heaven, revered 
by all good men, and dreaded by those tyrants who claim 
their fellow-men as their property. May the United Colonies 
be defended from slavery by your victorious arms. May they 
still see their enemies flying before you ; and (the deliverance 
of your country being effected) may you, in retirement, enjoy 
that peace and satisfaction of mind which always attend the 
good and great; and may future-generations, in the peaceable 
enjoyment of that freedom the exercise of which your sword 
shall have established, raise the richest and most lasting mon- 
uments to the name of Washington." To this address the 
general returned a feeling reply. At this time the current was 
setting strong in favor of a declaration of independence, and 
hence the allusion with which this reply closes : " May this 
distressed colony and its capital, and every part of this wide 
extended continent, through His Divine favor, be restored to 
more than their former lustre and happy state, and have peace, 
liberty, and safety, secured upon a solid, permanent, and last- 
ing foundation." 

Congress received the intelligence of the evacuation on the 
25th of March, and immediately, on the motion of John 
Adams, passed a vote of thanks to Washington, and the offi- 
cers and soldiers under his command, for their wise and 
spirited conduct, and ordered a gold medal to be struck and 
presented to the general. Also it raised a committee, con- 
sisting of John Adams, John Jay, and Stephen Hopkins, to 
prepare a letter of thanks. This letter was reported to Con- 
gress and adopted April 2. 

Philadelphia, April 2, 1776. 

Sir, — It gives me the most sensible pleasure to convey to 
you, by order of Congress, the only tribute which a free people 
will ever consent to pay, — the tribute of thanks and grati- 
tude to their friends and benefactors. 

The disinterested and patriotic principles which led you to 
the field have also led you to glory ; and it affords no little 
consolation to your countrymen to reflect, that, as a peculiar 
greatness of mind induced you to decline any compensation 



THE MEDAL. 319 

for serving them, except the pleasure of promoting their haj>- 
piness, they may. without your permission, bestow upon you 
the largest share of their affection and esteem. 

Those pages in the annals of America will record your title 
to a conspicuous place in the temple of fame, which shall 
inform posterity that, under your directions, an tmdisciplined 
band of husbandmen, in the course of a few months, became 
soldiers : and that the desolation meditated against the coun- 
try by a brave army of veterans, commanded by the most 
experienced generals, but employed by bad men. in the worst 
of causes, was. by the fortitude of your troops, and the 
address of their officers, next to the kind interposition of 
Providence, confined for near a year ^dthin such narrow lim- 
its as scarcely to admit more room than was necessary for the 
encampments and fortifications they lately abandoned. 

Accept, therefore, sir, the thanks of the United Colonies, 
unanimously declared by their delegates to be due to you, and 
the brave officers and troops under your command ; and be 
pleased to communicate to them this distinguished mark of 
the approbation of their country. 

The Congress have ordered a gold medaL adapted to the 
occasion, to be struck, and, when fiinished, to be presented to 
you. 

I have the honor to be. with every sentiment of esteem, sir. 
your most obedioit and very humble servant, 

JoHx Haxcock, President 

To His Excellency General Washixgtox. 

Tlie niedal, which was struck in Paris, from a die cut by 
Duvivier. contains on the obverse a head of Washington in 
profile, exhibiting an excellent likeness, and around it the 
inscription : 

GeORGIO WaSHIXGTOX 5YPBEM0 DVCI EXZECnTVM AD5EETOEI 
LIBESTATIS COMITU AmEEICASA.' 

On the reverse is the town of Boston in the distance, with 
a fleet in view, under sail. Washington and his officers are 
cm horseback in the foreground, and he is pointing to the ships 
as they depart from the harbor. The inscription is : 

I Spods' Wadungtoe. Tlie desex^tioa k tbe test is by Mr. Spails. 
27* 



320 THE SIEGE OF BOSTON. 

•HOSTIBUS PRIMO FUGATIS BoSTONIUM RECUPERATUM, XVII. MaR- 
TII, MDCCLXXVI. 

The congratulations of individuals were more spirited than 
those of public bodies. An extract from one of the letters of 
this period will show their tone. "What an occurrence is 
this to be known in Europe ! " writes Elbridge Gerry, March 
26. " How are Parliamentary pretensions to be reconciled? 
Eight or ten thousand British troops, it has been said, are suf- 
ficient to overrun America ; and yet that number of their vet- 
erans, posted in Boston, (a peninsula fortified by nature, 
defended by works the product of two years' industry, sur- 
rounded by navigable waters, supported by ships of war, and 
commanded by their best generals,) are driven off by about 
one-thirtieth of the power of America. Surely the invincible 
veterans labored under some great disadvantage from want of 
provisions or military stores, which the Americans were amply 
provided with ! Directly the reverse. They had provisions 
enough; ammunition, muskets and accoutrements, for every 
man, and a piece of ordnance for every fifteen ; while the 
Americans were almost destitute of all these, and after twelve 
months' collection had only a sufiiciency of powder to tune 
their cannon for six or eight days. I am at a loss to know 
how Great Britain will reconcile all this to her military 
glory." 

The intelligence was received with astonishment in Eng- 
land. The ministry were again deeply mortified. A brief 
official announcement of the evacuation appeared in the Lon- 
don Gazette. It stated that General Howe, on the 7th of 
March, determined to remove from Boston, and that the 
"embarkation was effected the 17th of the same month, with 
the greatest order and regularity, and without the least inter- 
ruption." ' Again, they kept back full intelligence of the 

' The whole announcement was as follows : "White-Hall, May 3. — Gen- 
eral Howe, commander-in-chief of his majesty's forces in North America, 
having taken a resolution on the seventh of March to remove from Boston to 
Halifax with the troops under his command, and such of the inhabitants, 
with their effects, as were desirous to continue under the protection of his 
majesty's forces ; the embarkation was effected the 17th of the same month, 
with the greatest order and regularity, and without the least interruption 



DEBATE IN PARLIAMENT. 321 

transaction, and affected to be not the least disconcerted by 
the loss of Boston. Parliament was then in session, and the 
subject was called up on the 6th of May by Colonel Barre, 
who moved for an address to his majesty praying that copies 
of the despatches of General Howe and Admiral Shuldham 
might be laid before the House. His remarks were severe 
against the ministry. He had been informed there was a 
capitulation between Howe and Washington, through the 
intervention of the selectmen, by which General Howe was to 
leave his stores and not burn the town. But the Gazette did 
not mention it, nor did it give the public any reasons for 
Howe's quitting Boston. He trusted that the government 
would present more satisfactory information than that of the 
flimsy scrap of paper — the official account — which he held 
in his hand. Lord North, in reply, stated that the army was 
not compelled to abandon Boston ; that the general did not 
come in to any compromise whatever ; that the troops em- 
barked with all possible coolness and regularity, and even 
perfectly at their ease ; that the evacuation of Boston was no 
loss of glory, no disgrace, it was only a change of place. 
Great Britain had the same men and the same ships, but only 
in another place. Lord John Cavendish said that the House 
had proceeded from the beginning on actual misinformation : 
that it was owned that the information was false, that the 
whole British empire had been lost at the national expense of 
twenty millions, in precisely eleven months from the date of 
the defeat at Lexington to. the evacuation of Boston. Mr. 
Hartley insisted that General Howe was driven from Boston, 
and that nothing but a dread of having his whole army cut 
to pieces, or made prisoners, induced him to make so precip- 
itate and unexpected a retreat; and that "the great chain 
which held both countries was now broken," and that he 
"feared America was forever lost." Mr. Burke declared that 
every measure which had been adopted or pursued was 

from the rebels. When the packet came away the first division of transports 
was under sail, and the remainder were preparing to follow in a few days ; 
the admiral leaving behind as many men-of-war as could be spared from the 
convoy, for the security and protection of such vessels as might be bound to 
Boston." 



322 THE SIEGE OF BOSTON. 

directed to impoverish England, and to emancipate America; 
and though in twelve months nearly two hundred pounds a 
man had been spent for salt beef and sour-kroute, that the 
troops could not have remained ten days longer if the heavens 
had not rained down manna and quails. Mr. Ellis regarded 
the evacuation of Boston as a diminution of credit, and a 
great calamity, and as a measure that would give eclat to the 
American cause ; and that it was a reflection on General Howe 
to say it was anything else but a harsh necessity. General 
Conway affirmed that the British arms in this evacuation had 
been dishonored ; that British councils had fallen into con- 
tempt, and the honor of the nation deeply wounded. Lord 
George Germaine's (the minister's) explanation was feeble. 
He understood that General Howe never intended to begin 
operations from Boston, and asserted there was no agreement 
between the two commanders ; General Washington had 
changed his position, which, no doubt, obliged General Howe 
to change his position. 

Another debate took place in the House of Lords. On the 
10th of May the Duke of Manchester, — who made a call for 
the despatches, — in a remarkable speech reviewing the gen- 
eral policy of the ministry and the military operations, used 
severe language on the loss of Boston. He alluded to the 
martial spirit displayed by the Americans at Bunker Hill, 
where " an apothecary's late 'prentice (Warren) led forth 
armies, displayed the warrior's skill and intrepidity, and met 
a death a Roman might have envied;" in Arnold's expedi- 
tion to Quebec — a march a Hannibal would have admired ; 
in the siege of the British army and in forcing it from Boston. 
Here, he said, "We are informed of this extraordinary event 
by a gazette, published by authority from government, in 
which it is related that General Howe had quitted Boston ; no 
circumstances mentioned to palliate the event, no veil but that 
of silence to cast over the disgrace. But, my lords, though 
government account is short and uncircumstantial, yet private 
intelligence, public report, on which, till it is with authen- 
ticity denied, I must rely, informs us that General Howe quit- 
ted not Boston of his own free will, but that a superior enemy, 
by repeated efforts, by extraordinary works, by fire of their 



DEBATE IN PARLIAMENT. 323 

batteries, rendered the place iintena,ble. I mean not the least 
most distant censure on him ; his reputation stands fixed on 
too firm a basis to be easily shaken ; I do believe all that in 
that situation could by the best oflicers be attempted, was 
tried to the utmost. But, my lords, circumstances obliged 
him to quit that post he could not possibly maintain. The 
mode of the retreat may, to the general, do infinite honor, but 
it does dishonor to the British nation. Let this transaction be 
dressed in what garb you please, the fact remains, that the 
army which was sent to reduce the province of Massachusetts 
Bay has been driven from the capital, and that the standard 
of the provincial army now waves in triumph over the walls 
of Boston." ^ 

The Earl of Suftblk, in defence of the ministry, announced 
that Howe had instructions, as early as October, to quit Bos- 
ton whenever he thought proper ; that it was not intended to 
carry on military operations in Massachusetts ; that it was 
only a shifting of position to carry into execution measures 
already agreed on, the first object of which was "to secure 
Halifax against any attack of the rebels ; " that he could not 
perceive their superior courage, for they permitted the troops 
to embark without molestation ; that there was no convention, 
stipulation, concession or compromise, whatevei-, made ; that, 
after securing Halifax, the design was to penetrate by that 
way into the interior country, and pursue his future intended 
operations. 

The Marquis of Rockingham was severe in his reply, 
because he was so exact in his facts. His information w^as 
derived from letters written on the spot. He contended that 
the troops were compelled to quit the town, and were permit- 
ted to quit it by agreement. He then alluded to the instruc- 
tions given by the ministry to destroy the American towns, 
and asked, "Why not destroy the town in pursuance of the 
general instructions, when they thought proper to shift their 
position 1 or, if compelled to abandon it, why not raze it to 
the foundations, by way of retaliation ? If there was no con- 
vention, no treaty or agreement, how will they answer to 
government of this disobedience of orders ? " He then reca- 
pitulated the events of the last days of the siege, and said : 



324 THE SIEGE OF BOSTON. 

" If those accounts are true, of which I have very Httle doubt, 
your lordships will perceive, though possibly there might 
have been no formal convention or capitulation signed, which 
I understood was avoided by the generals on both sides, for 
particular reasons, that in whatever manner the business 
might have been negotiated, it had every substantial requisite 
of a treaty or compromise, as much as if it had been ever so 
solemnly authenticated or subscribed. The troops were per- 
mitted to evacuate the town without interruption, because 
they engaged, on the other hand, not to burn or destroy it, 
either previous to their departure, or after they got on board 
their ships." 

The Earl of Effingham stated substantially the same facts. 
He affirmed, that after the prevention of the purposed attack 
on Dorchester Heights by a storm, the only alternative that 
remained for Howe, in order to save his army, was to enter 
into a convention. 

The Earl of Sherburne went over the same ground, and 
made the same points. He then said : " The noble earl (Suf- 
folk) who has this day entertained your lordships so ably tells 
you that General Howe has only shifted his position, — that he 
is gone to the relief of Halifax, which is in a defenceless state. 
Why was that place, from which such wonders are to be 
achieved, left in a defenceless state?" He never understood 
an actual abandonment of an enterprise to be a shifting a 
position. 

The ministry, immediately on receiving the official de- 
spatches, approved of the evacuation of Boston. Lord George 
Germaine (May 3, 1776) wrote to General Howe as follows : 
"The miscarriage of the despatches' has been very unfortu- 
nate, and your not having received supplies would have been 
fatal, but for the step you very prudently took of withdrawing 
from the town of Boston, which, under the circumstances you 
have stated, is a measure very much approved by the king, 
and, in the execution of which, you have given the fullest 
proof of his majesty's wisdom and discernment in the choice 

' General Howe had received no letters from the government, when he 
wrote, since October 22, 1775. He sent his despatches by Major Thompson, 
afterwards the celebrated Count Rumford. 



BRITISH CRITICISM. 325 

of SO able and brave an officer to command his troops in 
America." 

General Howe's conduct, during the siege, continued for 
years to be criticised in Parliament and out of it. He might 
complain with reason, after receiving the approval of minis- 
ters, that they should have kept silent when he was calumni- 
ated. In the newspapers and in pamphlets the comments 
were frequent and sharp. An extract from an article will 
indicate the nature of this criticism. After reviewing some 
of the incidents of the siege, the writer remarks : " Now, I 
beg leave to ask Sir William Howe, whether Boston was 
tenable or not ? He had, indeed, staked his reputation as a 
general on the affirmative. If it was not, how could he, or 
his favorite engineer, overlook this (Dorchester) post? Could 
they suppose that the rebels, who, before winter, had made 
regular approaches to the foot of this hill, would fail, as soon 
as the season opened, to occupy the top of it 1 Why were no 
precautions taken to prevent it l Why was not a post estab- 
lished there, as at Bunker's Hill 1 Or if Boston was tenable, as 
the general had pledged himself, and I confess I have not the 
least doubt of, why, in God's name, was it so shamefully 
abandoned 7 Why were the army and the loyahsts obliged 
to combat war, pestilence and famine, through the winter, at 
Boston, only to be hurried from it in the spring 1 Or why 
was the town finally evacuated with circumstances so dispir- 
iting to the troops, and so encouraging to the rebels? All 
the cannon at Charlestown, the greatest part of those at the 
lines on the Neck, two thirteen-inch mortars, and other ord- 
nance, amounting in the whole to (sierviceable and unservice- 
able) one hundred pieces, great quantities of military stores, 
and even provisions, fell into the hands of the rebels. And as 
though something was still wanting to swell their triumph 
and make it complete, a convention was entered into with the 
rebels, with General Howe's knowledge and approbation, that 
the town should not be injured in case they would suffer the 
troops to embark without interruption. The agreement was 
religiously kept. As the last division of troops embarked at 
the Long Wharf, a flag was hoisted on the steeple of a 
church, and Washington entered the town with drums beat- 



326 THE SIEGE OF BOSTOIV. 

ing, music playing, colors flying, and in all the pride and 
exultation of victory." ' 

However just, in a military point of view, the criticism 
might have been, relative to the long neglect of Dorchester 
Heights, no other course but an evacuation remained to Gen- 
eral Howe after Washington had got possession of them. 
Nor could he have prosecuted operations against the American 
lines with any chance of success. They were numerous and 
strong. "Nothing," it has been remarked, "but the enthusi- 
asm of liberty could have enabled the men of America to have 
constructed such works. In history they are equalled only 
by the lines and forts raised by Julius Caesar to surround the 
army of Pompey." ^ Hence the British army accomplished 
all that could be expected of an army placed in such a con- 
dition. 

Washington's conduct met with universal approval. The 
people had been impatient to see the British driven out of Bos- 
ton. Congress shared this feeling, and hence the repeated 
expression of its wish that Washington should venture an 
assault. It was doubted whether it was possible to keep the 
army together during so long and wearisome a siege. It was 
supposed that the stimulus of a triumph was necessary to 
sustain the American cause. Washington felt all this, and 
was not, also, indiiFerent to the wishes of Congress. Hence 

' This extract is taken from a pamphlet, entitled " A View of the Evidence 
relative to the Conduct of the American War," &c., 1779. It was one of the 
publications that caused General Howe to demand an inquiry into his oper- 
ations in America. In the evidence given during this investigation, the 
events of the siege occupy a conspicuous place. 

The following extract from a speech of Mr. Wilkes, Nov. 18, 1777, will 
show what language continued to be used in Parliament : — " Let us recol- 
lect, sir, what passed after Boston was taken by the British forces. Our 
general was soon besieged in that capital of New England, ignominiously 
cooped up there many months with twenty regiments, and at last driven from 
thence. I know the coloring given to this retreat by the court party among 
us, and have been nauseated with the cant terms of our generals' changing 
their quarters, and shifting their positions ; but I know, likewise, that their 
artillery and stores were left behind. All the military men of this country 
now confess that the retreat of General Howe from Boston was an absolute 
flight, — as much so, sir, as that of Mahomet from Mecca." 

* Article in Siilinian's Journal. 



STATE OF BOSTON. 327 

his repeated proposals to his general officers to make an attack 
on Boston. However strong might have been his belief of 
the feasibility of a successful assault, it can now be scarcely- 
doubted but that the adverse decisions of the councils of war 
were correct.^ Such enterprises are counted hazardous, even 
Avhen made by veterans in war. How much greater is the 
hazard when raw levies are to be led against disciplined 
troops, protected by intrenchments as strong as science and 
labor can make them. When all the advantage that could 
have been reasonably calculated on by an aj;tack, had been 
attained without the effusion of blood or the destruction of 
property, when tlie British troops had been driven ingloriously 
out of Boston, the censure that had been cast upon the Fabian 
policy of Washington was changed into a general approval 
of the wisdom of his councils. It was seen that the British, 
in abandoning the town that had been proclaimed the cause 
of the struggle, in reality suffered a defeat ; and that the 
Americans, in getting possession of it, in reality achieved a 
triumph. 

Boston was not injured so much, either by the bombard- 
ment or by the troops, as it had been reported. Dr. Warren 
went in two hours after the British left. He writes in his 
diary : " The houses I found to be considerably abused inside, 
where they had been inhabited by the common soldiery, but 
the external parts of the houses made a tolerable appearance. 
The streets were clean, and, upon the whole, the town looks 
much better than I expected. Several hundred houses were 
pulled down, but these were very old ones." Washington 
wrote to President Hancock that his house had received no 
damage worth mentioning ; that his family pictures were 
untouched, and his furniture was in tolerable order ; and that 
the damage done to the houses and furniture generally was 
not equal to the report ; but that the inhabitants suffered 
much from being plundered by the soldiery at their depart- 
ure. Other contemporary letters contain similar statements 
as to the general appearance of the town. The interior of 
many of the houses had been badly used.^ 

* Reed's Life of President Reed, vol. i., p. 121. 

® A report was prepared by the selectmen, agreeable to an order of the 

28 



328 THE SIEGE OF BOSTON. 

Many of the public buildings were in a shameful condition. 
The Old South Church, obnoxious to the British on account 
of the town-meetings held in it, had been made a riding- 
school. Deacon Newell (October 27) writes in his diary as 
follows : " The spacious Old South meeting-house taken pos- 
session of for this purpose. The pulpit, pews and seats, all 
cut to pieces, and carried off in the most savage manner as 
can be expressed, and destined for a riding-school. The beau- 
tiful carved pew, with the silk furniture, of Deacon Hub- 
bard's, was tal^n down and carried to 's house by an 

officer, and made a hog-stye. The above was effected by the 
solicitation of General Burgoyne." Dirt and gravel were 
spread over the floor ; the south door was closed ; a bar was 
fixed, over which the cavalry leaped their horses at full speed ; 
the east galleries were allotted to spectators ; the first gallery 
was fitted up as a refreshment room. A stove was put up in 
the winter, and here were burnt for kindling many of the 
books and manuscripts of Prince's fine library. The parson- 
age house belonging to this society was pulled down for fuel. 

The Old North Chapel, built in 1677, Avhich was in good 
repair, and might have stood many years, was pulled down 
for fuel. The steeple of the West Church, built of large tim- 
ber, was also taken down, and afforded no small supply. 
Many trees were cut down on the common, and in other 
places. The celebrated Liberty Tree furnished fourteen cords 
of wood. The common was much disfigured. Much of it 
was turned up into fortifications. Faneuil Hall was fitted up, 
by subscription, into a very neat theatre, under the counte- 
nance of General Howe. The Brattle-street Church* and 
the Hollis-street Church were occupied by the troops for 
barracks. 

The most important of the fortifications were found entire, 
and exceedingly strong. Several persons, who went into 

legislature, of the amount of damage suffered by Boston during the opera- 
tion of the Port Bill and the siege. The total was estimated at £323,074 
14s. 6d. 

' A shot from the American lines struck the tower of this church, which 
was picked up by Mr. Turell, preserved in his family, and was subsequently 
fastened into the tower where it struck. 



THE FORTIFICATIONS IN BOSTON. 329 

Boston soon after the British troops left it, have given partial 
descriptions of their appearance,. " We found," one says, 
"the works upon the Neck entire, the cannon spiked up, the 
shells chiefly split, and many of the cannon carriages cut to 
pieces ; these lines upon the Neck were handsomely built, and 
so amazingly strong that it would have been impracticable 
for us to have forced them. The other works were not so 
well constructed as I imagined we should have found them, 
especially at the bottom of the common, and on Beacon Hill. 
They appeared to be ill-constructed, and designed for little but 
to frighten us." ^ 

Dr. Warren had an opportunity of seeing the forts as they 
were left by the enemy, and describes their appearance. Two 
redoubts, situated in the neighborhood of Beacon Hill, ap- 
peared to me, he says, "to be considerably strong. There 
were two or three half-moons at the hill upon the bottom of 
the common for small arms, and there were no embrasures at 
the redoubt above mentioned. Just by the shore, opposite 
Lechmere's Point, is a bomb battery, lined with plank, and 
faced with a parapet of horse-dung, being nothing but a 
simple line ; near it lies a thirteen-inch mortar, a little moved 
from its bed. This is an exceeding fine piece, being, as I am 
sure, seven and a half inches thick at the muzzle, and near 
twice that over the chamber, with an iron bed all cast as one 
piece, the touch-hole spiked up. Just above it, upon the ascent 
of the hill, was a three-gun battery of thirty-two-pounders. 
The cannon are left spiked up, and shot drove into the boxes. 
There was only a simple line, being plank filled with dirt. 
Upon Beacon Hill were scarcely more than the fortifications 
of nature, — a very insignificant shallow ditch, with a few 
short pickets, a platform, and one twenty-four-pounder, which 
could not be brought to bear upon any part of the hill. This 
was left spiked up, and the bore crammed. Copp'sHill, at 
the north, was nothing more than a few barrels filled with 
dirt, to form parapets, — three twenty-four-pounders upon (a) 
platform, left spiked and crammed ; all these, as well as the 
others, on carriages. The parapet m this fort, and on Beacon 

'Edward Bangs' Ms. Diary, — for which, and for other favors, I am 
indebted to J. Wingate Thornton, Esq. 



330 



THE SIEGE OF BOSTON. 



Hill, did not at all cover the men who should work the can- 
non. There was a small redoubt behind for small arms, very- 
slender indeed. Fort Hill was only five lines of barrels filled 
with earth, very trifling indeed. Upon the Neck tlie works 
were strong, consisting of redoubts, numbers of lines with 
embrasures for cannon, a few of which were left as the others. 
A very strong work at the old fortification, and another near 
the hay-market. All these were ditched and picketed. 
Hatch's Wharf was a battery of rafters, with dirt, and two 
twelve-pounders, left as the others. One of these I saw 
drilled out and cleared for use, without damage, A great 
number of other cannon were left at the north and south bat- 
teries, with one or both trunnions beat off". Shot and shells 
in divers parts of the town, some cartridges, great quantities 
of wheat, hay, oil, medicine, horses, and other articles, to the 
amount of a great sum." Washington was evidently sur- 
prised at the formidable character of the main works. " The 
town of Boston," he writes, "was almost impregnable — 
every avenue fortified." 

Charlestown presented one unbroken scene of desolation — 
here and there only a wall or a chimney. Dr. Warren, on 
the 21st of March, visited it, and described it as follows : — 
" This day I visit(ed) Charlestown, and a most melancholy 
heap of ruins it is. Scarcely the vestiges of those beautiful 
buildings remain to distinguish them from the mean cottages. 
The hill which was the theatre upon which the bloody 
tragedy of the 17th of June was acted commands the most 
affecting view I ever saw in my life. The walls of magnifi- 
cent buildings tottering to the earth below — above, a great 
number of rude hillocks, under which are deposited the 
remains of clusters of those deathless heroes who fell in the 
field of battle. The scene was inexpressibly solemn. When 
I considered myself as walking over the bones of many of 
my worthy fellow-countrymen, who jeoparded and sacrificed 
their lives in these high places ; when I considered that whilst 
I (was) musing (on) the objects around me. I might be stand- 
ing over the remains of a dear brother, whose blood had 
stained these hallowed walks; with veneration did this inspire 
me. How many endearing scenes of fraternal friendship, 



£ ^ -C ji V 5 
O ^ S 5 ^ S 


S 




C9 




§ 




STATE OF CHAKLESTOWN. 331 

now past and gone forever, presented themselves to my view ! 
But it is enough. The blood of the innocent calls for ven- 
geance on tiie guilty heads of the vile assassins. O may our 
arms be strengthened to fight the battles of our God ! When 
I came to Bmiker Hill I found it exceeding strong. The front 
parapet, about thirteen feet high, composed of earth con- 
tain (ed) in plank, supported by huge timber, with two look- 
outs upon the top. In the front of this were two bastions, 
and a semi-circular line, with very wide trenches, and very 
long pickets as well as trenches. Within, the causeway was 

secured with a and brush. All that part of the main 

fort which was not included with(in) (the) high works above 
mentioned, viz., the rear, was secured by another parapet, 
with a trench picketed inside as well as out. There was a 
half-moon which commanded the river at the side." ' Wash- 
ington pronounced this work "amazingly strong." "Twenty 
thousand men," he says, "could not have carried it against 
one thousand, had that work been well defended." This 
work was destroyed by the American troops immediately 
after the British evacuated the town.^ Dr. Warren describes 
the other works in Charlestown as follows : " There was a 
block-house upon School-house Hill, enclosed by a very strong 
fence spiked, and a dungeon and block-house upon Breed's 
Hill, enclosed in a redoubt of earth, with trenches and pickets. 
The works which had been cast up by our forces had been 
entirely levelled." ^ 

' Dr. Warren's Diary. Some of this interesting Ms. is hardly legible. 

^ The barracks attached to this fortress were moved into various parts cf 
Charlestown, and improved for dwelling-houses. The low building opposite 
.he City Hall, in Bow-street, on the Austin estate, was one of these bar- 
racks. The groundwork of this fortress could be, until recently, very dis- 
tinctly traced. 

3 I have been often informed that the redoubt and works raised by the 
Americans were entirely levelled by the British while they were in posses- 
sion of Charlestown. Contemporary accounts, however, (except the one in 
the text.) do not indicate this. In Waller's Orderly Book, (Ms.,) kept in 
Charlestown, there are several allusions to the " Rebel Redoubt." A guard 
was immediately (June 19) stationed " in the redoubt stormed by the army ; " 
it was ordered (June 20) to be cleared, and a shed built in it, to shelter the 
guard; the posts and rails were ordered (June 21) to be "carried to the 
redoubt, and piled up in order." The tools in the camp were ordered 



332 THE SIEGE OF BOSTON. , 

I have attempted to present a faithful narrative of the open- 
ing scenes of the war of the American RevoUition. The siege 
of Boston must be regarded not only as one of the most inter- 
esting incidents connected with this great contest, but as one 
of the memorable events of history. When the people of 
Massachusetts saw that the British government was deter- 
mined to inflict on them the blight of despotic law, — a law 
that destroyed their ancient charter, and that undermined 
their ancient liberties, — they resolved, at every hazard, to 
resist its execution. When a British army was concentrated 
to enforce submission, they resolutely prepared for self-defence. 
So thoroughly was this work done, and so strong was the sus- 
taining sentiment of the community, that, on the first invasion 
of their soil, it seemed as though the. fable of the dragon's 
teeth was realized in the armed hosts that started up to repel 
the insult. The expedition sent to Concord was driven back 
in disgrace to its quarters ; and, within twenty-four hours, 
the whole British army was confined to the bounds of a small 
peninsula, was cut off from all relief by land, and was 
reduced to humiliating expedients for subsistence. 

(August 5) to be " carried to the Rebel Redoubt." Other redoubts in town 
are named, as "the Grenadier Redoubt," which were undoubtedly thrown 
up by the British troops. 

In addition to this, General Wilkinson states in his memoirs, that, on the 
evacuation of the town, he accompanied Colonels Stark and Reed over the 
battle-field. While he names "the vestiges" of the rail fence breastwork, 
he speaks of " resting on the parapet " where the patriots fought. He says : 
" Arrived on the field of battle, where those officers had performed conspic- 
uous parts, with anxious inquiry I traced the general disposition of our yeo- 
manry on that eventful day, and the particular station of each corps ; I 
marked the vestiges of the post and rail fence on the left, and the breastwork 
thrown up on the beach of Mystic River, which covered our armed citizens. 
I paced the distance to tiie point from whence the British light-infantry, after 
three successive gallant charges, were finally repulsed. I examined the 
redoubt, the intrenchment, the landings and approaches of the enemy, and 
every point of attack and defence. Resting on the parapet where, nine 
months before, ' valor's self might have stood appalled,' I surveyed the 
whole ground at a glance, and eagerly devoured the information imparted by 
my brave companions." 

The small mound on the north-eastern corner of the Monument-square is 
said to be the remains of the original breastwork. 



CONCLUDING REJIARKS. 333 

The British generals, after for sixty days denying the fact 
of being in a state of siege, determined to penetrate into the 
country. It was announced in England that General Gage 
would garrison Boston, and that Generals Howe, Clinton, and 
Burgoyne, would take the field, and disperse the colonial 
army. To carry out this plan, they fixed upon a time to 
occupy one of the heights of land that commanded their posi- 
tion. To their astonishment a redoubt suddenly appeared on 
another height, equally commanding in its position, which 
was filled with the daring Americans. To dislodge them, a 
detachment marched out to a conflict as bloody as history had 
on record. This experience appears to have changed the 
spirit of the British generals and the British troops. It shook 
out of them their arrogance and contempt. It made them 
respectful, if not timid. They afterwards manifested no dis- 
position to measure strength with their antagonists. They 
attained to the belief that there was something about Massa- 
chusetts — either in the nature of the country or in the temper 
of its people — that made it a most unfit place for military 
operations. If they entertained offensive plans, they did not 
attempt to carry them into effect. And thus a well-appointed 
army, with accomplished officers, with cavalry and a fine 
train of artillery, supplied with every science of war, of un- 
doubted bravery and backed by a powerful fleet, was satisfied 
if allowed to remain unmolested in its strongholds until it 
chose to change its position. 

It was not so, however, with the Americans. They were 
at all times inadequately supplied with materials of war, and 
at some periods were alarmingly weak in point of numbers. 
Washington had difficulties that seemed insurmountable. He 
was even obliged to disband one army and to enlist another, in 
the face of his veteran enemy. But he went triumphantly 
through them all. He drew his lines each month closer about 
Boston. He proposed each month, after his works permitted 
it, an assault on the British army. It Avas judged inexpedi- 
ent, for want of the necessary means, and of that steady dis- 
cipline that can only be relied on in veterans. But such was 
the spirit of the army, that it engaged in daring enterprise on 
the land and in the harbor. When an adequate supply of 



334 THE SIEGE OF BOSTON. 

powder and of other military stores was received, Washing- 
ton occupied a position that compelled the British general to 
hazard a battle or to evacuate the town. Such, then, became 
his critical position, that he willingly entered into an informal 
understanding, by which, to secure his unmolested departure, 
he agreed not to injure the town. These considerations were 
as mortifying to the British as they were gratifying to the 
colonists. The abandonment of Boston, under such circum- 
stances, was regarded in England as a flight, and in America 
as a victory.^ 

The patriots now felt their strength. They saw what four 
only of the colonies had done, and they could calculate what 
thirteen colonies might do. They felt that the same power 
of endurance, exerted in a righteous cause, would insure its 
ultimate triumph. Every scene of carnage and of desolation 
roused the spirit of the country, and weakened attachment to 
Great Britain. Every trial of their strength gave firmness to 
their resistance and elevation to their demands. When the 
siege of Boston commenced, the colonies were hesitating on 
the great measure of war, were separated by local interests, 
were jealous of each others' plans, and appeared on the 
field, each with its independent army under its local colors : 

• It may be interesting to state, that all the British generals lived to see 
America triumphant. 

General Gage, on his return to England, held conferences with the minis- 
ters on American affairs, but appears to have lived mostly in private life. 
He died in April, 1787. 

General Howe, after serving at the south with doubtful reputation, re- 
turned to England after the campaign of 1777, and went through the ordeal 
of a severe inquiry. He died in 1814. 

General Clinton succeeded General Howe in the command of the British 
army, and served till 1782, when he was superseded by General Carleton. 
He "died December 22, 1795. 

General Burgoyne returned to Boston as a prisoner of war. After his 
return to England, he joined the opposition, and advocated in Parliament a 
discontinuance of the war. He died August 4, 1792. 

Lord Percy was much praised for his generosity and chivalry. His regi- 
ment suffered severely at the battle of Bunker Hill. He was kind to the 
officers and soldiers who were wounded, and to the widows of those who 
fell. " He is- daily doing something great and commendable," wrote a 
giniteful officer. 



CONCLUDING REMARKS. 335 

when the siege of Boston ended, the colonies had drawn the 
sword and nearly cast away the scabbard ; they had softened 
their jealousy of each other ; they had united in a political 
association ; and the union flag of the thirteen stripes waved 
over a continental army. When the siege of Boston com- 
menced, the general object and the general desire were for a 
work of restoration, for a return to the halcyon days of a 
constitutional connection with the mother country : when the 
siege of Boston ended, a majority of the patriots had irrevoca- 
bly decided, that the only just and solid foundation for secu- 
rity and liberty was the creation of an independent American 

EMPIRE. 



HISTORY 



OF THE 



BUNKER HILL MONUMENT 



It seems appropriate that a narrative of the early events of 
the war of the American Revohition should be accompanied 
with a history and description of the monument that gratitude 
and patriotism have raised to commemorate them. The 
account must, necessarily, be brief. ' 

It was contemplated ^early to erect a monument to the mem- 
ory of General Warren. He presided over the Massachusetts 
grand lodge of Freemasons from its organization until his 
death. This lodge, after the evacuation of Boston, applied 
to the Massachusetts Council for permission to take up his 
remains, and bury them with the usual solemnities of the 
order. A committee of the Council reported (April 4, 1176) 
in favor of this petition, provided the design was carried out 
in such a manner that the government of the colony might 
have an opportunity to erect a monument to his memory. 
Though there was a procession, and an oration was delivered 
by Perez Morton, in honor of General Warren, no measures 
were taken to build a monument. The time of war, and 
the period immediately after it, were unfavorable for such a 
work. 

The anniversary of the battle of Bunker Hill, for several 
years, passed unnoticed. The earliest general parade on this 
day was in 1786. It was, however, a celebration of the 

opening of Charles River Bridge. The toasts, songs, and 

' The narrative in the text has been prepared from information derived from 
gentlemen who kindly communicated facts, from the records of associations, 
annual reports, letters, and newspapers. The documents in relation to the 
Bunker Hill Monument are voluminous. 
29 



338 ■ BUNKER HILL MONUMENT. 

speeches, which the occasion ehcited, contain many alhisions 
to the battle. The contrast presented in the celebration of one 
of the triumphs of peace, — the completion of the greatest 
enterprise of the kind undertaken in America, — with the ter- 
rific scene of war of eleven years previous, furnished themes 
of gratifying and patriotic remark. 

The credit is due to the Charlestown Artillery of having 
been the first to celebrate the battle of Bunker Hill. The cus- 
tom of parading on its anniversary has been kept up to the 
present time. In 1794 it celebrated the day with much parade. 
A portion of the military of Boston joined it; and, at its re- 
quest. Dr. Bartlett delivered an oration in the meeting-house. 
There was also a procession. The whole proceedings gave 
great satisfaction. 

King Solomon's Lodge was established in Charlestown in 
1783 ; and the honor belongs to it of having first placed a 
monument on Breed's Hill. It appointed (November 11, 1794) 
a committee to erect such an one as would do honor to the 
lodge, and authorized it to draw on the treasurer to defray the 
expense. This work was promptly done, — the land being 
given for this purpose by Hon. James Russell. It was ded- 
icated in the afternoon of the 2d of Efecember. A procession 
was. formed at Warren Hall, consisting of the members of the 
lodge, the municipal authorities of Charlestown, the ministers 
and military ofiicers, the children of the public schools, and 
the citizens, which, accompanied by a band of music, "Avalked 
in solemn silence" to the hill. There a circle was formed 
round the pillar, and the master of the lodge, John Soley, Esq., 
delivered a neat and eloquent address. Minute-guns were 
then fired by a detachment of the Artillery, and the American 
flag was displayed at half-mast. The procession then returned 
to Warren Hall, where Dr. Josiah Bartlett delivered a eulogy 
on General Warren, and the ceremony was concluded by the 
following toast : "May the fragrance of a good report, like a 
sprig of cassia, bloom over the grave of every departed 
brother." The services throughout were impressive. The 
monument, and the dedication of it, reflect great credit on 
King Solomon's Lodge. 

This monument, which stood a few rods west of the present 



THE FIRST MONUMENT. 339 

monument, and on the spot where Warren fell, was a Tuscan 
pillar, built of wood, eighteen feet high, raised on a brick 
pedestal eight feet square, and rising ten feet from the ground. 
The pillar terminated in a gilt urn, bearing the inscription 
J. W., aged 35, — entwined with masonic emblems. The 
south side of the pedestal contained the following inscription : 

Erected, a. d. mdccxciv. 

By King Solomon's Lodge of Freemasons, 

Constituted in Charlestown, 1783, 

In Memory of 

Major-general Joseph Warren, 

And his Associates, 

Who were slain on this memorable spot, June 17, 1775. 

None but they who set a just value on the blessings of liberty are worthy 
to enjoy her. 

In vain we toiled ; in vain we fought ; we bled in vain ; if you, our off- 
spring, want valor to repel the assaults of her invaders. 

Charlestown settled, 1628. 
Burnt, 1775. Rebuilt, 1776. 

The enclosed land given by the Hon. James Russell. 

This monument cost about one thousand dollars. It was 
kept in repair by the lodge until 1825, when, with the land, 
it was presented to the Bunker Hill Monument Association. 

The next celebration of this anniversary was by the Charles- 
town Artillery. At its request, William Austin, of Charles- 
town, delivered (June 17, 1801) an oration at the new meet- 
ing-house, which was published. On this occasion there was 
a procession, and, after the oration, a dinner at Warren Hall. 
The journals of the day contain full details of the proceed- 
ings. This celebration gave great gratification to those who 
participated in it, and reflected much credit on the company. 

From the year 1801 to the year 1825, there appears to have 
been no general celebration of the day. The Charlestown 
Artillery continued its annual parade and salutes. Some 
years it was joined by a portion of the military of Boston, 
when the proceedings became sufficiently important to attract 
notice in the Boston journals. Occasionally there were din- 
ners given, with the usual accompaniment of toasts and 



340 BUNKER HILL MONUMENT. 

speeches. But no oration, during this period, appears to have 
been deUvered. 

Meantime the American revohition won more and more the 
admiration of the world. Public attention had been particu- 
larly called to its grand opening scene, the battle of Bunker 
Hill, and many regretted that no enduring memorial had been 
raised " to testify public gratitude, or do honor to national sen- 
timent." ' Among them was William Tudor, — an amiable 
man, an accomplished scholar, and a patriotic citizen. He 
desired to see on the battle-ground "the noblest column in 
the world ;" '^ and he was so ardent and persevering in urging 
such a project, that it has been stated that he first conceived 
the idea of it.^ He watched this spot with great solicitude. 
Learning that a portion of it — about three acres — was to be 
sold, he conferred with several gentlemen as to the expediency 
of keeping it unoccupied. Dr. John C. Warren was one of them, 
who, with this object in view, purchased it, (November, 1822,) 
and held it until it was required by the Monument Association. 
Dr. Warren, thus energetic and early to promote this enter- 
prise, continued to labor indefatigably in its behalf Meetings 
of gentlemen friendly to it were held at his house. A party, 
who felt a deep interest in it, assembled also at Colonel Per- 
kins' at breakfast, — among them Hon. Daniel Webster, Pro- 
fessor George Ticknor, Dr. John C. Warren, Hon. William 

* The Massachusetts Legislature, February 1, 1818, instructed a committee 
to consider the expediency of building a monument of American marble to 
the memory of General Warren. 

^ The quotation is taken from a letter (1822) strongly urging that a monu- 
ment should be built. 

3 Address of Hon. Edward Everett, May 28, 1833. " The idea was first 
conceived by an amiable and accomplished fellow-citizen, now no more, (the 
late William Tudor,) when the half century was near expiring since the 
occurrence of the event. It was by him communicated to a circle of friends, 
and by them to the public." He served as the first secretary, but soon sailed 
for South America. The records of the association contained the following : 
"June 7, 1825. — William Tudor, Esq., was chosen to fill the vacancy in 
the board of directors, as an acknowledgment of his services in promoting 
the objects of the association, he being at this time absent in South Amer- 
ica." He was the author of the Life of Otis, Letters on the Eastern States, 
Miscellanies, and Gebel Teir. He died at Rio Janeiro in 1830. 



ORIGIN OF THE BIONUMENT. 341 

Sullivan, Hon. George Blake, and William Tudor, Esq. They 
then visited the battle-ground, and consulted in reference to 
building a monument. It was determined to commence the 
undertaking. Soon after, a circular, dated May 10, 1823, 
signed by Daniel Webster, AVilliam Tudor, and Theodore 
Lyman, Jr., invited the first meeting of a public nature of 
those friendly to it, to be held at the Merchants Exchange, 
Boston, on the following Tuesday. 

The gentlemen who attended this meeting formed an asso- 
ciation to procure an act of incorporation authorizing them, 
as trustees, to collect and hold subscriptions for the purpose 
of erecting an enduring monument "to the memory of those 
statesmen and soldiers who led the way in the American Rev- 
olution." Each one subscribed the sum of five dollars, and 
signed an agreement to this effect.^ This meeting appointed 
H. A. S. Dearborn, William Tudor, and Theodore Lyman, Jr., 
to petition the legislature for an act of incorporation. Accord- 
ingly, an act was passed, — approved by the governor, June 
7, 1823, — establishing the Bunker Hill Monument Asso- 
ciation. 

The Association held its first meeting June 13, 1823, and, on 
the 17th, made its first choice of officers. John Brooks, the 
governor of the state, was elected the president, and a code of 
by-laws was adopted. Many new members were elected by 
the original associates.*^ Little or no progress, however, was 
made this year in carrying forward the enterprise. At the 

^ The agreement was signed by the following persons : — 

Daniel Webster, Jesse Putnam, Joseph Story, 

Edward Everett, Samuel D. Harris, Samuel Swett, 

Theodore Lyman, Jr., Stephen Gorham, Jr., William Tudor, 

Thomas H. Perkins, H. A. S. Dearborn, Benjamin Gorham, 

Franklin Dexter, William Sullivan, George Ticknor, 

Charles R. Codman, Warren Dutton, Isaac P. Davis, 

Thomas Harris, Seth Knowles, Benjamin Welles, 

John C. Warren, George Blake, Francis C. Gray. 
N. P. Russell, Richard Sullivan, 

The names of all these persons, but two, appear in the act of incorpo- 
ration. 

2 The Association elected 25 members, June 30, 1823 ; 65, August 21, 
1824 ; and 103, September 8, 1824. 
29* 



34i| BUNKER HILL BIONUMENT. 

next annual meeting, June 17, 1S24, efficient measures were 
adopted. It was voted to have an annual celebration; and 
Hon. Daniel Webster was selected as the orator for 1825. A 
committee was appointed to gather memorials of the battle, 
and "to collect and arrange historically" all the documents 
relating to it. The directors were also instructed to prepare 
subscription papers. It was voted (September 3) that every 
person subscribing five dollars should belong to the Association, 
and be presented with an engraved diploma of his member- 
ship. The directors (September 20, 1824) issued a circular, 
from the pen of Hon. Edward Everett, — who, in preparing 
documents, and acting as secretary of the Association, labored 
most efficiently in its behalf, — which delineated the character 
of the battle and the object of the monument, and solicited 
the cooperation and interest of every member of the commu- 
nity. Another circular (October 1, 1824) was printed in sub- 
scription books, and sent to every town in Massachusetts. A 
third circular (January 19, 1825) repelled the charge that the 
directors desired to limit the subscriptions to Massachusetts. 
The other colonies, especially those of New England, had 
borne part in the great events designed to be commemorated, 
and its whole community were appealed to in behalf of the 
monument. The smallest sums were solicited, while the 
largest sums were not declined. 

Circumstances proved favorable for the enterprise. It was 
a season of unusual prosperity, and the visit of Lafayette, — 
his triumphal progress as the nation's guest, — made it a 
season of national enthusiasm. The directors invited him 
(August 21, 1824) to Bunker Hill. He accepted the invita- 
tion. On viewing the battle-ground, he expressed a lively 
interest in the proposed monument, and enrolled his name on 
a subscription list. — by special request of the directors, how- 
ever, with no sum set against it ; and when Dr. Warren 
invited him to be present on the succeeding anniversary, he 
promptly acceded to the wishes of the Association. It was 
determined to celebrate the Fiftieth Jubilee with great splen- 
dor. Tlie renown of the orator, the announcement (October 
1, 1824) that the. corner-stone would then be laid, and that 
I^afayette would take part in the ceremony, created high 



THE FIFTIETH ANNIVERSARY. 343 

expectations of this celebration. An enthusiasm was kindled 
in behalf of the monument. The newspapers announced, from 
time to time, the state of the subscriptions. Their amount 
soon became large. 

The directors, in the spring of 1825, had secured the title 
to the land, had purchased the slope of Breed's Hill, — about 
fifteen acres, — and made other necessary preparations ; but 
had not matured the plan of the proposed monument. The 
first committee on the form consisted of Daniel Webster, 
Loammi Baldwin, George Ticknor, Gilbert Stewart, and 
Washington AUston. A premium of one hundred dollars was 
offered for the best design, when about fifty plans were pre- 
sented, either in drawings or models. There was much dis- 
cussion as to the most appropriate form to adopt. The 
debates in the board of directors were uncommonly able and 
learned; and, at length, at a special meeting, (May 19, 1825,) 
the choice was narrowed down to two forms, the column and 
the obelisk. A new committee (H. A. S. Dearborn, Edward 
Everett, Seth Knowles, S. D. Harris, T. H. Perkins) was 
appointed to procure designs of both, with estimates of the 
expense of each. This committee reported on the 7th of June. 
Hon. Daniel Webster presided at this meeting. There was 
then an animated discussion on the comparative merits of the 
two plans, which was prolonged to a late hour, when the 
question was decided. . Sixteen of the directors voted. On a 
motion to adopt a column, five voted in the affirmative, and 
eleven in the negative. It was then voted to adopt the form 
of an obelisk, as being the most simple and imposing, the most 
congenial to our republican institutions, and the most appro- 
priate to the character of the event to be commemorated. The 
following gentlemen were then appointed a committee to report 
a design : Loammi Baldwin, George Ticknor, Jacob Bigelow, 
Samuel Swett, and Washington Allston. 

It was at this stage of the enterprise that the directors pro- 
posed to lay the corner-stone of the monument, and ground 
was broken (June 7) for this purpose. As a mark of respect 
to the liberality and patriotism of King Solomon's Lodge, they 
invited the grand master of the Grand Lodge of Massachu- 
setts to perform the ceremony. They also invited General 



344 BUNKER HILL MONUMENT. 

Lafayette to accompany the president of the Association, Hon. 
Daniel Webster, and assist in it. 

Tliis celebration was nnequalled in magnificence by any- 
thing of the kind that had been seen in New England. The 
morning proved propitions. The air was cool, the sky was 
clear, and timely showers the previous day had brightened 
the vesture of nature into its loveliest hue. Delighted thou- 
sands flocked into Boston to bear a part in the proceedings, or 
to witness the spectacle. At about ten o'clock a procession 
moved from the State House towards Bunker Hill. The mil- 
itary, in their fine uniforms, formed the van. About two 
hundred veterans of the revolution, of whom forty were sur- 
vivors of the battle, rode in barouches next to the escort. 
These venerable men, the relics of a past generation, with 
emaciated frames, tottering limbs^ and trembling voices, consti- 
tuted a touching spectacle. Some wore, as honorable decora- 
tions, their old fighting equipments, and some bore the scars of 
still more honorable wounds. Glistening eyes constituted their 
answer to the enthusiastic cheers of the grateful multitudes 
who lined their pathway and cheered their progress. To this 
patriot band succeeded the Bunker Hill Monument Association. 
Then the masonic fraternity, in their splendid regalia, thou- 
sands in number. Then Lafayette, continually welcomed by 
tokens of love and gratitude, and the invited guests. Then a 
long array of societies, with their various badges and banners. 
It was a splendid procession, and of such length that the 
front nearly reached Charlestown Bridge ere the rear had left 
Boston Common. It proceeded to Breed's Hill, where the 
grand master of the Freemasons, the president of the Monu- 
ment Association, and General Lafayette, performed the cere- 
mony of laying the corner-stone, in the presence of a vast 
concourse of people.* The procession then moved to a spa- 

' The plate contained the following 

INSCRIPTION. 

" On the XVII. day of June, mdcccxxv., at the request of the Bunker Hill 
Monument Association, the Most Worshipful John Abbot, Grand Master of 
Masons in MassachuseUs, did, in the presence of Gen. Lafayette, lay this 
Corner Stone of a Monument, to testify the gratitude of the present genera- 
tion to their Fathers, who, on the 17th June, 1775, here fought in the cause 



THE CELEBRATION OF 1825. 345 

cious amphitheatre on the northern dechvity of the hill, where 
Hon. Daniel Webster delivered an address. It was at the 
close of a dedicatory passage on the monument that he uttered 
the words, "Let it rise till it meef the sun in its coming; let 
the earliest light of the morning gild it, and parting day linger 
and play on its summit," When the exercises here were con- 
cluded, a procession was escorted to Bunker Hill, where a tent 
covering 38,400 square feet had been erected. Twelve tables 
ran the entire length of it, which were set with four thousand 
plates. Here speeches, toasts, and songs, concluded the cere- 
monies. Such is but a faint outline of a scene which those 
who were so fortunate as to witness will not soon forget. 

At a meeting of the directors (June 24) the committee on 
laying the corner-stone reported that a stone had been pre- 
pared to receive a box ; that one, containing a plate of silver 
with inscriptions, had been deposited on the 17th ; and that 
stones, secured by iron clamps, had been placed over it. This 
corner-stone, however, was subsequently rejected. On the 
commencement of the work for the monument, the box was 
taken out, put into the hands of Dr. Warren for safe keeping, 
and placed in another stone, which now is in the north-eastern 
angle of the structure. 

of their country, and of free institutions, the memorable battle of Bunker 
Hill, and with their blood vindicated for their posterity the privileges and hap- 
piness this land has since enjoyed. Officers of the Bunker Hill Monument 
Association. — President, Daniel Webster ; Vice-presidents, Thomas H. Per- 
kins, Joseph Story ; Secretary, Edward Everett ; Treasurer, Nathaniel P. 
Russell. [Here follows a list of twenty-five Directors.] Standing Committee 
for collecting Subscriptions, — Henry A. S. Dearborn, John C. Warren, 
Edward Everett, George Blake, and Samuel D. Harris. Committee on the 
form of the Monument, — Daniel Webster, L. Baldwin, G. Stuart, Wash- 
ington Allston, and G. Ticknor. 

" President of the United States, John Quincy Adams. Governor of Mas- 
sachusetts, Levi Lincoln ; Governor of New Hampshire, David L. Morrell ; 
Governor of Connecticut, Oliver Wolcott ; Governor of Vermont, C. P. 
Van Ness ; Governor of Rhode Island, James Fenner ; Governor of Maine, 
Albion K. Parris. Alexander Parris, Architect." 

The architect here named was at this time employed by the Association, 
and had presented a plan of a monument. As his design was not adopted, 
the name of Solomon Willard ought to be on the inscription, if by " Archi- 
tect" is to be understood the designer of the monument. 



346 BUNKER HILL MONUMENT. 

The directors soon decided upon a plan. The committee 
appointed for this purpose reported one on the 1st of July. 
It was then discussed, and the consideration of it was post- 
poned until July 5tli, when it was adopted. It was drawn by 
Solomon Willakd. A building committee was not obtained, 
owing to the restrictions put upon it, until the 4th of October. 
It consisted of John C. Warren. Amos Lawrence, H. A. S. 
Dearborn, William Sulhvan, and George Blake, — to all of 
whom great credit is due for well-directed and laborious effort. 
Dr. Warren was its chairman. This committee reported, 
October 4th, that Solomon Willard had been appointed the 
architect and superintendent of the monument. He had 
already rendered great service to the work. He had spent 
much time, and labor, and money, in exploring the country to 
ascertain the best place to procure the material ; and it was 
his judgment that secured the quarry at Quincy. He desired 
that his services might be gratuitous, but to this the directors 
would not consent. A moderate compensation, his expenses, 
was all that he would accept. His name, in addition, appears 
as a donor of one thousand dollars. His design, under his 
own superintendence, has been faithfully carried out. James 
S. Savage was appointed the builder. 

The earliest work was done at the granite quarry in Quincy, 
discovered by Mr. Willard, and secured by the Association for 
a trifling sum ($325). A railroad — the first one built in the 
country — was constructed by another corporation, to convey 
the stones to the wharf in Quincy, where they were put on 
board flat-bottomed boats, towed by steam-power to Deven's 
Wharf, Charlestown, and thence carried to the hill on teams. 
But this repeated transfer defaced the stones so much, that, 
after a few courses of the monument had been raised, they 
were teamed directly from the quarry to the hill. The build- 
ing of the railroad delayed the prosecution of the work. It 
was not until December 1, 1826, that the building committee 
gave its instructions to Mr. Willard ; and not until April 25, 
1827, that a contract for teaming the stone from Deven's 
Wharf to the hill had been made with Thomas O. Nichols 
and John Pierce. 

At length the community, in the spring of 1827, saw the 



SUSPENSION OF THE WORK. 347 

monument fairly under way, and watched its progress with 
interest and pride. The estimated cost of the obelisk was one 
hundred thousand dollars. The original subscription, with 
a grant of seven thousand dollars from the state, amounted to 
$64,010.55. After deducting the sums paid for the land, 
for laying the corner-stone, and for various necessary expend- 
itures, the amount applicable to the building of the obelisk 
was only $33,576.40. This sum, and a loan of $23,400, 
supported it until January, 1829, and carried the obelisk four- 
teen courses — about thirty-seven feet — high. It was then 
suspended for the want of funds. During this period, Hon. 
Daniel Webster and Colonel Thomas H. Perkins were the 
presidents of the Association. 

The work now encountered obstacles which it took years 
to overcome. It would require too much space to give the 
dark side of its history, — to detail the measures, in order to 
raise the required funds, that were suggested, attempted, and 
abandoned. In spite of the efforts of its friends, and of the 
appeals of the press, the work remained suspended. At length 
Amos Lawrence, Esq.. who had taken a deep interest in its 
progress, and had rendered it essential financial aid, proffered 
a liberal conditional donation, in case the Massachusetts Char- 
itable Mechanic Association would make an effort to finish 
the monument. This offer was made April 24, 1833, in a 
written communication to several of the members of this 
institution, — his object being to have the monument com- 
pleted according to the original plan, and to keep the whole 
of the battle-field open to posterity.' It was laid before the 

1 This proposition was made in a letter addressed to Samuel T. Armstrong, 
Charles Wells, Joseph T. Buckingham, and J. P. Thorndike, members of 
the Mechanic Association. After stating his desire to see the monument 
completed, and the battle-field kept open, Mr. Lawrence stated that sixty 
thousand dollars would finish the monument, and do something towards orna- 
menting the grounds ; and that if the association would secure fifty thousand 
dollars within three months, he would pay five thousand dollars ; or he would 
pay ten per cent, on any less sum that should be in like manner secured. It 
is an interesting fact, also, that Mr. Lawrence, in his will, (made April 1, 
1833,) had appropriated property to complete the monument, and preserve 
the whole battle-field open. His father. Deacon Samuel Lawrence, of Gro- 
ton, was in the battle ; and also his uncle, Lieut. Faucett, who died of his 
wounds in Boston. 



348 BUNKER HILL MONUMENT. 

association May 2d, and acted upon at a special meeting, May- 
IB, when the Association voted to make the effort. It called a 
public meeting in Faneuil Hall on the 28th, when Hon. Joseph 
T. Buckingham, its president, presided. George Blake, Ed- 
ward Everett, Charles G. Greene, and Judge Story, spoke — 
the records say — with "an eloquence adapted to the occa- 
sion." The meeting was large and enthusiastic. The thril- 
ling speech of Hon. Edward Everett was widely circulated in 
handbills, and through the press. A new diploma was pre- 
pared, in which the two Associations were connected, and 
which was given to those who contributed, and were members. 
The Monument Association voted that the president of the 
Mechanic Association, ex officio^ should be its first vice-presi- 
dent. But still vigorous effort, from various causes, was 
delayed ; and it was some time before subscription papers 
were returned. 

Meantime the affairs of the Monument Association wore a 
more gloomy aspect. The debt, originally contracted in the 
purchase of the battle-field, had increased to about thirty 
thousand dollars. The Mechanic Association determined that 
the amount they collected should be applied to carrying up 
the obelisk. When the proposition was made to sell portions 
of the land to pay the debt, it met with much opposition, and 
effort was made to defeat it. At length a committee (May 5, 
1834) made an elaborate report, which recommended a sale 
of the land. It estimated the cost of raising the monument 
to the height of 121 feet, at $28,967.36 ; to raise it to 159 feet 
6 inches, at $42,922.40 ; and to raise it 220 feet, at $55,576.40. 
After long discussions, it was voted that, when the monu- 
ment had been raised to the height of 159 feet it should be 
considered as completed ! The association voted (June 17, 
1834) to sell the land, which was done, and $25,000 were 
reahzed. 

In the mean time the amount secured on the subscription 
list warranted a renewal of the work. The Monument Asso- 
ciation (May 5, 1834) voted "to empower and request" the 
Mechanic Association to apply the moneys they had collected, 
or might collect, to complete the monument, "by raising the 
same to the elevation of 159 feet 6 inches," under "the 



THE MECHANIC ASSOCIATION. 349 

supervision of the executive committee of the corporation." ' 
The Mechanic Association (June 4, 1834) authorized its own 
executive committee to carry this vote into effect. Accord- 
mgly, Solomon Willard. was again employed as the superin- 
tendent. Work was commenced on the 17th of June, 1834. 
The Mechanic Association collected ^19,073.03. They also 
received the subscription known as " The Ladies' Fund," 
($2937.90,) which the Monument Association voted to pay 
over to the Mechanic Association : total, $22,010.93. The 
obelisk was raised to the height of eighty-two feet. Charles 
Pratt was the master mason, though Mr. Savage, still em- 
ployed by Mr. Willard, continued to render the work assist- 
ance. The Association expended, through Mr. Willard, 
$18,321.77 ; and directly to the workmen, and for contingent 
expenses, $2952.66. It invested the balance of its moneys 
($736.50) in shares of the Tremont Bank, which were subse- 
quently transferred to the Monument Association. Great 
credit is due to this patriotic institution for making this timely 
effort, and for the faithful manner in which it saw tlje funds 
applied. The president was Joseph T. Buckingham ; the 
treasurer was Uriel Crocker ; and the building committee 
were Charles Wells, George Darracott, Jonathan Whitney, 
Charles Leighton, and John P. Thorndike. They devoted to 
this work much time and labor. The president of the Monu- 
ment Association was Judge William Prescott. 

Another interval was destined to elapse before it could be 
said that "A duty had been performed." New schemes were 
proposed to obtain the required means to finish the monument, 
and the press contained indignant appeals. It was announced 
at meetings of the directors, in 1839, that two gentlemen were 
ready to give ten thousand dollars each, provided a sum neces- 
sary to complete the monument could be raised. One was 
Amos Lawrence, Esq., of Boston, who thus again evinced 
the deep interest he felt in this work ; the other was Judah 
Touro, Esq., of New Orleans, who thus manifested a lib- 

' The executive committee of the Monument Association consisted of Joseph 
T. Buckingham, William Sullivan, George Darracott, Nathaniel Hammond, 
John Skinner, W. W. Stone, J. P. Thorndike, Joseph Jenkins, Ebenezer 
Breed. 

30 



350 BUNKER HILL MONUMENT. 

eral patriotism, and his regard for the land of his early days. 
Stimulated by these offers, another subscription was proposed, 
but was deemed inexpedient ; and the proposal of a fair was 
reasoned down or ridiculed down. So unpropitious, indeed, 
seemed the hour, that in the succeeding annual report (June 
17, ]840) it is remarked that it was exceedingly doubtful 
whether the present generation would have the pleasure to see 
the monument completed. The remark was repeated in one 
of the sewing-circles of Boston, when several ladies proposed 
to get up a fair in its behalf. The proposal met with imme- 
diate favor. It received the sanction (June 25, 1840) of the 
board of directors, and met with the approving sentiment of 
the community. A circular, recommending the measure, was 
issued by a sub-committee of the directors, and stirring appeals 
were made through the press. The busy hands of woman, 
in the patriotic spirit of the women of the revolution, were 
soon "plying the needle with exquisite art" in the work of 
preparation. The fair was held in Q,uincy Hall, Boston, — 
commencing on the 5th, and closing on the 15th, of September. 
The scene that opened upon the delighted visiter, when the 
product of so much ingenuity was dispensed at the hands 
of so much grace and beauty, was brilliant and inspiring. 
Thousands from the city and the country flocked to the well- 
stored tables. The fair was conducted under the exclusive 
direction of the ladies.' A. daily journal, "The Monument," 
printed in the hall, daily chronicled its success. It is but bare 
justice to state that it was one of the best devised and most 
admirably executed things of the kind ever attempted in the 
country. The result exceeded the expectations of its friends. 
It put an end to doubt and difficulty in relation to the comple- 
tion of the monument. And thus " garlands of grace and 
beauty" crowned a work "which had its commencement in 
manly patriotism." 

The net proceeds of the ladies' fair, ($30,035.53,) the dona- 
tions of ten thousand dollars each from Amos Lawrence and 
Judah Touro, and the amount received from other sources, 
made the total sum realized at this effort (January 14, 1841) 

' The executive committee were — Catherine G. Prescott, Sarah J. Hale, 
Lucinda Chapman, Susan P. Warren, Sarah Darracott, Abby L. Wales. 



CELEBRATION OF 1843. 351 

^55,153.27. Measures were promptly taken to complete the 
monument. The vote passed on the 5th of May, 1834, that it 
should be considered to be finished at the height of 159 feet, 
was rescinded. An able building committee was elected, — 
Charles Wells, George Darracott, J. P. Thorndike, and Charles 
Leighton. They had already done (1834) efficient service in 
the same capacity. Hon. Joseph T. Buckingham, at this 
time, was president of the Association. This committee 
contracted (November 4, 1840) with James S. Savage to com- 
plete the monument according to the original design of the 
architect, (Solomon Willard,) and under his superintendence. 
Mr. Savage was to receive for the work $43,800, and the appa- 
ratus that might be on hand at the close of it. By a subse- 
quent arrangement, he was also to receive the fees taken at the 
monument until January, 1845, and agreed to do certain work 
not specified in the contract. Accordingly, work was recom- 
menced May 2, 1841, and steadily prosecuted until its com- 
pletion. The last stone was raised on the morning of July 
23, 1842, in the presence of the government of the Association, 
— the American flag being waved from it during its ascent,' 
and salutes being fired from the Charlestown Artillery. Much 
additional work remained to be done, — such as grading the 
ground, making the walks, and building the fences. The 
Association took possession of the monument December 31, 
1844. 

Another splendid pageant is connected with the history of 
the monument, — the celebration, in 1843, in honor of its com- 
pletion. On this anniversary a grand procession, composed of 
the military, various associations, delegations from the states, 
members of the national and state governments, including the 
President of the United States, moved from the State House to 
the monument-square. It contained about one hundred of the 
veterans of theRevolution, — only a few of whom, about eleven, 
were survivors of the battle. The same eloquent voice that 
was heard at the ceremony of laying the corner-stone, was 
heard, on this proud occasion, to proclaim, from the same spot, 

• Mr. Edward Games, Jr., of Charlestown, accompanied the stone in its 
ascent, waving the American flag. A little time previous, a cannon had been 
raised to the top of it, and a salute fired from it. 



352 BUNKER HILL MONUMENT. 

" The monument is finished." The scene that presented itself 
defies description. Before the orator, (Hon. Daniel Webster,) 
and around him, was an immense concourse of people. A 
hundred thousand at least had gathered on the hallowed spot. 
And when, after remarking, "It is not from my lips, it could 
not be from any human lips, that that strain of eloquence is 
this day to flow most competent to move and excite the vast 
multitude around me : the powerful speaker stands motionless 
before us," — he paused, and pointed in silent admiration to 
the sublime structure, the audience burst into a long and loud 
applause. It was some moments before the speaker could go 
on with the address. The assembly dispersed at its conclu- 
sion. A dinner, in the evening, at Faneuil Hall, closed the 
proceedings of the day. 

The receipts and expenditures connected with this work 
have been as follows : — 

RECEIPTS. 
The balance of the " capital stock" account of the Treasurer, 
being receipts from the following sources : — 

Subscriptions to 1830, .... $58,582.81 
Grant of the State, .... 7,000.00 

Ladies' Donation, 2,937.90 

Proceeds of the Ladies' Fair, . . . 30,035.53 
Subscriptions of Amos Lawrence and Judah 

Touro, 20,000.00 

Other Subscriptions and Donations of 1840, 5,123.27 
The Mechanic Association — Shares of the 

TremontBank, 800.00 

Subscription of 1843, .... 3,550.00 

Sundries, — rents, interest, fees at monument, 

to 1844, 2616.34 

$130,645.85 

Balance of Real Estate account, profit of sale of land, . . 1,767.57 
Fees received at the monument, 1845 and '46, . . . 2,473.96 
Borrowed to finish the walks, conductor, &c., . . . 3,000.00 

$137,887.38 
Collected by the Mechanic Association — deducting amount 

invested, ($736 50,) and accounted for above, . . . 18,330.76 

$156,218.14 



COST OF THE MONUMENT. 35$ 

EXPENDITURES. 

Amount debited Bunker Hill Monument on the Treasurer's 
books, made up of the following items : — 

Expended by the Building Committee to 

1830, $57,378.80 

Paid James S. Savage, in 1841, . . 43,800.00 

Grading, Engineering, &c., in 1843, . 9,831.59 

For Iron Fence, 5,760.00 

Stone-work, Steps, &c., . . . 2,838.16 
Paid to Mechanic Association, — Ladies' 

Donation, 2,937.90 



$122,546.45 
Amount of Expense Account, including $4720.85 for laying the 

corner-stone, 10,398.89 

Balance of Interest Account, 4,994.74 



$137,940.08 
Amount expended by the Mechanic Association, out of the 

funds it collected, 18,336.53 



$156,276.61 



The cost of the obehsk was about f 120,000, the cost of 
fencing and grading about $19,000, and the contingent ex- 
penses about $17,000.' 

The records of the Association contain many acknowledg- 
ments for services rendered in aid of this work. Among them 
are those to Hon. Daniel Webster, for early labors, and for his 
addresses ; to Judge William Prescott, for serving six years 
as president ; to Hon. Joseph T. Buckingham, for twelve 
years' labors as vice-president and president ; to the Mechanic 
Association, for its timely effort ; to Amos Lawrence and 
Judah Touro, Esquires, for their large donations ; to the ladies 
engaged in the fair ; and to the late Hon, Nathaniel P. Rus- 
sell, the treasurer for twenty-five years. Mr. Russell's duties 
were important and laborious, and, besides giving them gra- 
tuitously, he was a liberal donor. Over three hundred and 
seventy thousand dollars passed through his hands. A vote of 
the Association (June, 1849) is expressive of the value of this 

^ A small balance is due to the treasurer. The Association have paid a 
Urge portion of the $3000 borrowed to complete the grounds, out of fees 
received at the monument. 

30* 



354 BUNKER HILL MONUMENT. 

long labor, and of the high respect entertained for his mem- 
ory. Tliere are also votes complimentary of the architect 
and the builder. Solomon Willard will be indissolubly con- 
nected with this structure, as its skilful designer and indefat- 
igable and patriotic superintendent. James S. Savage, a 
skilful mechanic, and the last contractor, carried out this 
design accurately, and faithfully executed his contract. The 
thanks of the community are due to all those patriotic indi- 
viduals who originated this work, or aided in carrying it to a 
successful result.* 

In spite of the obstacles that were encountered, the work, 
as to economy, will bear a rigid investigation. Had means 
been provided at the outset to have completed it without sus- 

' The officers of the Bunker Hill Monument Association, including the 
directors, have been too numerous to be given. Its presidents have been as 
follows : John Brooks, chosen in 1823 ; Daniel Webster, in 1825 ; Thomas 
H. Perkins, in 1827 ; Levi Lincoln, in 1829 ; William Prescott, in 1830 ; 
Abner Phelps, in 1831 ; William Prescott, in 1832 ; Joseph T. Buckingham, 
in 1836, who continued in office until 1847, when G. Washington Warren 
was chosen. 

The secretaries have been — William Tudor, chosen in 1823 ; Franklin Dex- 
ter, in 1824 ; Edward Everett, in 1825 ; H. A. S. Dearborn, in 1829 ; E. G. 
Prescott, in 1830 ; William Marston, in 1831 ; E. G. Prescott, in 1832 ; 
Francis 0. Watts, in 1836 ; G. Washington Warren, in 1839 ; J. H. Buck- 
ingham, in 1847. 

Its vice-presidents have been — T. H. Perkins and Joseph Story, chosen 
in 1823 ; William Prescott and Joseph Story, in 1827 ; John C. Warren and 
Amos Lawrence, in 1829 ; John C. Warren and William Sullivan, in 1830 ; 
John D. Williams and George Odiorne, in 1831 ; John C. Warren and Wil- 
liam Sullivan, in 1832. The number was then increased to five. The pres- 
ident of the Mechanic Association, S. T. Armstrong, Charles Wells, John 
C. Warren, and William Sullivan, were elected in 1833 ; the same, with 
Joseph Jenkins in the place of William Sullivan, in 1835 ; and the same 
until 1839, when the president of the Mechanic Association, Charles Wells, 
John C. Warren, Joseph Jenkins, and Leverett Saltonstall, were chosen. In 
1840 the following were elected : — President of the Mechanic Association, 
Charles Wells, John C. Warren, George C. Shaltuck, Leverett Saltonstall. 
This board continued to be elected until 1845, when Abbott Lawrence was 
elected in the room of Leverett Saltonstall. This board has continued up to 
the present time. 

Hon. N. P. Russell was elected treasurer in 1823, and continued in office 
until his death. In 1849, his son, S. H. Russell, was chosen. 



DESCRIPTION OF THE MONUMENT, 355 

pension or embarrassment, it might, undoubtedly, have been 
built for less money. The apparatus to work with was ex- 
pensive, and, after each suspension, became unfit for use, and 
required refitting ; and there was loss in drilling new gangs of 
hands to do such difiicult work properly. Still, the work has 
been done at a reasonable rate. It is estimated that, if the 
usual price of laying stone-work had been paid for it, the 
obelisk would have cost two hundred thousand dollars. The 
result is still favorable, if tested by the cost of other works. 
The Washington Monument, at Baltimore, which is only one 
hundred and sixty feet in height, and contains but half the 
number of cubic feet of material there is in the Bunker Hill 
obelisk, cost two hundred and twenty thousand dollars. The 
Boston Custom House, it is presumed, contains about an equal 
quantity of granite with the obelisk, and this cost about a 
million of dollars.' If these works have been executed at fair 
rates, the Bunker Hill Monument has been executed at a low 
rate. It is probable that simply with respect to economy in 
the execution, it will not suffer in comparison with any work 
of the kind constructed in modern times. That it is so must 
be ascribed to the skill of the architect who planned it, to the 
attention of the various committees who devoted to it so much 
time and labor, to the fidelity of the builder, and to the well- 
directed labor of the workmen. It is but bare justice that this 
fact of economy should be borne in mind. It is gratifying to 
know that the patriotic offerings of the community have not 
only not been wasted, but have been so faithfully applied. 

Monument-square is four hundred and seventeen feet from 
north to south, and four hundred feet from east to west, and 
contains about four acres. It embraces the whole site of the 
redoubt, and a part of the site of the breastwork. According 
to the most accurate plan of the town and the battle, (Page's,) 
the monument stands where the south-west angle of the 
redoubt was ; and the whole of the redoubt was between the 
monument and the street that bovuids it on the west. The 
small mound in the north-east corner of the square is sup- 
posed to be the remains of the breastwork. Warren fell 

' The authority for these statements is an elaborate description of the mon- 
ument by its architect. 



356 BUNKER HILL MONUMENT. 

about two hundred feet west of the monument. An iron fence 
encloses the square, and another surrounds the monument. 
The square has entrances on each of its sides, and at each of 
its corners, and is surrounded by a walk and rows of trees. 

The obelisk is thirty feet in diameter at the base, about fif- 
teen feet at the top of the truncated part, and designed two 
hundred and twenty feet high ; but the mortar and the seams 
between the stones make the precise height two hundred and 
twenty-one feet. Within the shaft is a hollow cone, with a 
circular stairway winding round it to the summit, which enters 
a circular chamber at the top. There are ninety courses of 
stone in the shaft, — six of them below the ground, and eighty- 
four above the ground. The cap-stone, or apex, is a single 
storie, four feet square at the base, and three feet six inches in 
height, weighing two and a half tons. 

The foundation consists of six courses of stone of two feet 
rise. It is sunk twelve feet below the ground, and rests upon 
a bed of clay and gravel. The first course is fifty feet in 
diameter, and consists of forty-four stones, twelve feet long, 
two feet six inches wide, and two feet thick — each equal to 
five tons in weight. The blocks were rough-dressed, and cov- 
ered the whole surface, except the corners. In this course 
there are twelve headers on each side. The second course 
consists of stretchers, which fall back three feet, and lap on 
to the centre of the blocks in the first course. The third 
course has headers going back into the body of the work, and 
the fourth course stretchers. 

The obelisk contains four faces of dressed stone, besides the 
steps; namely, the outside and inside of the shaft, and the out- 
side and inside of the cone. The outer wall is six feet thick 
at the bottom, and two feet thick at the top. There are twelve 
stones in the exterior, and six circling stones in the interior, 
of each course of the shaft ; there are two courses of the cone, 
each of six stones, and four steps to each course of the shaft. 
Seventy-eight of the courses of the shaft are two feet eight 
inches rise ; the next five courses, making the point, are one 
foot eight inches. In construction the courses are alike, ex- 
cept diminishing as they recede from the base upwards. In 
order to preserve the bond, the headers are shifted to opposite 



DESCRIPTION OF THE MONUMENT. 



357 



sides in each succeeding course ; namely, in the first course the 
headers show on the east and west sides, and in the second on 
the south, and so on. The corner-stone, about nine tons in 
weight, forms the quoin at the north-east angle. The ac- 
companying cut of the monument will give an idea of its 
construction. 

The cone commences at the top of the first course, and 
contains one hundred and forty-seven 
courses, having a rise of one foot four 
inches. Its exterior diameter, at the 
base, is ten feet, — at the top, six feet 
three inches ; its interior diameter, at 
the base, is seven feet, — at the top, 
four feet two inches. There are two 
hundred and ninety-four steps winding 
round it, of eight inches rise. There 
are several apertures to admit air and 
hght. 

The chamber, at the top, is circular, 
eleven feet in diameter, and seventeen 
feet high, with four windows, facing 
nearly the four cardinal points. The 
windows are two feet eight inches high, 
and two feet two inches broad. Here 
are the two brass field-pieces, — the 
Hancock and Adams, — which, in 
1825, were presented by the state to 
the association. 

Directly in front of the entrance- 
door of the monument, on a base of 
granite, is a model of the original mon- 
ument erected by King Solomon's 
Lodge. It is made of Italian marble, 
and, with the pedestal, is about nine 
feet high.' 



^ After the model was placed in its present 
position, there was, June 24, 1845, a masonic 
celebration in honor of it. A procession moved 
from Charlestown-square to the monument at 



358 BUNKER HILL MONUMENT. 

Holmes' hoisting apparatus was used for setting the first 
fifty-five thousand feet of the stone. Its ingenious inventor, 
Almiran Holmes, had the entire charge of constructing the 
derrick, and of hoisting the first thirty-six thousand feet of 
the stone. He died before the work was recommenced in 
1834. In the last contract, Mr. Savage removed the gearing 
which had been previously used, and substituted a steam- 
engine of six horse power, and an ingenious and improved 
boom derrick constructed by himself ' 

But a detail of facts and figures does but poor justice to the 
Bunker Hill Monument. Fortunately, the pen that described 
the characteristics of the battle has supplied a description of 
the monument. Hon. Daniel Webster (Address of 1843) 
writes : " It is a plain shaft. It bears no inscriptions, fronting 
to the rising sun, from which the future antiquarian shall wipe 
the dust. Nor does the rising sun cause tones of music to 
issue from its summit. But at the rising of the sun and at 
the setting of the sun, in the blaze of noonday and beneath 
the milder effuFgence of lunar liglit, it looks, it speaks, it acts, 
to the full comprehension of every American mind, and the 
awakening of glowing enthusiasm in every American heart. 
Its silent but awful utterance ; its deep pathos, as it brings to 
our contemplation the 17th of June. 1775, and the conse- 

about eleven o'clock in the forenoon. John Soley, Esq., delivered an address, 
which w^as responded to by Augustus Peabody, Esq., grand-master. An 
address was then delivered by G. Washington Warren, Esq. After the pro- 
ceedings at the monument, the company partook of a dinner. This celebra- 
tion was carried on by King Solomon's Lodge. An interesting account 
of it may be found in the Freemason's Monthly Magazine, August 1, 1845. 
The following inscription was put on this model. " This is an exact model 
of the first monument erected on Bunker Hill, which, with the land on which 
it stood, was given, A. D. 1825, by King Solomon's Lodge, of this town, to 
the Bunker Hill Monument Association, that they might erect upon its site a 
more imposing structure. The association, in fulfilment of a pledge at that 
time given, have allowed, in their imperishable obelisk, this model to be 
inserted, with appropriate ceremonies, by King Solomon's Lodge, June 24, 
A. D., 1845." 

' The description of the monument in the text is compiled from a quarto 
volume, containing plans and sections of the obelisk, by Solomon Wiilard, 
and a description of the monument in " Sketches of Bunker Hill Batlle and 
Monument," by Rev. G. E. Ellis. 



DESCRIPTION OF THE MONUMENT. 



359 



quences which have resuhed to us, to our country, and to the 
world, from the events of that day, and which we know must 
continue to rain influence on the destinies of mankind, to the 
end of time ; the elevation with which it raises us high above 
the ordinary feelings of life, surpass all that the study of the 
closet, or even the inspiration of genius, can produce. To-day, 
it speaks to us. Its future auditories will be the successive 
generations of men, as they rise up before it, and gather 
around it. Its speech will be of patriotism and courage ; of 
civil and religious liberty ; of free government ; of the moral 
improvement and elevation of mankind ; and of the immortal 
memory of those, who, with heroic devotion, have sacrificed 
their lives for their country." 




BREED S HILL MONUMENT. 



APPENDIX. 



COLONIAL POLITICS. 



No. 1. — Call of a Meeting held on the 26th of August, 1774, at 
Faneuil Hall. 

Boston, August 19, 1774. 
Gentlemen, — The committee of the town of "Worcester, having signified 
their desire to the committee of correspondence of this town, to advertise our 
brethren of the committees of sundry towns in Middlesex to convene on the 
26th inst. at such place as we shall determine to be most convenient, that a 
plan of operation may be agreed upon, to be adopted by the several counties 
of this province, at this important crisis. In compliance with so wise and 
salutary a proposal, the committee of Boston request the attendance of one 
or more of your committee of correspondence at Faneuil Hall, in Boston, on 
the 26th inst., at two o'clock, p. m., to consider and determine as above. 
Per order of the committee of correspondence for this town, 

John Sweetser, Jun. 
To the Committee of Correspondence 
of the Town of Charlestown. 



No. 2. — Proceedings of a Meeting held at Faneuil Hall on the 
26th of August, 1774. 

At a meeting of delegates from the counties of Worcester, Middlesex, and 
Essex, with the committee of correspondence of the town of Boston in 
behalf of the county of Suifolk. holden at Boston on the 26th day of August, 
1774, it was voted, that it is the opinion of this body, the judges of the 
superior court, judges of the inferior court of common pleas, commissioners 
of oyer and terminer, attorney general, provost marshals, justices of the 
peace, and other officers to the council and courts of justice belonging in this 
province, are, by a late act of Parliament, entitled " An act for the better 
regulation and government of Massachusetts Bay," rendered unconstitutional 
officers. 

31 



362 APPENDIX. 

And, thereupon, a committee was voted to consider and bring in a report 
of proper resolutions to be taken on this alarming occasion, at the adjourn- 
ment, which was voted to be at 11, a. m., on the next day, being the 27th 
day of August aforesaid, which report was as follows : — 

Whereas, the charter of this province, as well as laws enacted by virtue 
of the same, and confirmed by royal assent, have been, by the Parliament of 
Great Britain, without the least color of right tr justice, declared in part 
null and void ; and, in conformity to an act of said Parliament, persons are 
appointed to fill certain offices of government in ways and under influences 
wholly unknown before in this province, incompatible with its charter, and 
forming a complete system of tyranny : 

And whereas, no power on earth has a right, without the consent of this 
province, to alter the minutest tittle of its charter, or abrogate any act what- 
ever, made in pursuance of it, and confirmed by the royal assent, or to consti- 
tute officers of government in ways not directed by charier, or so constituted 
as to put them under influence not known in our constitution ; and all such 
novel officers, attempting to act in such departments, are daring usurpers of 
power, by whomsoever commissioned, and ought to be deemed enemies to 
the province : 

And whereas, we are entitled to life, liberty, and the means of sustenance, 
by the grace of Heaven, and without the king's leave, — of all which the 
Parliament of Great Britain, by the late act for shutting up the harbor of 
Boston, have cruelly, wantonly, and wickedly endeavored to deprive the 
inhabitants of the capital of this province : 

And whereas, we are, by firm, and, in our opinion, irrefragable compacts, 
entitled to all the privileges of native Britons, — to the accumulated invasions 
of such privileges already experienced by this province, we find, to our sur- 
prise, we are robbed of the most essential rights of British subjects by the 
late iniquitous act, improperly entitled an act for the impartial administration 
of justice in this colony : 

It is therefore the opinion of this body — 

That a Provincial Congress is necessary for concerting and executing an 
effectual plan for counteracting the systems of despotism mentioned, as well 
as for substituting referee committees during the unconstitutionality of the 
courts of justice in the province ; and that, therefi^re, each county will act 
wisely by choosing members as soon as may be for said Congress, and by 
resolutely executing its measures when recommended : 

That executive courts, whether superior or inferior, sessions of the peace, 
&c., by the late act of Parliament rendered unconstitutional, ought, previous 
to the Provincial Congress, to be properly opposed in the counties wherein 
they shall be attempted to be held : 

That every officer belonging to the courts aforesaid, who shall attempt to 
exercise authority as such, will be a traitor cloaked with a pretext of law ; 
and so are all others to be considered, whether officers or private persons, 
who shall attempt to execute the late act of Parliament for violating the con- 
stitution of this province : 



newell's diary. 363 

That, therefore, all such officers and private persons ought to be held in 
the highest detestation by the people, as common plunderers ; and that all 
who are connected with such officers and private persons ought to be encour- 
aged to separate from them ; — laborers to shun their vineyards ; merchants, 
husbandmen, and others, to withhold their commerce and supplies: 

That, on the other hand, every persecution of individuals asserting and 
maintaining the rights of this province and continent ought to be withstood 
by the whole county in which it may happen, and province, if necessary ; 
and the interest as well as persons of such individuals defended from every 
attack of despotism: 

That tlie military art, according to the Norfolk plan,' ought attentively to 
be practised by the people of this province, as a necessary means to secure 
their liberties against the designs of enemies, whether foreign or domestic. 

The above report was repeatedly read, and voted paragraph by paragraph. 



No. 3. — Extracts from the Diary of Thomas Newell, of Boston.^ 

1774. May 13. — Lively arrived, with Gen. Gage on board. Town-meet- 
ing called. Paul Revere despatched to York and Philadelphia. 

May 17. — Hutchinson superseded by Gage. 

June 1. — Governor Hutchinson, son and daughter, sailed for London. 

Three transports, with troops on board, arrived at Nantasket Road from 
England. 

June 14. — The 4th or king's own regiment landed at the Long Wharf, 
and marched to the common, where they encamped. 

June 15, a. m. — 43d regiment landed at the Long Wharf, and marched to 
the common, and there encamped. Most of the stores on the Long Wharf 
are now shut up. Thus are we surrounded Vv'ith fleet and army, the harbor 
shut, all navigation cease, and not one topsail vessel to be seen but those of 
our enemies. 

June 22. — One transport arrived from Ireland. 

July 1. — Admiral Graves^ arrived with his fleet from London. More 
transports arrived from Ireland, with .5th and 38th regiments. 

July 2, a. M. — Artillery from Castle William landed with eight brass 
cannon, and encamped on the common. 

July 4. — 38th regiment landed at Hancock's Wharf, and encamped on the 
common. 

July 5. — 5th regiment landed at the Long Wharf, and encamped on the 
common. 

1 This was a "Plan of Exercise for the Militia of the Province of the Massachu- 
setts Bay : Extracted from the Plan of Discipline for the Norfolk militia." Pub- 
lished in a pamphlet in Boston, by Richard Draper, 1768. 

2 I am indebted to Thomas .1. Whittemore, Esq., for this original diary. 

8 General Gage, as early as May 31. mentions a consultation " with the admiral." 



364 APPENDIX. 

August 6. — The Scarboro man-of-war arrived, nine weeks from England. 
p. M. Three transports from Halifax, with the 59th regiment on board, and 
company of artillery and brass cannon ; eight days out. In the margin : 
The 59th regiment, some time in the next week, landed at Salem, and there 
encamped. 

August 7 — Lord's Day — Fair — a. m. — Three transports from New 
York, with the royal regiment of Welsh Fusileers, and a detachment of royal 
artillery, and a quantity of ordnance stores, &c. 

August 8. — Company of artillery landed, and encamped on common. 

August 9. — This morning the regiment Welsh Fusileers (or 23d regt.) 
landed at Long Wharf. Encamped on Fort Hill. 

August 27. — Governor Thomas Gage came to town from Salem. 

September 3. — This afternoon four large field-pieces were (from the com- 
mon) dragged by the soldiery and placed at the only entrance to this town by 
land. 

September 13, p. m. — The 59th regiment arrived in town from Salem, 
and are now encamped on Boston Neck. 

September 15. — Last night all the cannon in the North Battery were 
spiked up ; it is said to be done by about one hundred men (who came in 
boats) from the men-of-war in the harbor. 

September 17. — Last night town's people took four brass cannon from the 
gun-house very near the common. 

September 19. — Most of our town carpenters, with a number from the 
country, are now employed in building barracks for the army. 

hundred of the soldiery are now employed in repairing and mantling 

the fortification at the entrance of the town. 

The 59th regiment, with a number of other soldiery, are now throwing up 
an intrenchment on the Neck. 

September 20. — Some cannon removed by the men-of-war's men from the 
mill-pond. 

September 26. — All the carpenters of the town and country (this morn- 
ing) that were employed in building barracks for the soldiery left off work 
at the barracks, &c. 

October 12. — The Rose man-of-war arrived here from Newfoundland, witli 
three companies of the 65lh regiment. 

October 14. — The three companies of the 65th regiment landed, and now 
in barrack in King-street. 

October 23. — This day four transports arrived here from New York, with 
a company of royal artillery, a large quantity of ordnance and stores for 
Castle William, three companies of the royal regiment of Ireland, or the 
18th regiment, and the 47th regiment, on board. 

October 29. — Arrived here several transports, with troops on board, from 
Quebec. The 10th and 52d regiments. 

December 4. — Yesterday arrived the Scarborough man-of-war, which went 
express from hence to England the beginning of September last. 



LEXINGTON AND CONCORD. 365 

December 17. — This day the Boyne man-of-war, of sixty-four guns, and 
the Asia, of sixty guns, lately arrived, (below,) came up into the harbor, 
and are at anchor within musket-shot of the town. 

December 19 — The Somerset man-of-war, of sixty-four guns, arrived in 
this harbor. 



LEXINGTON AND CONCORD. 



No. 1. — Publications on the Events of the Nineteenth of April. 

The earliest accounts of the events of the nineteenth of April appeared in 
the newspapers of the day. Some of them were printed, soon after the 
battle, in a hand-bill, having forty coffins pictured over the top of it, over 
which were the names of the killed. It had, also, a wretched eulogy in 
verse, to their memory. The letters of this date are too numerous to be 
separately mentioned. A series of engravings of the battles appeared this 
year, made by Amos Doolittle, of New Haven. On hearing the news of 
the battle, he volunteered under Benedict Arnold. He visited the battle- 
ground, and on his return to New Haven made the engraving. 

The Provincial Congress, April 22, 1775, ordered depositions to be taken 
in relation to the battle, and a narrative to be prepared. They were printed 
in the London Chronicle of 1774, and in the American newspapers ; and 
also by Isaiah Thomas, in pamphlet form, of twenty-two pages, entitled 
" A Narrative of the Incursions and Ravages of the King's Troops, under 
the Command of General Gage, on the nineteenth of April, 1775, together 
with the Depositions taken by order of Congress to support the truth of it." 

Rev. William Gordon prepared a narrative, entitled " An Account of the 
Commencement of Hostilities between Great Britain and America, in the 
Province of the Massachusetts Bay, by the Reverend Mr. William Gordon, 
of Roxbury, in a Letter to a Gentleman in England, dated May 17, 1775." 
This is printed in Force's American Archives. This account, substantially, 
appeared in several almanacs of 1776, and, with additions and much abridg- 
ment, it was incorporated in his history. 

Rev. Jonas Clark delivered a sermon at Lexington on the first anniversary 
of this battle, (1770,) to which, on its publication, he added " A Brief Nar- 
rative of the Principal Transactions of that Day." He was the minister of 
Lexington, and was an eye-witness of part of the events he describes. 

Rev. William Emerson, minister of Concord, wrote at the time a brief 
account of the events in Concord, which was first printed in the Historical 
Discourse of Ralph Waldo Emerson, delivered at Concord in 1835. 

General Gage, April 29, 1775, sent to Governor Trumbull a narrative, 
entitled " A Circumstantial Account of an Attack that happened on the 19th 
of April, 1775, on His Majesty's Troops, by a Number of the People of the 

31* 



366 APPEXDIX. 

Province of the Massachusetts Ba3\" This was also circulated in a hand- 
bill, and is printed in 2 Mass. Hist. Collections, vol. ii., with the exception 
of the last paragraph, which is as follows: "Thus this unfortunate affair 
has happened through the rashness and imprudence of a few people who 
began firing on the troops at Lexington." 

In 1779 a pamphlet was published in Boston, containing General Gage's 
instructions to Captain Brown and Ensign D'Bernicre, in relation to surveying 
the country, dated February 22, 1775 ; a narrative of their journey to Wor- 
cester and to Concord ; and an account of the " Transactions of the British 
Troops previous to and at the Battle of Lexington," &c. It was printed 
from Mss. left in Boston by a British officer. This is reprinted in 2 Mass. 
Hist. Collections, vol. iv. 

In 1798 Colonel Paul Revere addressed to the corresponding secretary of 
the Massachusetts Historical Society a letter containing reminiscences chiefly 
connected with the events of the night of the 18th of April, which is printed 
in vol. V. of the first series of the society's collections. 

In 1824 and 1825 several articles appeared on the battle in the Concord 
Gazette and Middlesex Yeoman, and also in the Boston Patriot. 

In 1825 Hon. Edward Everett delivered at Concord an oration on the anni- 
versary of the battle, which was published, and contains a sketch of the 
events of the day. 

In 1825 Elias Phinney, Esq., published a " History of the Battle at Lex- 
ington, on the Morning of the 19th of April, 1775." This pamphlet con- 
tains ten depositions relating to the battle, taken in 1825, from the survivors. 

In 1827 Dr. Ezra Ripley, with other citizens of Concord, published "A 
History of the Fight at Concord on the 19th of April, 1775, with a Particu- 
lar Account of the Military Operations and Interesting Events of that ever- 
memorable Day ; showing that then and there the first regular and forcible 
resistance was made to the British soldiery, and the first British blood was 
shed by armed Americans, and the Revolutionary War thus commenced." A 
second edition was published in 1832. 

In 1835 Lemuel Shattuck, Esq. published a History of Concord, which 
contains a minute detail of the military transactions of the 19th of April, in 
Concord, and the depositions taken by authority of the Provincial Congress 
of 1775. 

In 1835 Hon. Edward Everett delivered at Lexington an oration on the 
19tb of April, at the request of the citizens of that place, in which a sketch 
is given of the events that occurred there. This was published. 

In 1835 Josiah Adams, Esq., delivered an address at Acton, being the 
first centennial anniversary of that town. This was published, and contains, 
in the appendix, a review of some of the transactions that occurred at Con- 
cord. 

In 1835 Hon. Daniel P. King delivered " An Address, commemorative 
of Seven Young Men of Danvers, who were slain in the Battle of Lexing- 
ton," at Danvers, on the occasion of laying a corner-stone to their memory. 



DEPOSITIONS. 367 

No. 2. — Deposition (1775) relative to the Events on the Morning 
OF THE Nineteenth of April, at Lexington, 

We, Nathaaiel Parkhurst, Jonas Parker, John Monroe, Jun., John 
Windship, Solomon Peirce, John Muzzy ,-Abner Meads, John Bridge, Jun., 
Ebenezer Bowman, William Monroe, 3d., Micah Hagar, Samuel Sanderson, 
Samuel Hastings, and James Brown, of Lexington, in the County of Middle- 
sex, and Colony of the Massachusetts Bay, in New England, and all of law- 
ful age, do testify and say, that on the morning of the nineteenth of April, 
instant, about one or two o'clock, being informed that a number of regular 
officers had been riding up and down the road the evening and night preced- 
ing, and that some of the inhabitants as they were passing had been insulted 
by the officers, and stopped by them ; and being also informed that the regu- 
lar troops were on their march from Boston, in order (as it was said) to take 
the colony stores then deposited in Concord, we met on the parade of our 
company in this town : after the company had collected, we were ordered by 
Capt. John Parker (who commanded us) to disperse for the present, and to 
be ready to attend the beat of the drum ; and accordingly the company went 
into houses near the place of parade. We further testify and say, that about 
five o'clock in the morning we attended the beat of our drum, and were 
formed on the parade ; we were faced towards the regulars then marching up 
to us, and some of our company were coming to the parade, with their backs 
towards the troops, and others on the parade began to disperse, when the 
regulars fired on the company, before a gun was fired by any of our company 
on them ; they killed eight of our company, and wounded several, and con- 
tinued their fire until we had all made our escape. 

Lexington, 25th April, 1775. 



No. 3. — Deposition (1775) relative to the Events in Concord on 
the Nineteenth of April. 

We, Nathan Barret, Captain ; Jonathan Farrer, Joseph Butler, and 
Francis Wheeler, Lieutenants; John Barret, Ensign; John Brown, Silas 
Walker, Ephraini Melvin, Nathan Butterick, Stephen Hosmer, Jun., Sam- 
uel Barrett, Thomas Jones, Joseph Chandler, Peter Wheeler, Nathan Pierce, 
and Edward Richardson, all of Concord, in the County of Middlesex, in the 
Province of the Massachusetts Bay, of lawful age, testify and declare, that 
on Wednesday, the 19th instant, about an hour after sunrise, we assembled 
on a hill near the meeting-house in Concord aforesaid, in consequence of an 
information that a number of regular troops had killed six of our countrymen 
at Lexington, and were on their march to said Concord ; and about an hour 
after, we saw them approaching, to the number, as we imagine, of about 
twelve hundred, on which we retreated to a hill about eighty rods hack, and the 
aforesaid troops then took possession of the hill where we were first posted. 
Presently after this, we saw them moving towards the North Bridge, about 



368 APPENDIX. 

one mile from said meeting-house ; we then immediately went before tliem, 
and passed the bridge just before a party of them, to the number of about 
two hundred, arrived ; they there left about one half of those two hundred 
at the bridge, and proceeded with the rest towards Colonel Barrett's, about 
two miles from the said bridge ; we then, seeing several fires in the town, 
thought our houses were in danger, and immediately marched back towards 
said bridge ; and the troops who were stationed there, observing our approach, 
marched back over the bridge, and then took up some of the planks ; we then 
hastened our steps towards the bridge, and when we had got near the bridge, 
they fired on our men, first, three guns, one after the other, and then a con- 
siderable number more, upon which, and not before, (having orders from our 
commanding ofl[icers not to fire till we were fired upon,) we fired upon the 
regulars, and they retreated. At Concord, and on their retreat through Lex- 
ington, they plundered many houses, burnt three at Lexington, together with 
a shop and a barn, and committed damage, more or less, to almost every 
house from Concord to Charlestown. 
Lexington, April 22d, 1775. 



No. 4. — Petition of William Tay, of Woburn, relative to the 

Battle. 

Colony of the Massachusetts Bay in New England. 
To the Honorable the Council of the Colony aforesaid, and the Honorable 

House of Representatives, in General Court assembled, the twentieth day 

of September, 1775. 
Your petitioner, the subscriber, begs leave, humbly, to show : 

That on the 19th day of April, 1775, being roused from his sleep by an 
alarm, occasioned by the secret and sudden march of the ministerial troops 
towards Concord, supposed to intend the destruction of the colony's maga- 
zine there deposited, — to prevent which, your petitioner, with about 180 of 
his fellow-townsmen, well armed, and resolved in defence of the common 
cause, speedily took their march from Woburn to Concord aforesaid, who, 
upon their arrival there, being reinforced by a number of their fellow-soldiers 
of the same regiment, smartly skirmished with those hostile troops, being 
deeply touched with their bloody massacre and inhuman murders in their 
march at Lexington, where we found sundry of our friends and neighbors 
inhumanly butchered on that bloody field ; and other salvage cruelties to our 
aged fathers, and poor, helpless, bed-ridden women under the infirmities of 
child-bearing ; together with their horrible devastations committed on their 
ignominious retreat the same day, (shocking to relate, but more so lo behold,) 
to the eternal infamy of those British arms so frequently and so successfully 
wielded in the glorious cause of liberty through most of the European 
dominions, now made subservient to the ambitious purposes of a very salvage 
cruelty, inhuman butchery, and tyrannical slavery. 



moulton's petition, 369 

These shocking scenes continually opening to view, served to heighten 
resentment, and warm endeavors to reap a just revenge upon those inhuman 
perpetrators, and to risk our lives in defence of the glorious cause, as the 
heroic deeds of our troops through the whole series of the tragical actions 
of that memorable day abundantly testify. 

In which your petitioner, by the joint testimony of all his fellow-soldiers, 
lent, at least, an equal part through the whole stretch of way from Concord 
to Charlestown aforesaid, where your petitioner, with several others, passing 
by an house, were fired upon by three of the ministerial troops planted within, 
who, returning the fire, killed two of them ; thereupon your petitioner rushed 
into the house, seized the survivor, a sergeant, in his arms, gave him sundry 
cuffs, who then resigned himself and arms to your petitioner, none others 
being then within said house. ^ 

But so it happened, that while your petitioner was busied in securing his 
prisoner, others coming up and rushing into said house, those arms were car- 
ried off by some person to your petitioner unknown, which arms are since 
found in the hands of Lieut. Joseph Howard, of Concord ; of all which your 
petitioner informed the committee of safety for this colony, who, on the 24th 
day of May, 1775, gave it as their opinion that these arms were fairly the 
property of your petitioner. 

Nevertheless, the said Joseph (though duly requested) refuses to deliver 
the same, under pretext of his own superior right. 

Wherefore your petitioner earnestly prays that your honors would take 
his cause under due consideration, and make such order thereon as to your 
honors, in your great wisdom, shall seem just and reasonable, which that he 
may obtain he as in duty bound shall ever pray, &c. 

William Tay, Jr. 



No. 5. — Petition of Martha Moulton, relative to Events in 
Concord. 
To the Honorable General Court of the Province of the Massachusetts Bay, 
in New England, in their present session at Watertown. 
The petition of Martha Moulton, of Concord, in said Province, widow- 
woman. 

Humbly sheweth : 

That on the 19th day of April, 1775, in the forenoon, the town of Con- 
cord, wherein I dwell, was beset with an army of regulars, who, in a hostile 
manner, entered the town, and drawed up in form before the door of the 
house where I live ; and there they continued on the green, feeding their 
horses within five feet of the door ; and about fifty or sixty of them was in 
and out the house, calling for water and what they wanted, for about three 
hours. At the same time, all our near neighbors, in the greatest consterna- 
tion, were drawn off to places far from the thickest part of the town, where 
I live, and had taken with them their families and what of their best effects 
they could carry, — some to a neighboring wood, and others to remote houses, 
— for security. 



370 APPENDIX. 

Your petitioner, being left 1o tlie mercy of six or seven hundred armed men, 
and no person near but an old man of eighty-five years, and myself seventy- 
one years old, and both very infirm. It may easily be imagined what a sad 
condition your petitioner must be in. Under these circumstances, your peti- 
tioner committed herself, more especially, to the Divine Protection, and was 
very remarkably helpt with so much fortitude of mind, as to wait on them, as 
they called, with water, or what we had, — chairs for Major Pitcairn and 
four or five more officers, — who sat at the door viewing their men. At 
length your petitioner had, by degrees, cultivated so much favor as to talk a 
little with them. When all on a sudden they had set fire to the great gun- 
carriages just by the house, and while they were in flames your petitioner 
saw smoke arise out of the Town House higher than the ridge of the house. 
Then your petitioner did pjt her life, as it were, in her hand, and ventured 
to beg of the officers to send some of their men to put out the fire ; but they 
took no notice, only sneered. Your petitioner seeing the Town House on 
fire, and must in a few minutes be past recovery, did yet venture to expostu- 
late with the officers just by her, as she stood with a pail of water in her 
hand, begging of them to send, &c. When they only said, " 0, mother, we 
won't do you any harm ! " "Don't be concerned, mother," and such like 
'talk. The house still burning, and knowing that all the row of four or five 
houses, as well as the school-house, was in certain danger, your petitioner 
(not knowing but she might provoke them by her insufficient pleading) 
yet ventured to put as much strength to her arguments as an unfortunate 
widow could think of; and so your petitioner can safely say that, under 
Divine Providence, she was an instrument of saving the Court House, and 
•how many more is not certain, from being consumed, with a great deal of 
valuable furniture, and at the great risk of her life. At last, by one pail 
of water after another, they sent and did extinguish the fire. And now, 
may it please this honored Court, as several people of note in the town have 
advised your petitioner thus to inform the public of what she had done, and 
as no notice has been taken of her for the same, she begs leave to lay this 
her case before your honors, and to let this honored Court also know that the 
petitioner is not only so old as to be not able to earn wherewith to support 
herself, is very poor, and shall tliink her highly honored in the favorable 
notice of this honored Court. As what the petitioner has done was of a 
public as well as a private good, and as your honors are in a public capacity, 
your petitioner begs that it may not be taken ill, in this way, to ask in the 
most humble manner something, as a fatherly bounty, such as to your great 
wisdom and compassion shall seem meet ; and your petitioner, as in duty 
bound, for the peace and prosperity of this our American Israel, shall ever pray. 

Martha Moulton.' 
Concord, February 4, 1770. 

' The committee reported a resolve hi favor of paying; this heroine three pounds for 
her good services in so Ijoldly and successfully preventing the army from burning the 
Town House in Concord, as set forth in her petition. 



Rogers' petition. 371 

No. 6. — Extract from a Petition of Jacob Rogers, of Charlestown, 
DATED Cambridge, October 10, 1775, relating to Events in Charles- 
town. 

As to my conduct the 19th of April : We were alarmed with various 
reports concerning the king's troops, which put everybody in confusion. 
About ten in the morning I met Doctor Warren riding hastily out of town, 
and asked him if the news was true of the men's being killed at Lexington ; 
he assured me it was. I replied I was very glad our people had not fired 
first, as it would have given the king's troops a handle to execute their proj- 
ect of desolation. He rode on. 

In the afternoon Mr. James Russell received a letter from General Gage, 
importing that he was informed the people of Charlestown had gone out 
armed to oppose his majesty's troops, and that if one single man more went 
out armed, we might expect the most disagreeable consequences. 

A line-of-battle ship lying before the town ; a report that Cambridge 
bridge was taken up ; no other retreat but through Charlestown ; numbers 
of men, women, and children, in this confusion, getting out of town. Among 
the rest, I got my chaise, took my wife and children ; and as I live near the 
school-house, in a back street, drove into the main street, put my children in 
a cart with others then driving out of town, who were fired at several times 
on the common, and followed after. Just abreast of Captain Fenton's, on 
the neck of land, Mr. David Waitt, leather-dresser, of Charlestown, came 
riding in full speed from Cambridge, took hold of my reins, and assisted me 
to turn up on Bunker's Hill, as he said the troops were then entering the 
common. I had just reached the summit of the hill, dismounted from the 
chaise, and tied it fast in my father-in-law's pasture, when we saw the troops 
within about forty rods of us, on the hill. One Hayley, a tailor, now of 
Cambridge, with his wife, and a gun on his shoulder, going towards them, 
drew a whole volley of shot on himself and us, that I expected my wife, or 
one of her sisters, who were with us, to drop every moment. 

It being now a little dark, we proceeded with many others to the Pest House, 
till we arrived at Mr. Townsend's, pump-maker, in the training-field ; on 
hearing women's voices, we went in, and found him, Captain ildams, tavern- 
keeper, Mr. Samuel Carey, now clerk to Colonel Mifflin, quartermaster-gen- 
eral, and some others, and a house full of women and children, in the greatest 
terror, afraid to go to their own habitations. After refreshing ourselves, it 
being then dark, Mr. Carey, myself, and one or two more, went into town, 
to see if we might, with safety, proceed to our own houses. On our way, 
met a Mr. Hutchinson, who informed us all was then pretty quiet ; that when 
the soldiers came through the street, the officers desired the women and chil- 
dren to keep in doors for their safety ; that they begged for drink, which the 
people were glad to bring them, for fear of their being ill-treated. Mr. Carey 
and I proceeded to the tavern by the Town House, where the officers were ; 
all was tumult and confusion ; nothing but drink called for everywhere. I 
stayed a few minutes, and proceeded to my own house, and finding things 



372 APPENDIX. 

pretty quiet, went in search of my wife and sisters, and found them coming 
up the street with Captain Adams. On our arrival at home, we found that 
her brother, a youth of fourteen, was shot dead on the neck of land by the 
soldiers, as he was looking out of a window. I stayed a little while to con- 
sole them, and went into the main street to see if all was quiet, and found an 
officer and guard under arms by Mr. David Wood's, baker, who continued, it 
seems, all night ; from thence, seeing everything quiet, came home and went 
to bed, and never gave assistance or refreshment of any kind whatever. 
Neither was any officer or soldier near my house that day or night. The 
next morning, with difficulty, I obtained to send for my horse and chaise from 
off the hill, where it had been all night, and found my cushion stole, and 
many other things I had in the box. Went to wait on Gen. Pigot, the com- 
manding officer, for leave to go in search of my children ; found Doctor Rand, 
Captain Cordis, and others, there for the same purpose, but could not obtain 
it till he had sent to Boston for orders, and could not find them till next night, 
having travelled in fear from house to house, till they got to Captain Waters', 
in Maiden.' 



BUNKER HILL BATTLE. 



No. 1. — The Authorities on the Battle of Bunker Hill.*^ 

1775. June 17. — The American Orderly Books contain meagre refer- 
ences to the battle. General Ward's has, in the margin, only a record of the 
loss, — calling it " The Battle of Charlestown." Fenno's contains the order 
for the three Massachusetts regiments to parade, and a brief account of the 
action. The British Orderly Books — General Howe's and Adjutant Wal- 
ler's — have the British orders in full. 

June 19. — Colonel John Stark, in a letter to the New Hampshire Con- 
gress, dated at Medford, says that the Americans intrenched on " Charlestown 
Hill," and that he went on by order of General Ward. 

June 20. — The Massachusetts Provincial Congress sent an account to the 
Continental Congress, which was prepared by a committee appointed June 
18, — Major Hawly chairman, who reported it June 20. It describes the 
place of iiitrenchment as " A small hill south of Bunker Hill." This Con- 
gress sent another account to Albany, June 28, designating the place as " A 
hill in Charlestown." 

• The committee of safety, July 7, 1775, ordered a circular to be sent to the town of 
Reading, desiring "all the inhabitants of this colony " to behave peaceably and qui- 
etly towards Captain Rogers. Tay's, Moulton's, and Rogers' petitions are from Mss. 

^ This notice of the authorities does not include many letters of an early date, some 
which appeared in the newspapers, giving general descriptions of tlie battle. A large 
number of them will be found collected hi Force's American Arcliives. 



ACCOUNTS OF THE BUNKER HILL BATTLE. 373 

June 20. — William Williams, in a letter dated Lebanon, Conn., June 20, 
1775, ten o'clock at night, and sent to the Connecticut delegation in Con- 
gress, says : "I receive it that General Putnam commanded our troops, per- 
haps not in chief." 

June 22. — Isaac Lothrop, member of the Provincial Congress, sent to 
General Wooster a letter dated Watertown, June 22, 1775, which was 
printed in the newspapers. He designates the place of the action " Breed's 
Hill." 

June 23. — Rev. Ezra Stiles, of Newport, records in his diary details he 
gathered from persons who obtained information from General Putnam in the 
camp, who stated, " That Putnam was not on Bunker Hill at the beginning, 
but soon repaired thither, and was in the heat of the action till towards night, 
when he went away to fetch across reinforcements ; and, before he could 
return, our men began to retreat." 

June 25. — Letter from Peter Brown to his mother, dated "Cambridge, 
June 25, 1775." He was clerk of a company in Prescott's regiment, and 
he gives a general account of the proceedings until the retreat. It is the 
only important contemporary letter, written by a private in the battle, I have 
seen. He calls the place of the battle " Charlestown Hill." It is preserved 
in Stiles' Diary. 

June 25. — Letter written by General Burgoyne, who saw the action from 
Copp'sHilljto Lord Stanley, printed in the newspapers of 1775, and dated 
" Boston, June 25." The British journals contain comments on this letter. 

June 25. — Official Letter of General Gage, addressed to the Earl of Dart- 
mouth, and sent by the Cerberus, dated Boston, June 25. Severe strictures 
appeared in the British journals on this account, which were collected in the 
Remembrancer of 1775. General Gage sent substantially the same account 
to the Earl of Dunmore, at Virginia, dated June 26. It was also printed in 
a hand-bill substantially as it appears officially, and circulated in Boston, 
dated also June 26. 

June 30. — Rev. John Martin related to President Stiles an account of the 
battle, who recorded it in his diary, with a rude plan of the battle. He was 
in the hottest of it, and supplies much interesting detail. He states the 
Americans " took possession of Bunker Hill, under the command of Colonel 
Prescott; " that application to General Ward for aid "brought Colonel Put- 
nam and a large reinforcement about noon ; " and that Putnam was deeply 
engaged with the enemy. 

July 5. — A letter (British) from Boston gives a detail of the action. It 
was one of the " celebrated fugitive pieces " that occasioned the inquiry into 
the conduct of General Howe, and reprinted in "The Detail and Conduct of 
the American War." It is an excellent British authority. 
32 



374 APPENDIX. 

July 12. — A letter of Samuel Gray, dated Roxbury, July 12, gives inter- 
esting facts relative to the battle. It calls the place " Charlestovvn Hill," 
and states that two generals and the engineer were on the ground on the 
night of June 16, at the consultation as to the place to be fortified. 

July 13. — An article in Rivington's New York Gazette (Tory) gives 
a brief view of the action. 

July 20. — In a letter addressed to Samuel Adams, dated " Watertown, 
July 20, 1775," J. Pitts writes, that no one appeared to have any command 
but Colonel Prescott, and that General Putnam was employed in collecting 
the men. 

July 22. — John Chester, who commanded a Connecticut company, wrote 
a letter on the battle, dated " Camp at Cambridge, July 22, 1775," and ad- 
dressed to a clergyman. It gives first a general view of the battle, and then 
details his own agency in it. It is an excellent authority. He gives the fact 
that, after the British landed, General Putnam ordered all the Connecticut 
troops to march to oppose the enemy. 

July 25. — The committee of safety appointed Rev. Messrs. Cooper, 
Gardner, and Thatcher, to draw up a narrative of the battle. This was sent 
to London to Arthur Lee. It states that " The commander of party " gave 
the word to retreat from tlie redoubt, but does not state his name. I found, 
at the Antiquarian Hall, Worcester, a Ms. copy of this account, with the 
erasures and interlineations preserved. It was written by Rev. Peter 
Thatcher, who states that he saw the action from the north side of Mystic 
River. It contains passages not in the printed copy. This is the account 
that states Breed's Hill was chosen " by some mistake." 

August 20. — Rivington's New York Gazette has a graphic sketch of 
the battle, with a rude plan of it. It does not, however, name an American 
officer engaged. 

A Voyage to Boston, a poem. By the author of American Liberty, a poem ; 
General Gage's Soliloquy, &c. Philadelphia, 1775. This contains several 
pages of satire on the British generals, and the result of the battle of Bunker 
Hill. It was probably written by Phillip Freneau. See page 38 for an 
extract. 

The British Annual Register contains a narrative of the battle, in which it 
is stated that " Doctor Warren, acting as major-general, commanded." The 
Gentleman's Magazine, London, has a wood engraving, purporting to be a 
view of the redoubt ; see page 198. The Pennsylvania Magazine for Sep- 
tember has a picture of the battle. 

John Clark, first lieutenant of the marines, who was in the battle, pub- 
lished in London " An Impartial and Authentic Narrative of the Battle," &c., 



ACCOUNTS OF THE BUNKER HILL BATTLE. 375 

"on Bunker's Hill, near Charlestown, in New England," &c., with anec- 
dotes. The whole collected and written on the spot. It gives Howe's 
speech to his army. It states that Doctor Warren was supposed to be the v 
commander ; and that General Putnam Was about three miles distant, and 
formed an ambuscade with about three thousand men. A second edition of 
this pamphlet was printed in 177.5. 

1776. — George's Cambridge Almanack, or Essex Callender, for 1776, 
contains a brief narrative of the battle, in which it is stated that Joseph V 
Warren " was commander-in-chief on this occasion." 

Colonel James Scamman published in the New England Chronicle, Feb. 
29, 1776, a report of the court-martial that tried him, July 13, 1775, which 
was interspersed with notes. In one of them it is casually remarked, that 
" There was no general officer who commanded on Bunker Hill." 

A pamphlet was published in Philadelphia, entitled " Battle of Bunker 
Hill. A Dramatic Piece, of five acts, in Heroic Measure. By a Gentleman 
of Maryland." It names only three American officers, Putnam, Warren, 
and Gardner. An extract from this piece will be found on page 181. 

A plan of the battle was published in England, entitled " A Plan of the 
Action on Bunker's Hill, on the 17th of June, 1775, between His Majesty's 
Troops, under the command of General Howe, and the Rebel Forces. By 
Lieut. Page, of the Engineers, who acted as Aid-de-camp to General Howe 
in that action. N. B. — The Ground Plan is from an actual survey by Cap- 
tain Montresor." The plate of this was used by Stedman in 1794, for his 
history, with the names of the engineer and surveyor suppressed, and with a 
few verbal alterations. 

1778. — Rev. James Murray, of Newcastle-upon-Tyne, published in Lon- 
don, July 29, 1778, a history of the war, in which he gives a full account of 
the battle, and states that " Doctor Warren acted as major-general and com- 
mander on this occasion." 

General Charles Lee, in his Vindication, published in 1778, alludes to the 
battle, praises the bravery of several of the colonels, and says : " The 
Americans were composed in part of raw lads and old men, half armed, with 
no practice or discipline, commanded without order, and God knows by 
whom." 

1779. — The London Chronicle contained an interesting review of the 
action, embracing many curious details, written by Israel Mauduit. 

Governor Trumbull, in his letter, printed in vol. vi. of the Mass. Historical 
Collections, and dated August 31, 1779, gives a sketch of the battle, and 
names General Warren as the commanding officer. 

A pamphlet was published, entitled "America Invincible: ^'n Heroic 



376 APPENDIX. 

Poem. By an Officer of Rank in the Army." It contains a description of 
the battle. It alludes only to General Warren. 

1781. — " An Impartial History of the War in America" was published 
in Boston, by Nathaniel Coverly and Robert Hodge. Its " authors " profess 
to have had "the best opportunities " for procuring facts ; but they adopt, 
with few variations, and without acknowledgment, Murray's account, word 
for word, and give General Warren the command. The only other Ameri- 
can officer named is Lt.-col. Parker. 

" The American War, a Poem ; in Six Books," was published in London. 
It has a poor picture of the battle, and a sketch of it in rhyme. A few lines 
will suffice to indicate the quality of the verse : — 

About two thousand were embarked to go 
'Gainst the redoubt, and formidable foe : 
The Lively's, Falcon's, Fame's, and Glasgow's roar, 
Covered their landing on the destined shore. 

" An Eulogium on Major-general Joseph Warren, who fell in the Action 
at Charlestown, June 17, 1775. By a Columbian. Arma virumque cano . — 
Virgil. Boston: Printed by John Boyle, in Marlborough-street. 1781." 
This tract contains a poetic description of the battle, but mentions only the 
names of Warren and Chester. Extracts from it may be found on pages 77, 
144, and 172. 

1788. — General David Humphries published an Essay on the Life of 
General Putnam, dated Mount Vernon, July 4, 1788, — the general being 
living. He says : "In this battle the presence and example of General Put- 

• nam, who arrived with the reinforcement, were not less conspicuous than 
useful." 

The History of the American War, by Rev. William Gordon, was printed 
in London, the preface to which is dated October 23, 1788. It adopts the 
greater part of the language of the account of the committee of safety, 
(Thatcher's,) and defines the positions of Putnam, Warren, and Pomeroy. 
This is the first time Colonel Prescott appears, in print, as the commander of 
the intrenching party. 

1789. — Ramsey's History of the American Revolution was published, and 
has a narrative of the battle. It does not specify a regiment engaged, or 
designate an officer in command ; and in a eulogy on Warren, does not assign 
to him any special agency in the battle. 

1790. — Rev. .Tosiah Whitney preached a sermon at the funeral of General 
Putnam, who died May 29, 1790. Mr. Whitney, in a note, in commenting 
on Humphries' account of the battle, says : " The detachment was first put 
under the con.mand of General Putnam. With it he took possession of the 
hill, and oraered the battle from the beginning to the end." This is the first 



ACCOUNTS OF THE BUNKER HILL BATTLE. 377 

time I have met, in print, with the statement that General Putnam was the . / 
commander. 

1794. — Stedman's History of the American War was published in Eng- 
land. The only American officer named is " Doctor Warren, who com- 
manded in the redoubt." It adopts, without acknowledgment. Page's plan, 
and uses the same plate, with a few verbal alterations. 

" An Oration, delivered at the Meeting-house in Charlestown, June 17, by 
Josiah Bartlett." Doctor Bartlett was invited by the artillery company, and 
his address is dedicated to Major William Calder, and the officers and mem- 
bers of that company. It contains but few allusions to the battle. On the 
dedication of the monument on Breed's Hill, built by King Solomon's Lodge, 
in December, Doctor Bartlett delivered a eulogy on General Warren, and 
John Soley, Esq., a brief address. 

1796. — Colonel Trumbull's engraving of the battle was published about 
this time. He began his picture in London in 1786, and issued a subscrip- 
tion paper for his engraving April, 1790. An account of the battle is printed 
in the appendix to Colonel Trumbull's Autobiography, printed in 1841. 

1798. — General Heath's Memoirs were printed, which contain a brief 
account of the battle. He states that Colonel William Prescott, notwith- 
standing anything that may have been said, "was the proper commanding 
officer at the redoubt." 

1801. — " An Oration, pronounced at Charlestown, at the Request of the 
Artillery Company, on the seventeenth of June ; being the Anniversary of thq 
Battle of Bunker Hill, and of that Company," &c., by William Austin, A. B. 
It contains a brief general description of the battle, and regards General Put- 
nam as the commander. 

1804. — Marshall, in his Life of Washington, states that Colonel Prescott 
commanded the original detachment ; and that, previous to the action, the 
Americans were reinforced by a body of troops, under Generals Warren and 
Pomeroy. He does not mention General Putnam's name. 

1805. — Hubley, in his History of the Revolution, follows chiefly the com- 
mittee of safety's account, — adopting Gordon's language respecting Prescott, 
Warren, and Putnam. 

1808. — James Allen, who died in 1808, wrote an Epic, with the title of 
" Bunker Hill." A portion of it may be found in the notes to Colonel 
Swett's History of the battle of Bunker Hill. 

1812. — Lee's Memoirs of the War in the Southern Department contain 
a train of reflections on Howe's campaigns, in which the influence of the 
battle of Bunker Hill is dwelt upon, and a sketch of it given. Lee states 
32* 



378 APPENDIX. 

that the Americans were commanded by Colonel Prescott. He does not 
mention Putnam's name. 

181C. — General James Wilkinson, in his memoirs, chapter xix., gives 
what is called " A rapid sketch of the Battle of Breed's Hill." He went 
over the field, March 17, 1776, with Colonels Stark and Reed ; and October 
27, 1815, addressed a letter, with a series of queries, to Major Caleb Stark, 
on this subject. He gives reminiscences of his own, and details he received 
from others ; and presents a fresh history of the battle. He states there was 
no general command exercised on the field ; that Colonel Prescott, seconded 
by a Colonel Brewer, was ordered to take possession of Bunker Hill ; that 
Prescott commanded at the redoubt, and Stark at the rail fence, between 
which " there was no preconcert or plan of cooperation." He stations Put- 
nam, with intrenching tools slung across his horse, out of the action, on 
Bunker Hill, with Colonel Gerrish, and aflirms that all the reinforce- 
ments which arrived here, after Colonel Stark had passed, halted, and kept 
company with them. This work contains the earliest reflections on General 
Putnam's conduct on this occasion, either printed or in manuscript, that I 
have met. It is worthy of remark, that, in the review of this work, in the 
North American Review, October, 1817, no fault is found with the account 
of the Battle of Bunker Hill. 

1818. — The Analectic Magazine for February contains a history of the 
battle, chiefly in Thatcher's and Gordon's language, without acknowledg- 
ment, but with important variations. It states that the original detachment 
was under Colonel Prescott; that General Warren, the "leader," was 
*' everywhere aiding and encouraging his men ;" that General Pomeroy " com- 
manded a brigade ; " and that General Putnam " directed the whole on the 
fall of General Warren." It is accompanied by an engraving of "Henry 
De Berniere's plan of the battle, from a sketch found in the captured baggage 
of a British officer in 1775. This is the first American engraving of a full 
plan of the battle. 

The Analectic Magazine for March contains an additional article, with 
many interesting and correct details gathered from actors in it, and several 
documents in relation to it. 

The Port Folio for March has another engraving of Berniere's plan, with 
corrections of the original in red color, by General Henry Dearborn, (who 
commanded a company, during the action, of Stark's regiment,) and an ac- 
count of the battle by him, written for this journal, at the request of the 
editor. In this account it is stated that General Putnam remained at or near 
the top of Bunker Hill during the whole action ; that Colonel Prescott com- 
manded in the redoubt ; that during the action no ofl!icer but Colonel Stark 
gave any orders ; that no reinforcement of men or of ammunition was sent 
to those engaged ; and that General Putnam rode off" with a number of spades 
and pickaxes in his hand. 



ACCOUNTS OF THE BUNKER HILL BATTLE. 379 

Daniel Putnam, son of General Putnam, published " A Letter to Major- 
general Dearborn," dated May 4, 1818. It contains a defence of General 
Putnam, and interesting anecdotes of the battle. 

The Boston Patriot of June 13, 1818, contained a brief .letter from Gen- 
eral Dearborn, dated June 10, 1818, and fourteen documents relating to the 
battle ; the whole entitled " Major-general H. Dearborn's Vindication." 

The Columbian Centinel, July 4, 1818, has the first of a series of elab- 
orate numbers, entitled " General Putnam defended. Review of General 
Dearborn's Defence of his Attack on General Putnam." It takes the ground 
that, though "It is certainly true that there could not, in the nature of the 
case, have been any authorized commander," yet that General Putnam was 
in fact the commander of the detachment. This review was written by Hon. 
John Lowell, and embodies many depositions. 

The North American Review for July, 1818, has an article, entitled 
" Battle of Bunker Hill — General Putnam," in which General Putnam is 
defended, and an interesting view of the battle is given. It contends that 
General Putnam commanded at the rail fence and on Bunker Hill, while 
Prescott commanded in the redoubt ; and that, " In truth, if there was any 
commander-in-chief in the action, it was Prescott;" or that "if it were 
proper to give the battle a name, from any distinguished agent in it, it should 
be called Prescott's Battle." This article was written by Hon. Daniel 
Webster.' 

In October, Colonel Samuel Swett published, as an appendix to a new 
edition of Humphrey's liife of Putnam, an "Historical and Topographical 
Sketch of Bunker Hill Battle." A second edition of this work was pub- 
lished, in pamphlet form, in 1826, with a plan and notes ; and a tfaird edition, 
■with additional notes, in 1827. Colonel Swett's indefatigable labors pre- 
served many interesting facts from oblivion. He states that Colonel Prescott 
" was ordered to proceed with the detachment at Charlestovvn," "General 
Putnam having the principal direction and superintendence of the expedition 
accompanying it." 

The Boston Patriot, November 17, 1818, contains the first number of a 
series of articles reviewing Colonel Swett's history, — subsequently published 
in a pamphlet form, — and entitled " Enquiry into the Conduct of General 
Putnam," &c. Its main object is to establish the point, " that General Put- 
nam was not in any part of the battle of Bunker or Breed's Hill." It was 
written by David Lee Child, Esq. 

Hon. William Tudor, judge-advocate in most of the trials of the officers 
after the battle, in a statement published in the Columbian Centinel, July 11, 
1818, says : General Putnam appeared to have been on Breed's Hill without 

1 An extract from this article will be found on pages 201—206. 



380 



APPENDIX. 



any command, for there was no authorized commander; Colonel Prescott 
appeared to have been the chief. 

John Adams, ex-president, in a letter published also in the Centinel, and 
dated June 19, 1818, states that the army had no commander-in-chief, — that 
he always understood that General Pomeroy was the first officer of Massa- 
chusetts on Bunker or Breed's Hill. 

The newspapers of 1818 abound with letters, depositions, and articles in 
relation to the battle. I have files of the Boston Patriot, Columbian Cen- 
tinel, and Salem Gazette, and have consulted all they contain. Of the Ms. 
documents quoted, are the statements of Governor Brooks, Joseph Pearce, 
and General Winslow, taken down by Colonel Swett in 1818. 

1823. — Thatcher's Military Journal contains a narrative of the battle, pur- 
porting to be written in July, 1775. Thatcher states that, though several 
general officers were present, Colonel Prescott retained the command during 
the action. 

Tudor's Life of Otis contains a brief description of the battle, with inter- 
esting anecdotes of Warren and Prescott. It is stated that the Americans 
were commanded by Colonel Prescott. 

1825. — Alden Bradford published, in pamphlet form, a concise narrative 
of the battle, with copious notes. He maintains that, in fact, " General 
Putnam was considered and acted as commander-in-chief." 

An Address, delivered at the laying of the corner-stone of the Bunker 
Hill Monument. By Daniel Webster. This address was delivered at the 
request of the Bunker Hill Monument Association, and in the presence of 
Lafayette. • 

This year the ceremonies of the laying of the corner-stone of the monu- 
ment occasioned renewed attention to the details of the battle ; and numerous 
Ms. depositions, then taken from the actors in it, are extant. A long narra- 
tive of the battle appeared in the Columbian Centinel, December, 1824, and 
January, 1825. 

1831. — A pamphlet was published by Charles Coffin, at Saco, entitled 
" History of the Battle of Breed's Hill." It contains the accounts of Heath, 
Lee, Wilkinson and Dearborn, a few depositions, and a few pages of remarks. 

1836. — An Address, delivered at Charlestown, Mass., on the 17th of 
June, 1830, at the request of the young men, without distinction of party, in 
commemoration of the Battle of Bunker Hill. By Alexander H. Everett. 
This address contains a graphic description of the battle. 

1838. — Judge William Prescott, son of Colonel Prescott, prepared a 
memoir of the battle, (soo page 121,) which contains much detail not else- 
where to be found. Copious extracts from it, taken from the original, in the 



COMMITTEE OF SAFETY ACCOUNT. 3S1 

hand-writing of Judge Prescott, will be found in the preceding pages. 
Appended to the memoir is a letter, dated in 1838, and hence it is placed 
under this year. 

1841. — "An Oration, delivered at Charlestown, Massachusetts, on the 17th 
of June, 1841, in commemoration of the battle of Bunker Hill. By George 
E. Ellis." This oration was delivered at the request of the officers and mem- 
bers of the Warren Phalanx. It contains a full narrative of the battle. It 
was prepared into a small volume, with illustrative documents, and published 
by C. P. Emmons, of Charlestown. 

1843. — Address, delivered at Bunker Hill, June 17, 1843, on the comple- 
tion of the Monument. By Daniel Webster. This address is not of an 
historical character. 

The Veil Removed : Reflections on the Lives of Putnam, and the His- 
tories of the Battle. By John Fellows. Printed in New York. He 
renews the charges against General Putnam, and reprints, often very incor- 
rectly, many revolutionary depositions. 



No. 2. — Narrative of the Battle, prepared by Order of the Mas- 
sachusetts Committee of Safety. 

The committee of safety, on the 6th of Julyf 1775, passed the following 
vote : — 

July 6, 1775. 

This Committee have, with great concern, considered the advantages our 
enemies will derive from General Gage's misrepresentations of the battle of 
Charlestown, unless counteracted by the truth of that day's transactions being 
fairly and honestly represented to our friends and others in Great Britain ; 
therefore. 

Resolved, That it be humbly recommended to the honorable Congress, 
now sitting at Watertown, to appoint a committee to draw up and transmit 
to Great Britain, as soon as possible, a fair, honest, and impartial account of 
the late battle of Charlestown, on the 17th ultimo, so that our friends, and 
others in that part of the world, may not be, in any degree, imposed upon by 
General Gage's misrepresentations of that day's transactions ; and that there 
also be a standing committee for that purpose. 

In compliance with this recommendation, the Provincial Congress, July 7, 
ordered the committee of safety to be a committee for this purpose, and also 
to be a standing committee for like purposes. This committee (11th) " being 
exceedingly crowded with business," requested " Rev. Dr. Cooper, Rev. Mr. 
Gardner, and the Rev. Mr. Peter Thatcher," to draw up a true state of this 
action, as soon as might be, and lay it before them. The following account 
was accordingly prepared : — 



382 APPENDIX. 

In Committee of Safety, July 25, 1775. 
In obedience to the order of the Congress, this committee have inquired 
into the premises, and, upon the best information obtained, find that the com- 
manders of the New England army had, about the 14th ult., received advice 
that General Gage had issued orders for a party of the troops under his com- 
mand to post themselves on Bunker's Hill, a promontory just at the entrance 
of the peninsula at Charlestown, which orders were soon to be executed. 
Upon which it was determined, with the advice of this committee, to send a 
party, who might erect some fortifications upon the said hill, and defeat this 
desion of our enemies. Accordingly, on the 16th ult., orders were issued, 
that a detachment of 1000 men should that evening march to Charlestown, 
and intrench upon that hill. Just before nine o'clock they left Cambridge, 
and proceeded to Breed's Hill, situated on the further part of the peninsula 
next to Boston, for, by some mistake, this hill was marked out for the 
intrenchment instead of the other. Many things being necessary to be done 
preparatory to the intrenchments being thrown up, (which could not be done 
before, lest the enemy should discover and defeat the design,) it was nearly 
twelve o'clock before the works were entered upon. They were then carried 
on with the utmost diligence and alacrity, so that by the dawn of the day 
they had thrown up a small redoubt about eight rods square. At this time a 
heavy fire began from the enemy's ships, a number of floating batteries, and 
from a fortification of the enemy's upon Copp's Hill in Boston, directly oppo- 
site to our little redoubt. An incessant shower of shot and bombs was rained 
by these upon our works, byafwhich only one man fell. The provincials con- 
tinued to labor indefatigably till they had thrown up a small breastwork, 
extending from the east side of the redoubt to the bottom of the hill, but 
were prevented completing it by the intolerable fire of the enemy. 

Between twelve and one o'clock a number of boats and barges, filled with 
the regular troops from Boston, were observed approaching towards Charles- 
town ; these troops landed at a place called Moreton's Point, situated a little 
to the eastward of our works. This brigade formed upon their landing, and 
stood thus formed till a second detachment arrived from Boston to join them ; 
having sent out large flank guards, they began a very slow march towards 
our lines. At this instant smoke and flames were seen to arise from the 
town of Charlestown, which had been set on fire by the enemy, that the 
smoke might cover their attack upon our lines, and perhaps with a design to 
rout or destroy one or two regiments of provincials who had been posted in 
that town. If either of these was their design, they were disappointed, for 
the wind shifting on a sudden, carried the smoke another way, and the regi- 
ments were already removed. The provincials, within their intrenchments, 
impatiently waited the attack of the enemy, and reserved their fire till they 
came within ten or twelve rods, and then began a furious discharge of small- 
arms. This fire arrested the enemy, which they for some time returned, 
without advancing a step, and then retreated in disorder, and with great pre- 
cipitation, to the place of landing, and some of them sought refuge even 



COMMITTEE OF SAFETY ACCOUNT. 3S3 

within their boats. Here the officers were observed, by the spectators on the 
opposite shore, to run down to them, using the most passionate gestures, and 
pushing the men forward with their swords. At length they were rallied, 
and marched up, with apparent reluctance, towards the intrenchment ; the 
Americans again reserved their fire until the enemy came within five or six 
rods, and a second time put the regulars to flight, who ran in great confusion 
towards their boats. Similar and superior exertions were now necessarily 
made by the officers, which, notwithstanding the men discovered an almost 
insuperable reluctance to fighting in this cause, were again successful. 
They formed once more, and having brought some cannon to bear in such a 
manner as to rake the inside of the breastwork from one end of it to the 
other, the provincials retreated within their little fort. The ministerial army 
now made a decisive effort. The fire from the ships and batteries, as well as 
from the cannon in the front of their army, was redoubled. The officers, in 
the rear of their army, were observed to goad forward the men with renewed 
exertions, and they attacked the redoubt on three sides at once. The breast- 
work on the outside of the fort was abandoned ; the ammunition of the pro- 
vincials was expended, and few of their arms were fixed with bayonets. Can 
it then be wondered that the word was given by the commander of the party 
to retreat ? But this he delayed till the redoubt was half filled with regulars, 
and the provincials had kept the enemy at bay some time, confronting 
them with the butt ends of their muskets. The retreat of this little handful 
of brave men would have been effectually cut off", had it not happened that 
the flanking party of the enemy, which was to have come upon the back of 
the redoubt, was checked by a party of the provincials, who fought with the 
utmost bravery, and kept them from advancing further than the beach ; the 
engagement of these two parties was kept up with the utmost vigor ; and it 
must be acknowledged that this party of the ministerial troops evidenced a 
courage worthy a better cause. All their efforts, however, were insufficient to 
compel the provincials to retreat till their main body had left the hill. Per- 
ceiving this was done, they then gave ground, but with more regularity than 
could be expected of troops who had no longer been under discipline, and 
many of whom had never before seen an engagement. 

In this retreat the Americans had to pass over the neck which joins the 
peninsula of Charlestown to the' main land. This neck was commanded by 
the Glasgow man-of-war, and two floating batteries, placed in such a manner 
as that their shot raked every part of it. The incessant fire kept up across 
this neck had, from the beginning of the engagement, prevented any con- 
siderable reinforcements from getting to the provincials on the hill, and it was 
feared it would cut off" their retreat, but they retired over it with little or no loss. 

With a ridiculous parade of triumph the ministerial troops again took 
possession of the hill which had served them as a retreat in flight from the 
battle of Concord. It was expected that they would prosecute the supposed 
advantage they had gained by marching immediately to Cambridge, which 
was distant but two miles, and which was not then in a state of defence. 
This they failed to do. The wonder excited by such conduct soon ceased, 



3S4 APPENDIX. 

when, by the best accounts from Boston, we are told that, of 3000 men who 
marched out upon this expedition, no less than 1500 (92 of which were 
commissioned officers) were killed or wounded ; and about 1200 of them 
either killed or mortally wounded. Such a slaughter was, perhaps, never 
before made upon British troops in the space of about an hour, during which 
the heat of the engagement lasted, by about 1500 men, which were the most 
that were any time engaged on the American side. 

The loss of the New England army amounted, according to an exact 
return, to 145 killed and missing, and 304 wounded ; thirty of the first were 
wounded and taken prisoners by the enemy. Among the dead was Major- 
general Joseph Warren, a man whose memory will be endeared to his coun- 
trymen, and to the worthy in every part and age of the world, so long as 
virtue and valor shall be esteemed among mankind. The heroic Colonel 
Gardner, of Cambridge, has since died of his wounds ; and the brave Lieu- 
tenant-colonel Parker, of Chelmsford, who was wounded and taken prisoner, 
perished in Boston jail. These three, with Major Moore and Major M 'Clary, 
who nobly struggled in the cause of their country, were the only officers of 
distinction which we lost. Some officers of great worth, though inferior in 
rank, were killed, whom we deeply lament. But the officers and soldiers in 
general, who were wounded, are in a fair way of recovery. The town of 
Charlestown, the buildings of which were, in general, large and elegant, and 
which contained effects belonging to the unhappy sufferers in Boston, to a 
very great amount, was entirely destroyed, and its chimneys and cellars now 
present a prospect to the Americans, exciting an indignation in their bosoms 
which nothing can appease but the sacrifice of those miscreants who have 
introduced horror, desolation, and havoc, into these once happy abodes of 
liberty, peace, and plenty. 

Though the officers and soldiers of the ministerial army meanly exult in 
having gained this ground, yet they cannot but attest to the bravery of our 
troops, and acknowledge that the battles of Fontenoy and Minden, according 
to the numbers engaged, and the time the engagement continued, were not to 
be compai-ed with this ; and, indeed, the laurels of Minden were totally blasted 
in the battle of Charlestown. The ground purchased thus dearly by the 
British troops affords them no advantage against the American army, now 
strongly intrenched on a neighboring eminence. The Continental troops, 
nobly animated from the justice of their cause, sternly urge to decide the 
contest by the sword ; but we wish for no further effusion of blood, if the 
freedom and peace of America can be secured without it : but if it must be 
otherwise, we are determined to struggle. We disdain life without lil)erty. 

Oh, Britons ! be wise for yourselves, before it is too late, and secure a 
commercial intercourse with the American colonies before it is for ever lost ; 
disarm your ministerial assassins, put an end to this unrighteous and unnat- 
ural war, and suffer not any rapacious despots to amuse you with the 
unprofitable ideas of your right to tax and officer the colonies, till the most 
profitable and advantageous trade you have is irrecoverably lost. Be wise for 
yourselves, and the Americans v.ill contribute to and rejoice in your prosperity. 
, J. Palmer, per order. 



COMMITTEE OF SAFETY ACCOUNT. 385 

In regard to what I know of the setting fire to Charlestown, on the 17th 

of June, is — I was on Copp'sHill, at the landing of the troops in Charles 

town ; and about one hour after the troops were landed, orders came down 

to set fire to the town, and soon after a carcass was discharged from the hill, 

which set fire to one of the old houses, just above the ferry-ways ; from that 

the meeting-house and several other houses were set on fire by carcasses ; 

and the houses at the eastern end of the town were set on fire by men landed 

out of the boats. 

William Cockran. 

Middlesex ss., August 16, 1775. 
Then William Cockian personally appeared before me, the subscriber, 
and made solemn oath to the truth of the within deposition. 

James Otis, 
A Justice of the Peace through the Province of 
Massachusetts Bay, in New England. 

This account was sent to London, with the following letter to Arthur 

Lee : — 

In Committee of Safety, Watertown, July 25, 1775. 

Sir, — The committee of safety of this colony, having been ordered by the 
honorable Provincial Congress to draw up and transmit to Great Britain a 
fair and impartial account of the late battle of Charlestown, beg leave to 
enclose the same to you, desiring you to insert the same in the public papers, 
so that the European world may be convinced of the causeless and unex- 
ampled cruelty with which the British ministry have treated the innocent 
American colonies. 

We are, sir, with great respect, 

Your most humble servant, 

J. Palmer, per order. 
To Arthur Lee, Esq., at London. 

There is among the manuscripts of the American Antiquarian Society, at 
Worcester, a copy of this account, with the interlineations and corrections 
preserved. It contains passages not in the printed copy. It is enclosed in a 
paper having the following statement, without a date : — 

The follovraig account was written by a person who was an eye-witness 
of the battle of Bunker's Hill. Some of the circumstances the intervention 
of the hill prevented him from seeing, for he stood on the north side of Mys- 
tic River. What facts he did not see himself were communicated to him from 
Colonel Prescott, (who commanded the provincials,) and by other persons, 
who were personally conversant in the scenes which this narrative describes. 
It was drawn up within one fortnight after the seventeenth of June, 1775, 
while events were recent in the minds of the actors ; and it is now faithfully 
copied from the draught then made in a great hurry. This must serve as an 
excuse for those inaccuracies and embarrassments of the style, which would 
have been altered, had not the author felt himself obhged to give a copy of 
33 



386 APPENDIX. 

the account precisely as it was then written. It was transmitted by the com- 
mittee of safety of Massachusetts to their friends in England, and may now, 
possibly, be in the hands of some person there. The author signs his name, 
which, though it may give no other celebrity to the account, will, he hopes, 
convince those who know him that the account is true ; for he flatters him- 
self that they, none of them, can believe him to be guilty of the baseness 
and wickedness of a falsehood. 

Peter Thatcher. 



No. 3. — Official Account of General Gage, published in the 
London Gazette. 

Whitehall, July 25, 1775. 
This morning, arrived Capt. Chadds, of his majesty's ship Cerberus, with 
the following letter from the Honorable Lieutenant-general Gage to the Earl 
of Dartmouth, one of his majesty's principal secretaries of state. 

Copy of a Letter from the Honorable Lieutenant-general Gage to the Earl of 
Dartmouth. Dated Boston, June 25, 1775. 

My Lord, — I am to acquaint your lordship of an action that happened on 
the 17th instant between his majesty's troops and a large body of the rebel 
forces. 

An alarm was given at break of day, on the 17th instant, by a firing from 
the Lively ship of war ; and advice was soon afterwards received, that the 
rebels had broke ground, and were raising a battery on the heights of the 
peninsula of Charlestown, against the town of Boston. They were plainly 
seen at work, and, in a few hours, a battery of six guns played upon their 
works. Preparations were instantly made for landing a body of men to drive 
them off, and ten companies of the grenadiers, ten of light-infantry, with the 
5th, 38th, 43d, and 52d battalions, with a proportion of field artillery, under 
the command of Major-general Howe and Brigadier-general Pigot, were 
embarked with great expedition, and landed on the peninsula without oppo- 
sition, under the protection of some ships of war, armed vessels, and boats, 
by whose fire the rebels were kept within their works. 

The tr )ops formed as soon as landed ; the light-infantry posted on the 
right, and the grenadiers upon their left. The 5th and 38th battalions drew 
up in the rear of those corps, and the 43d and 52d battalions made a third 
line. The rebels upon the heights were perceived to be in great force, and 
strongly posted. A redoubt, thrown up on the 16th, at night, with otlier 
works, full of men, defended with cannon, and a large body posted in the 
houses in Charlestown, covered their right flank ; and their centre and left 
were covered by a breastwork, part of it cannon-proof, which reached from 
the left of the redoubt to the Mystic or Medford River. 

This appearance of the rebels' strength, and the large columns seen pour- 
ing in to their assistance, occasioned an application for the troops to be 



GENERAL GAGE's ACCOUNT. 387 

reinforced with some companies of light-infantry and grenadiers, the 47th 
battalion, and the 1st battalion of marines; the whole, when in conjunction, 
making a body of something above 2000 men. These troops advanced, 
formed in two lines, and the attack began by a sharp cannonade from our 
field-pieces and howitzers, the lines advancing slowly, and frequently halting 
to give time for the artillery to fire. The light-infantry was directed to force 
the left point of the breastwork, to take the rebel line in flank, and the grena- 
diers to attack in front, supported by the 5th and 52d battalion. These orders 
were executed with perseverance, under a heavy fire from the vast numbers 
of the rebels ; and, notwithstanding various impediments before the troops 
could reach the works, and though the left, under Brigadier-general Pigot, 
who engaged also with the rebels at Charlestown, which, at a critical moment, 
was set on fire, the brigadier pursued his point, and carried the redoubt. 

The rebels were then forced from other strongholds, and pursued till they 
were drove clear off the peninsula, leaving five pieces of cannon behind them. 

The loss the rebels sustained must have been considerable, from the great 
numbers they carried off during the time of action, and buried in holes, since 
discovered, exclusive of what they suffered by the shipping and boats ; near 
one hundred w^ere buried the day after, and thirty found wounded, in the 
field, three of which are since dead. 

I enclose your lordship a return of the killed and wounded of his majesty's 
troops. 

This action has shown the superiority of the king's troops, who, under 
every disadvantage, attacked and defeated above three times their own num- 
ber, strongly posted, and covered by breastworks. 

The conduct of Major-general Howe was conspicuous on this occasion, 
and his example spirited the troops, in which INIajor-general Clinton assisted, 
who followed the reinforcement. And, in justice to Brigadier-general Pigot, 
I am to add, that the success of the day must, in great measure, be attrib- 
uted to his firmness and gallantry. 

Lieutenant-colonels Nesbit, Abercrombie, and Clarke ; Majors Butler, 
Williams, Bruce, Spendlove, Small, Mitchell, Pitcairn, and Short, exerted 
themselves remarkably ; and the valor of the British officers and soldiers in 
general was at no time more conspicuous than in this action. 

I have the honor to be, &c., 

Tho. Gage. 

Return of the Officers, Non-commission Officers, and Privates, hilled and 
wounded, of His Majesty's Troops, at the Attack of the Redoubts and 
Intrenchments on the Heights of Charlestown, June 17, 1775. 

Royal Regiment Artillery. — Capt. Huddleton, Capt. Lemoin, Lieut. 
Shuttleworth, 1 sergeant. 8 rank and file, wounded. 

4th Foot. — Capt. Balfour, Capt. West, Lieut. Barron, Lieut. Brown, 
wounded ; 1 sergeant, 13 rank and file, killed ; 1 sergeant, 1 drummer and 
fifer, 29 rank and file, wounded. 



388 APPENDIX. 

5th. — Capt. Harris, Capt. Jackson, Capt. Downes, Capt. Marsden, Lieut. 
M'Clintock, Lieut. Croker, Ensign Charleton, Ensign Balaguire, wounded ; 
22 rank and file, killed ; 10 sergeants, 2 drummers and fifers, 110 rank and 
file, wounded. 

10th. — Capt. Parsons, Capt. Fitzgerald, Lieut. Pettigrew, Lieut. Verner, 
Lieut. Hamilton, Lieut. Kelly, wounded ; 2 sergeants, 5 rank and file, killed ; 
1 drummer and fifer, 39 rank and file, wounded. 

18th. — Lieut. Richardson, wounded ; 3 rank and file, killed ; 7 rank and 
file wounded. 

22d. — Lieut.-col. Abercrombie, wounded, and since dead. 

23d. — Capt. Blakeney, Lieut. Beckwith, Lieut. Cochrane, Lieut. Len- 
thall, wounded ; 2 sergeants, 1 drummer, 11 rank and file, killed ; 2 ser- 
geants, 1 drummer and fifer, 35 rank and file, wounded. 

35th. — Lieut. Baird, killed ; Captain Drew, Capt. Lyon, Lieut. Massay, 
Lieut. Campbell, wounded ; 18 rank and file, killed ; 3 sergeants, 2 drum- 
mers, 41 rank and file, wounded. 

38lh. — Lieut. Dutton, killed ; Capt. Coker, Capt. Boyd, Lieut. Christie, 
Lieut. House, Lieut. Myres, Ensign Sergeant, Ensign Sweney, Quartermas- 
ter Mitchell, wounded ; 2 sergeants, 23 rank and file, killed ; 4 sergeants, 1 
<Jrummer and fifer, 69 rank and file, wounded. 

43d. — Major Spendlove, Capt. M'Kenzie, Lieut. Robinson, Lieut. Dal- 
rymple, wounded ; 2 sergeants, 20 rank and file, killed ; 3 sergeants, 2 
drummers and fifers, 77 rank and file, wounded. 

47th. — Major Small, Capt. Craig, Capt. England, Capt. Alcock, Lieut. 
England, wounded ; Lieut. Hilliard, Lieut. Gould, wounded, since dead ; 1 
sergeant, 15 rank and file, killed ; 3 sergeants, 47 rank and file, wounded. 

52d. — Major Williams, wounded, since dead; Capt. Addison, Capt. 
Smith, Capt. Davidson, killed ; Capt. Nelson, Lieut. Higgins, Lieut. Thomp- 
son, Lieut. Crawford, Ensign Chetwynd, Ensign Graeme, wounded-, 1 ser- 
geant, 20 rank and file, killed ; 7 sergeants, 73 rank and file, wounded. 

59th. — Lieut. Haynes, wounded ; 6 rank and file, killed ; 25 rank and 
file, wounded. 

63d. — Lieut. Dalrymple, killed ; Capt. Folliot, Capt. Stopford, wounded ; 
1 sergeant, 7 rank and file, killed ; 2 sergeants, 1 drummer, 25 rank and file, 
wounded. 

65th. — Capt. Hudson, killed i Major Butler, Capt. Sinclair, Lieut. Pax- 
ton, Lieut. Hales, Lieut. Smith, wounded ; 1 sergeant, 8 rank and file, 
killed ; 1 sergeant, 1 drummer, 25 rank and file, wounded. 

1st battalion marines. — Major Pitcairn, wounded, since dead ; Capt. Ellis, 
Lieut. Shea, Lieut. Finnic, killed ; Capt. Averne, Capt. Chudleigh, Capt. 
Johnson, Lieut. Ragg, wounded ; 2 sergeants, 15 rank and file, killed ; 2 
sergeants, 55 rank and file, wounded. 

2d battalion marines. — Capt. Campbell, Lieut. Gardiner, killed ; Capt. 
Logan, Lieut. Dyer, Lieut. Brisbane, wounded ; 5 rank and file, killed ; 1 
sergeant, 29 rank and file, wounded. 



Chester's letter. 389 

Officers attending on General Howe. 

67th. — Capt. Sherwin, aid-de-camp, killed. 

14th. — Lieut. Bruce, killed ; Ensign Hesketh, wounded. 

Royal Navy. — Lieut. Jorden, wounded. 

Engineer Lieut. Page, wounded. 

Volunteers, late Barre's, Lieut. Alex. Cannpbell, on half-pay, wounded. 

Royal Artillery. — Mr. Uance, wounded. 

4th Foot. — Mr. Dorcus, wounded. 

35th. — Mr. Maden, wounded. 

52d. — Mr. Harrison, wounded. 

59th. — Mr. Clarke, wounded. 

2d Battalion Marines. — Mr. Bowman, wounded. 

Total. — 1 lieutenant-colonel, 2 majors, 7 captains, 9 lieutenants, 15 ser- 
geants, 1 drummer, 191 rank and file, killed ; 3 majors, 27 captains, 32 lieu- 
tenants, 8 ensigns, 40 sergeants, 12 drummers, 706 rank and file, wounded. 

N. B. — Capt. Downes, of the 5th regiment, and Lieut. Higgins, of the 
52d, died of their wounds on the 24th instant. 



No 4. — Letter of Captain John Chester, supposed to be addressed to 
Rev. Joseph Fish, of Stonington, Connecticut.' 

Camp at Cambridge, July 22d, 1775. 

Rev. and Much Respected Sir, — Your favor of the 4th instant I received 
the day before the Fast, and should have answered it by the bearer, Mr. Niles, 
had I not been that day on fatigue duty. The day after Fast Mr. Niles set 
off for home, from Roxbury. I want words to express my gratitude for your 
religious advice, your many useful and important hints, your arguments and 
reasons for our animation and support in the glorious struggle for freedom, 
and your tender expressions of friendship for my family, as well as your anx- 
ious concern for my own personal safety. 

I shall endeavor, as far as my time and business will permit, to give you, 
sir, the particulars of the battle of Charlestown. Though, as to the greater 
part of account published, I may not be able to mend it. 

In the latter part of the day before the battle, our adjutant informed me 
that orders were issued from head-quarters that 1800 province men, and 200 
Connecticut men, parade themselves [ * * * * ] clock, with provisions for 
twenty-four hours, blankets [ * * * ] there wait for further orders. About 
nine o'[clock t]hey were ordered to march to Bunker Hill, a nu[mbe]r of wag- 
ons accompanying them with intrenching tools, &c. Just about twelve o'clock 
at night they began intrenching, and went on with great vigor till day-break, 

1 I am indebted to Gurdon Trumbull, Esq., for this letter, who has the original. 
The conclusion of it is lost. J. Hammond Trumbull, Esq., has also kindly furnished 
matter for this work. 

33* 



390 APPENDIX, 

and were then discovered by the regulars, who were heard to swear most 
terribly about the Yankees ; and they began a heavy fire before sunrise from 
the ships and Cops Hill, which was kept up with little or no cessation till 
afternoon. But finding our people paid little regard to their cannon, and 
knowing the great importance of the post, they landed, (I believe it was 
about two o'clock,) and formed in three or four solid columns, and advanced 
towards the fort. Those on their right soon changed their position into a 
line for battle, and marched on very regularly, rank and file. They were 
very near Mystic River, and, by their movements, had determined to outflank 
our men, and surround them and the fort. But our officers in command, soon 
perceiving their intention, ordered a large party of men (chiefly Connecticut) 
to leave the fort, and march down and oppose the enemy's right wing. This 
they did ; and had time to form somewhat regularly behind a fence half of 
stone and two rayles of wood. Here nature had formed something of a breast- 
work, or else there had been a ditch many years agone. They grounded 
arms, and went to a neighboring parallel fence, and brought rayles and made a 
slight fortification against musquet-ball. Here they received the enemy to very 
tolerable advantage. Our officers ordered their men not to fire til! the word 
was given. Lieut. Dana tells me he was the first man that fired, and that he 
did it singly, and with a view to draw the enemy's fire, and he obtained his 
end fully, without any damage to our party. Our men then returned the fire, 
well-directed, and to very good effect, and so disconcerted the enemy that 
they partly brok[e and re]treated. Many of our men were for pursuing, [but 
by] the prudence of the officers they were prevented lea[ving s]o advantageous 
a post. The enemy again rallied and ad[vanc]ed, and in the same manner 
were repulsed a second, and some say, a third time. But at last they stood 
their ground, and the action was warm, till the enemy carried the fort which 
was on their left wing, and soon there was a retreat of the whole of the pro- 
vincials. I am told that a gentleman on Chelsea side saw the whole engage- 
ment, and that he said it lasted thirty-five minutes with the musquetry, and 
that our first firings swept down the enemy most amazingly. The men that 
went to intrenching over night were in the warmest of the battle, and, by all 
accounts, they fought most manfully. They had got hardened to the noise 
of cannon ; but those that came up as recruits werfe evidently most terribly 
frightened, many of them, and did not march up with that true courage that 
their cause ought to have inspired them with. And to this cause, I conceive, 
was owing our retreat. Five hundred men more, that might easily have been 
there, if they were in any tolerable order and spirits, might have sent the 
enemy from whence they came, or to their long homes. 

I wish it was in my power to give you a satisfactory reason " why our 
intrenchments were not supported with fresh recruits from Cambridge, and 
why that important pass over Charlestown Neck was not guarded against 
annoyance from Mystic River, as well as the other side from the fire of the 
ships and floating batteries, and our retreat secured," &c. &c. Possibly 
the whole attempt was rather premature, and not thoroughly well planned. 
If we might again attempt it, we should, undoubtedly, have contrived and 



chestek's letter. 391 

executed much better. Perhaps it may be better, however, to prepare our- 
selves well for some future attempt, than to lament the unfortunate success 
of the last, which we cannot now possibly mend. 

As to my own concern in it, with that of my company, would inform, that 
one subaltern, one sergeant, and thirty privates, were draughted out over 
night to intrench. They tarried, and fought till the retreat. Just after din- 
ner, on Saturday, 17th ult., I was walking out from my lodgings, quite calm 
and composed, and all at once the drums beat to arms, and bells rang, and a 
great noise in Cambridge. Capt. Putnam came by on full gallop. What is 
the matter 1 says I. Have you not heard 1 No. Why, the regulars are 
landing at Charlestown, says he ; and father says you must all meet, and 
march immediately to Bunker Hill to oppose the enemy. I waited not, but 
ran, and got my arms and ammunition, and hasted to my company, (who 
were in the church for barracks,) and found them nearly ready to march. 
We soon marched, with our frocks and trowsers on over our other clothes, 
(for our company is in uniform wholly blue, turned up with red,) for we 
were loath to expose ourselves by our dress, and down we marched. I im- 
agined we arrived at the hill near the close of the battle. When we arrived 
there was not a company with us in any kind of order, although, when we 
first set out, perhaps three regiments were by our side, and near us ; but here 
they were scattered, some behind rocks and hay-cocks, and thirty men, per- 
haps, behind an apple-tree, and frequently twenty men round a wounded man, 
retreating, when not more than three or four could touch him to advantage. 
Others were retreating, seemingly without any excuse, and some said they 
had left the fort with leave of the officers, because they had been all night 
and day on fatigue, without sleep, victuals, or drink ; and some said they had 
no officers to head them, which, indeed, seemed to be the case. At last I 
met with a considerable company, who were going off rank and file. I called 
to the officer that led them, and asked why he retreated 1 He made me no 
answer. I halted my men, and told him if he went on it should be at his 
peril. He still seemed regardless of me. I then ordered my men to make 
ready. They immediately cocked, and declared if I ordered they would fire. 
Upon that they stopped short, tried to excuse themselves ; but I could not 
tarry to hear him, but ordered him forward, and he complied. 

We were then very soon in the heat of action. Before we reached the 
summit of Bunker Hill, and while we were going over the Neck, we were 
in imminent danger from the cannon-shot, which buzzed around us like hail. 
The musquetry began before we passed the Neck ; and when we were on 
the top of the hill, and during our descent to the foot of it on the south, the 
small as well as cannon shot were incessantly whistling by us. We joined 
our army on the right of the centre, just by a poor stone fence, two or three 
feet high, and very thin, so that the bullets came through. Here we lost our 
regularity, as every company had done before us, and fought as they did, 
every man loading and firing as fast as he could. As near as I could guess, 
we fought standing about six minutes, my officers and men think * * * * 



392 APPENDIX. 

No. 5. — Extract from Letter, dated Cambridge, June 25, 1775, from 
Peter Brown, of Westford, to his Mother in Newport.' 

Friday, 16th of June, we were ordered, &c. The whole that was called 
for was these three — Colonels Prescott's, Fry's, and Nickson's regiments. 
About nine o'clock at night we marched down to Charlestown Hill, against 
Cops Hill, in Boston, where we intrenched, and made a fort of about ten rod 
long and eight wide, with a breastwork of about eight more. We worked 
there undiscovered until about five in the morning, before we saw our danger, 
being against eight ships of the line, and all Boston fortified against us. 

The danger we were in made us think there was treachery, and that we 
were brought here to be all slain. And I must and will venture to say there 
was treachery, oversight, or presumption, in the conduct of our oflicers. 
And about half-after five in the morning, we not having one half of the fort 
done, they began to fire (I suppose as soon as they had orders) pretty briskly 
for a few minutes, then stopt, then again to the number of twenty or more. 
They killed one of us, then ceased until about eleven o'clock, when they 
began to fire as brisk as ever, which caused some of our young country 
people to desert, apprehending danger in a clearer manner than the rest, who 
were more diligent in digging and fortifying ourselves against them, <fec. &c. 
They fired very warm from Boston, and from on board, till about two o'clock, 
when they began to fire from the ships in the ferry-way, and from the ship 
that lay in the river, against to stop our reinforcements, which they did in 
some measure ; one cannon cut oflf three men in two on the Neck. Our 
oflicers sent time after time after the cannon from Cambridge, in the morning, 
and could get but four ; the captain of which fired but a few times, and then 
swung his hat round three times to the enemy, then ceased to fire, it being 
about three o'clock, cessation of the cannons' warring. Soon after we 
espied forty boats or barges coming over full of regulars, — it is supposed 
there were about three thousand of them, — and about seven hundred of us 
left, not deserted, besides five hundred reinforcement, that could not get 
nigh to do us any good, till they saw that we must all be cut off, or some of 
them, so they advanced. When our officers saw that the regulars intended 
to land, they ordered the artillery to go out of the fort and prevent their land- 
ing, if possible ; from whence the artillery captain took his field-pieces, and 
went right home to Cambridge fast as he could, — for which he is now con- 
fined, and we expect he will be shot for it. The enemy landed and fronted 
before us, and formed themselves into an oblong square, so as to surround us, 
which they did in part. After they were well formed they advanced toward 
us, in order to swallow us up ; they found a choaky mouthful of us, though 
we could do nothing with our small arms as yet for distance, and had but two 
cannon and no gunner. And they from Boston, and from the ships, firing 
and throwing bombs, keeping us down till they got almost around us. But 
God, in mercy to us, fought our battle for us ; and though we were but a 

' Peter Brown was in the battle of the nineteenth of April ; enlisted under Colonel 
Prescott, and was clerk of a company. This is taken from Stiles' Ms. Diarj'. 



gray's letter. 393 

few, and so was suffered to be defeated by the enemy ; yet we were pre- 
served in a most wonderful manner, far beyond our expectation, and to our 
admiration, — for out of our regiment there was but thirty-seven killed, four 
or five taken captive, and forty-seven wounded. If we should be called to 
action again, I hope to have courage and strength to act my part valiantly in 
defence of our liberty and country, trusting in Him who hath yet kept me, 
and hath covered my head in the day of battle ; and though we have left four 
out of our company, and some taken captives by the cruel enemies of Amer- 
ica, I was not suffered to be touched, although I was in the fort when the 
enemy came in, and jumped over the walls, and ran half a mile, where balls 
flew like hail-stones, and cannon roared like thunder. 

Signed, Peter Brown. 



No. 6. — Extract from a Letter written by Samuel Gray to Mr. 
Dyer, dated Roxbury, July 12, 1775.' 

To give you a clear and distinct account of a very confused transaction, — 
the causes and reasons of the proceedings of the late battle of Charlestown, 
and of our defeat, as 'tis called, — will be impossible for me, who am not 
personally knowing to every fact reported about the transactions of that and 
the preceding day. As far as I am able to give the facts, I will do it, and 
choose to leave conclusions to you. Some reports, which I have from good 
characters, must make part of the history. 

Friday night, after the 16th of June, a large part of the Continental army 
intrenched on the southerly part of Charlestown Hill, on the height toward 
Charles River. North of this hill lies Bunker Hill, adjoining East or Mystic 
River. Between these two is a valley. North of Bunker Hill is a low, fiat, 
narrow neck of land, the only avenue to the hill and town. The low neck 
and the valley (both which must be passed in advancing to or retreating 
from the intrenchment) are exposed to a cross fire from the ships and float- 
ing batteries on each side, and the valley to the fire of the battery on Copps 
Hill, in Boston. About sunrise, the 17th, our intrenchment was discovered, 
and a heavy fire immediately began from the ships and batteries, which con- 
tinued with very little cessation till about one o'clock, when a large party of 
the ministerial troops landed on a point of land S. E. from the intrenchment, 
about 4 o'clock. The savages set fire to the town, beginning with the meet- 
ing-house. A heavy fire from the cannon and musketry was kept up on both 
sides till about five o'clock, when our men retreated : — thus far my own know- 
ledge. I am informed that, in a council of war, it was determined to intrench 
on Charlestown Hill and on Dorchester Hill the same night, but not till we 
were so supplied with powder, &c., as to be able to defend the posts we 
might take, and annoy the enemy ; that on Friday a resolution was suddenly 

1 I am indebted for this letter to Henry Stevens, Esq. 



394 APPENDIX. 

taken to intrench the night following, without any further council thereon ; 
that the engineer and two generals went on to the hill at night and recon- 
noitered the ground ; that one general and the engineer were of opinion we 
ought not to intrench on Charlestown Hill till we had thrown up some works 
on the north and south ends of Bunker Hill, to cover our men in their retreat, 
if that should happen, but on the pressing importunity of the other general 
officer, it was consented to hegin as was done. The Europeans suffered 
greatly from the fire of our men in their ascending the hill. A party of 
about 400, under the command of Capt. Knowlton, of Ashford, lay under 
cover of a fence thrown together, and reserved their fire until the enemy 
came within twelve or fifteen rods, when they gave them a well-aimed fire, 
and killed and wounded multitudes of them. The particular account of their 
loss cannot be known with certainty ; but we generally give credit to the 
report, confirmed so many various ways, that their loss is about 1500 in 
killed and wounded, — the particulars of which you are before this made 
acquainted with. Our loss in killed, wounded, prisoners, and missing, I think, 
cannot exceed 200, by the best information I am able to get. I think our 
loss can never be ascertained with precision, as the order, regularity, and dis- 
cipline, of the troops from this province, is so deficient that no return can be 
made which is to be relied upon. However, the returns, for many reasons, 
(which you may easily divine when I have told you what their state is,) will 
exceed rather than fall short of the real loss. The officers and soldiers [torn 
out " drafted? "] under command of Major Durkee, Captains Knowlton, Coit, 
Clark, and Chester, and all the continental troops ordered up, and some from 
this province, did honor to themselves and the cause of their country, and 
gave the lie to Colonel Grant's infamous assertion on our countrymen, that 
they have no one quality of a soldier. A little experience will, I hope, make 
us possessed of all those qualifications of the most regular troops, which, in 
this country, are worth our pursuit or imitation. The reason why our men 
on fatigue all night were not relieved, or attempted to be relieved, I cannot 
assign ; had they been supported in a proper manner, there can't remain a 
question but that the enemy must have been totally defeated. This battle has 
been of infinite service to us ; made us more vigilant, watchful, and cautious. 
We are fortified from Prospect Hill to Mystic River, and on the other hand 
to Cambridge River, I hope so as to secure us in case of an attack : our lines 
are very extensive, and will require a large force to defend them properly on 
that side. On this side we have a fort upon the hill westward of the meet- 
ing-house. An intrenchment at Dudly House, including the garden, and 
extended to the hill E. of the meeting-house. A small breastwork across the 
main street, and another on Dorchester road, near the burying-ground. One 
on each side the road, through the lands and meadows a little south of the 
George Tavern. Across the road are trees, the top toward the town of Bos- 
ton, sharpened and well pointed, to prevent the progress of the light horse. 

A redoubt near Pierpont's or WiUiams' Mill, and another at Brookline, the 
lower end of Sewall's Farm, to obstruct their landing, and another breast- 






s 





1 rtv^ 



i^ 






l«1 






^ 



>^ 



v^ ^ 




t ui -^5 



COLONEL PRESCOTt's ACCOUNT. 395 

work at Dorchester. Our works are not yet completed, but I think we are 
able to repulse them if they are not more than three-fold our numbers ; and 
then, I believe, our people will not quit their ground. 



No. 7. — Letter of Colonel William Prescott, addressed to John 
Adams, at that time a Delegate to the Continental Congress.' 

Camp at Cambridge, August 25, 1775. 
Sir, 

I have received a line from my brother, which informs me of your desire 
of a particular account of the action at Charlestown. It is not in my power, 
at present, to give so minute an account as I should choose, being ordered to 
decamp and march to another station. 

On the 16 June, in the evening, I received orders to march to Breed's Hill 
in Charlestovra, with a party of about one thousand men, consisting of three 
hundred of my own regiment. Colonel Bridge and Lieut. Brickett, with a 
detachment of theirs, and two hundred Connecticut forces, commanded by 
Captain Knowlton. We arrived at the spot, the lines were drawn by the 
engineer, and we began the intrenchment about twelve o'clock ; and plying 
the work with all possible expedition till just before sun-rising, when the 
enemy began a very heavy cannonading and bombardment. In the interim, 
the engineer forsook me. Having thrown up a small redoubt, found it nec- 
essary to draw a line about twenty rods in length from the fort northerly, 
under a very warm fire from the enemy's artillery. About this time, the 
above field officers, being indisposed, could render me but little service, and 
the most of the men under their command deserted the party. The enemy 
continuing an incessant fire with their artillery, about two o'clock in the 
afternoon, on the seventeenth, the enemy began to land a north-easterly 
point from the fort, and I ordered the train, with two field-pieces, to go and 
oppose them, and the Connecticut forces to support them ; but the train 
marched a diflferent course, and I believe those sent to their support followed, 
I suppose to Bunker's Hill. Another party of the enemy landed and fired the 
town. There was a party of Hampshire, in conjunction with some other 
forces, lined a fence at the distance of three score rods back of the fort, partly 
to the north. About an hour after the enemy landed, they began to march 
to the attack in three columns. I commanded my Lieut. -col. Robinson and 
Major Woods, each with a detachment, to flank the enemy, who, I have rea- 
son to think, behaved with prudence and courage. I was now left with per- 

^Hon. Charles Francis Adams kindly loaned to me a collection of letters written 
by several persons, and addressed to his. grandfather, John Adams. They are dated 
in various towns in the neighborhood of Boston, during the siege. The letter of Col. 
Prescott, from the original, in his own hand-writing, and the other extracts in this 
number of the Appendix, are from this collection. I did not receive this valuable 
material until the whole of the preceding pages were iu type — a few of which have 
been altered to get in important facts. 



396 APPENDIX. 

haps one hundred and fifty men in the fort. The enemy advanced and fired 
very hotly on the fort, and meeting with a warm reception, there was a very 
smart firing on both sides. After a considerable time, finding our ammuni- 
tion was almost spent, I commanded a cessation till the enemy advanced 
within thirty yards, when we gave them such a hot fire that they were obliged 
to retire nearly one hundred and fifty yards before they could rally and come 
again to the attack. Our anununition being nearly exhausted, could keep 
up only a scattering fire. The enemy being numerous, surrounded our little 
fort, began to mount our lines and enter the fort with their bayonets. We 
was obliged to retreat through them, while they kept up as hot a fire as it 
was possible for them to make. We having very few bayonets, could make 
no resistance. We kept the fort about one hour and twenty minutes after 
the attack with small arms. This is nearly the state of facts, though imper- 
fect and too general, which, if any ways satisfactory to you, will afford pleas- 
ure to your most obedient humble servant. William Prescott. 
To the Hon. John Adams, Esq. 

William Tudor to John Adams, 26ih June, 1775. 
The ministerial troops gained the hill, but were victorious losers. A few 
more such victories, and they are undone. I cannot think our retreat an unfor- 
tunate one. Such is the situation of that hill, that we could not have kept it, 
exposed to the mighty fire which our men must have received from the ships 
and batteries that command the whole eminence. Eight hundred provincials 
bore the assault of two thousand regulars, and twice repulsed them ; but the 
heroes were not supported, and could only retire. Our men were not used 
to cannon-balls, and they came so thick from the ships, floating batteries, 
&c., that they were discouraged advancing. They have since been more 
used to them, and dare encounter them. 

General William Heath to John Adams, Oct. 23, 1775. 
A publication in one of the Connecticut papers, some time since, ascribed 
the honor of the noble resistance made at Bunker's Hill, on the 17th of June 
last, to a number of ofiicers by name, belonging to that colony, some of whom, 
as I am informed, were not on the hill ; whilst other brave officers belonging 
to our colony, such as Colonels Prescott, Brewer, Gardner, Parker, &c., 
who nobly fought, and some of whom fell, are not even mentioned. But 
this account was detested by the brave Putnam, and others of that colony. 

General Artemas Ward to John Adams, Oct. 30, 1775. 
It is my opinion we should have began a month ago to engage men for 
another campaign. If the present army's time should be out, and no other 
secured, I fear the enemy will take advantage thereof. I wish Gen. Frye 
might be provided for. I think him a good man for the service, and am very 
sorry he has not been provided for by the Continental Congress before this 
time. Some have said hard things of the officers belonging to this colony, 
and despised them ; but I think, as mean as they have represented them to 



ACCOUNT IN RIVINGTON S GAZETTE. 



397 



be, there has been no one actioa with the enemy which has not been con- 
ducted by an officer of this colony, except that at Chelsea, which was con- 
ducted by General Putnam. 



No. 8. — Account of the Battle in Rivington's Gazette, Number 120, 
August 3, 1775. 

As to camp news, I was there for the first time last Saturday. Our people 
appear hearty, and very happy. The great numbers who crowd to view it, 
and see their friends, and the parading of the regiments upon the commons, 
make a grand appearance. The famous Prospect Hill is just by the stone 
house on the left hand, as you go to Charlestown. I believe the regulars will 
hardly venture out, for they must lose a vast many men if they should ; and 
they cannot afford to purchase every inch of ground, as they did at Charles- 
town. The number of the regulars lost and had wounded you have seen in 
the account taken from the orderly sergeant, which agrees pretty nearly with 
a variety of accounts we have received from people who have come here from 
Boston in fishing-boats. They must have suffered greatly, for the fire con- 
tinued with small arms sixty-one minutes, and great part of the time very 

close fighting. My class-mate. Col. , was in the intrenchment, and 

was wounded in the head and leg. He says there was no need of waiting 
for a chance to fire, for, as soon as you had loaded, there was always a mark 
at hand, and as near as you pleased. His description of the intrenchment, 
&c., was this : — 



Floating Battery. 



Mystic River. 



> 


Troops landed half a mile 


s 


from the breastwork. 


g- 








S-3 




cS 




PJ tt 




"r= " 








c 




gi 








A breastwork about twenty rod. | 

Outlet. 

1 






Seven or 






eight rod 




square. 




Charlestown 





Charles River, 
opposite the 
old Battery. 



Ferry. 



KW 






34 



398 APPENDIX. 

The square or fort had about 150 men in it. The breastwork, about 200. 
The rail fence stuffed with straw, 400 or 500. The reason why the square was 
so thinly manned on the side toward Boston was, because the fire from Copp's 
Hill poured in so thick that there was no living in it. The regulars, when 
they found the fire slacken for want of ammunition, pushed over the walls, 
with their guns in their left hand, and their swords in their right, for it was 
such an unfinished piece of work that they ran over it. Part of them had 
come round on the side next Charlestown, so as to fire on the back of our 
people when they began to leave the intrenchment, and it was then we lost 
our men. The ships and floating batteries prevented any assistance or sup- 
port of consequence being given to our men. The fire fromCopp'sHill ceased 
when that with small arms began ; but that from a ship off New Boston 

killed and raked our men quite up to the Sun Tavern. thinks there 

was more than 3000 of the regulars landed. They advanced in open order, 
the men often twelve feet apart in the front, but very close after one another, 
in extraordinary deep or long files. As fast as the front man was shot down, 
the next stepped forward into his place, but our men dropped them so fast 
they were a long time coming up. It was surprising how they would step 
over their dead bodies, as though they had been logs of wood. Their offi- 
cers, it is said, were obliged to push them on behind, notwithstanding which, 

they once ran and filled some of the boats, the fire was so hot. One of 

captains told me he fired about 35 times, and after that threw stones. 

says when they pushed over the breastwork, what with the smoke and dust, 
■ it was so dark in the square that he was obliged to feel about for the outlet ; 
the earth, which they threw up for a breastwork, being very dry and loose, 
for they had only one of these short nights to execute it in. 



No. 9. — Criticism on the Battle printed in the London Chronicle, 
August 3, 1779.' 

To the Printer of the London Chronicle : 

If the English general had had his choice given him of the ground upon 
which he should find his enemy, he could not have wished to place the rebels 
in a situation for more certain ruin than that in which they had placed them- 
selves at Bunker's Hill. And yet, from some fatality in our counsels, or 
rather, perhaps, from the total absence of all timely counsel, what ought to 
have been destructive to them proved only so to the royal army. 

Every one knows that the ground on which stood Charlestown and Bun- 
ker's Hill was a peninsula. The isthmus which joined it to the continent 
used originally to be covered at high water ; but, for the convenience of the 
inhabitants, had a causeway raised upon it, which answered all the purposes 

' Many criticisms on the battle appeared in the British journals. The one in tlie text 
forms one of a series on the conduct of General Howe. It was subsequently printed 
in pamphlet form. 



CRITICISM ON THE BATTLE. 399 

of a wharf for landing upon. And the land adjoining was firm, good ground, 
having formerly been an apple orchard. 

Nothing can be more obvious, especially if the reader will look upon the 
plan, than that the army, by landing at the neck or isthmus, must have 
entirely cut off the rebels' retreat, and not a man of them could have escaped. 

The water in the Mystic River was deep enough for the gun-boats and 
smaller vessels to lie very near to this causeway, to cover and protect the 
landing of our own army, and to prevent any further reinforcements being 
sent to the enemy, as well as to secure the retreat and reembarkation of our 
own army, if that could have become necessary. 

The ambuscade which flanked our troops in their march up to Bunker's 
Hill, and did so much mischief, had by this means been avoided. 

Instead of shutting up the rebels, by landing at the isthmus, which was 
the place the most commodious for the descent, and for beginning the attack, 
the general unhappily chose to land in the face of the rebel intrenchments, 
and at the greatest possible distance from the neck or isthmus, and thereby 
teft the way open for their escape ; and, still more unhappily, knowing noth- 
ing of the ground, attempted to march the troops in a part where they had 
ten or twelve rows of railing to clamber over ; the lands between Charles- 
town and the beach being, for the convenience of the inhabitants, divided into 
narrow slips, not more than from ten to thirty rods over. , 

These posts and rails were too strong for the column to push down, and 
the march was so retarded by the getting over them, that the next morning 
they were found studded with bullets, not a hand's breadth from each other. 

All this was well known to the inhabitants of Boston ; but they thought 
that military men, and such a great English general as Mr. Howe, must 
know better than they. And all this might have been known, and ought to 
have been known, to the English commander. 

Had the rebels' coming into this peninsula been a thing utterly unexpected, 
and never before thought of, the suddenness of the event might have been an 
apology for their not instantly thinking of the measures most proper to be 
taken upon such an occasion. But, far from unexpected, this was an event 
which they had long been apprehensive of, — the possibility of which had 
been in contemplation for two months before. The action at Bunker's Hill 
was on the 17th of June ; and so long before as the 21st of April, a message 
had been sent to the selectmen of Charlestown, that if they suffered the rebels 
to take possession of their town, or to throw up any works to annoy the ships, 
the ships would fire upon them. The message giving them this warning 
doubtless was very proper. But it was easy to foresee, that if the rebels 
chose to possess themselves of any part of the peninsula, the inhabitants of 
Charlestown could not prevent it. In all these eight weeks, therefore, it 
might have been hoped that the general and admiral should have concerted 
the proper measures for them to take, in case the enemy should come thither. 
It might have been hoped that the admiral should have perfectly informed 
himself of the depth of water in the Mystic River, and how near at the sev- 
eral times of the tide the vessels could come to the causeway. We might 

34 



400 APPENDIX. 

have hoped that the general would have informed himself of every inch of 
ground in so small a peninsula ; and have previously concerted what he ought 
to do, and where he ought to land, upon every appearance of an enemy. And 
yet we do not seem to have given ourselves the trouble of a single thought 
about viewing the ground, or of considering before-hand what would be the 
proper measures to be taken in case the enemy should appear there. Instead 
of this, the morning on which the enemy was discovered, at three o'clock, a 
council of war was to be called, which might as well have been held a month 
before, and many hours more given to the rebels for carrying on their works, 
and finishing their redoubt. 

The map will show us that Charlestown Neck lies at the utmost passable 
distance from the rebel quarters at Cambridge and Boston Neck ; so that the 
troops had every possible advantage in landing at the causeway, and not a 
single man of the rebels could have escaped. 

Is it necessary for a gentleman to be a soldier to see this ? Will not every 
man's common sense, upon viewing the map, be convinced of it? 

Whether, after the rebels were fled. General Clinton's advice to pursue 
was right or not, may be made a doubt. But if, instead of having sacrificed 
the lives of a thousand brave men by the want of all previous concert, and 
never having surveyed the ground ; if, instead of this negligence and inat- 
tention, we had shut up the whole rebel force in the peninsula, and destroyed 
and taken that whole army, there can be no doubt but that we might then 
have pursued our advantage ; and that if then we had marched to Roxbury 
and Cambridge, the troops would probably have not found a man there to 
oppose them ; at least, in that general consternation, they might very easily 
have been dispersed ; and the other provinces not having then openly joined 
them, we should probably have heard nothing more of the rebellion. 

It was said at the time, I have heard, that we were unwilling to make the 
rebels desperate ; but I hope no military man would offer to give such a 
reason. Veteran troops, long possessed with a very high sense of honor, 
like the old Spanish infantry at Rocroy, might possibly resolve to die in their 
ranks, and sell their lives as dearly as they could, though I know no instance 
in modern war of this Spanish obstinacy. But for regular British troops to 
be afraid of shutting up a rabble of irregular new-raised militia, that had 
never fired a gun, and had no honor to lose, lest they should fight too des- 
perately for them, argues too great a degree of weakness to be supposed of 
any man fit to be trusted in the king's service. Happy had if been for Mr. 
Burgoyne if Mr. Gates had reasoned in this manner, and left the king's 
troops a way open for their escape, for fear of making them desperate. And 
yet Mr. Gates, when he lived with his father in the service of Charles Duke 
of Bolton, was never thought to possess an understanding superior to other 
men ; and the letters of some of the most sensible and best informed men 
among the rebels show, that they thought him scarce equal to the command. 

But what was it we had to fear by this notion of making them desperate ? 
The rebels could not but see the execution they had done upon the royal army 
in their march ; and yet they ran away the instant our troops were got up to 



UST OF REGIMENTS IN THE BATTLE. 



401 



them ; — was this their point of honor 1 Had they found themselves cut off 
from all possibility of retreat, by our army's landing at the isthmus, in all 
prohability they would have instantly thrown down their arms and submitted. 
If the)f had not, they must then have come out of their intrenchments, and 
fought their way through our army to get to the isthmus ; that is to say, we 
chose to land, and march up to their intrenchments, and fight under every 
possible disadvantage, for fear that by landing at the Neck we should have 
obliged them to come out of their intrenchments, and fight us upon equal 
terms, or even upon what disadvantages the general should please to lay in 
their way. But the innumerable errors of that day, if they had been known 
in time, might have sufficiently convinced us how little was to be expected 
from an army so commanded. 

T. P. 



No. 10. — List of the Regiments Portions of which #ere in the 
Bunker Hill Battle. 



PRESCOTT S REGIMENT.' 



Captains. 

V Henry Far well, 
^ Joshua Parker, 
1/ Samuel Patch, 
^ Hugh Maxwell, 
f" Asa Lawrence, 
V,' Oliver Parker, 
\y John Nutting, 
t„. Samuel Gilbert, 
t/Abijah Wyman, 
v-^Ueuben Dow, 



. Benjamin Yarnum, 
i\ John Davis, 
i/ Benjamin Ames, 
, William Perley, 
Nathaniel Gage, 



Liewtenanls. 


Ensigns. Number. 


"^ Levi Whitney, 


V Benjamin Bass, 


69. 


-yAmaziah Faucett, 


Thomas Rogers, 


63. 


■ Zachary Walker, 


Joslma Brown, 


26. 


V Joseph Stebbins, 




52. 


■ Joseph Spaulding, 


'■'Thomas Spaulding, 


55. 


^ Ephraim Corey, 


\A. John Williams, 


26. 


Nathaniel Lakin, 


John Mosher, 


61. 


V Joseph Gilbert, 


y Joseph Baker, 


51. 


v' Joshua Brown, 


'•--, Thomas Cummings, 


29. 


J John Goss. 





FRYE S REGIMENT. 



'; Samuel Johnson, 

Nathaniel Herrick, 
'■^ David Chandler, 
I' ^ John Robinson, 
,y Thomas Stickney, 



N^Cyrus Marple, 63. 

V Eliphalet Bodwell, 56. 

\r' Isaac Abbott, 53. 

^ Benjamin Perley, 57. 

\'* Eliphalet Hardy, 51. 



1 The imperfect character of the returns of the regiments has already been remarked 
upon. See Chapter vii. It is impossible to ascertain even all the companies that were 
in the battle, much less the officers. The letter of Col. Prescott makes it uncertain 
whether the whole of his own regiment were in it, as only three hundred of it went 
on with him on the evening of June 16. Some of the officers, in the returns in the 
text, were commissioned immediately after the battle. This list is made up, mostly, 
from copies of original returns in the Massachusetts archives. 

34* 



402 


APPENDIX. 






Captains. 


Lieutcnayits. 


Ensigns. Number. 


James Sawyer, 


Timothy Johnson, 


Nathaniel Eaton, 


63. 


William H. Ballard, 




Foster, 


40. 


John Currier, 


Wells, 


Chase, 


60. 


Jonas Richardson, 


Reed, 


Fox, 


45. 


Jonathan Evans, 


John Merrill, 

bridge's regiment. 


Reuben Evans. 




Jonathan Stickney, 


Elijah Danforth, 


John Lewis, 


66. 


Benjamin Walker, 


John Flint, 


Ebenezer Fitch, 


78. 


John Bachelor, 


Ebenezer Damon, 


James Bancroft, 


69. 


Ebenezer Bancroft, 


Nathaniel Holden, 


Samuel Brown, 


50. 


Peter Coburn, 


Josiah Foster, 


Ebenezer Farnum, 


51. 


Ebenezer Harnden, 


William Blanchard, 


Eleazor Stickney, 


47, 


John Ford, 


Isaac Parker, 


Jonas Parker, 


59, 


John Rowe, 


Mark Pool, 


Ebenezer Cleaveland 


,40, 


Jacob Tyler, 


Charles Forbush. 






m 


little's regiment. 






Jacob Gerrish, 


Silas Adams, 


Thomas Brown, 


45, 


Ezra Lunt, 


Moses Kent, 


Nath'l Montgomery, 


45, 


Benjamin Perkins, 


Joseph Whittemore, 


William Stickney, 


59, 


Nathaniel Wade, 


Joseph Hodgskins, 


Aaron Parker, 


51, 


Nathaniel Warner, 


John Burnham, 


Daniel Collins, 


47, 


John Baker, 


Caleb Lamson, 


Daniel Draper, 


47. 


James Collins, 






46, 


Gideon Parker, 


Joseph Everly, 


Moses Trask, 


57, 


Abraham Dodge, 


Ebenezer Low, 
doolittle's regiment 


James Lord, 


59. 


Joel Fletcher, 


John Wheeler, 


John Proctor. 




Adam Wheeler, 


Elijah Stearns, 


Adam Maynard. 




John Hoi man. 


John Bowker, 


David Pair. 




John Jones, 


Samuel Thompson. 






Robert Oliver, 


Thomas Grover, 


Abraham Pennel. 




Abel Wilder, 


Jonas Allen, 


Daniel Pike. 




John Leland, 


Samuel Burbank. 
gerrish's regiment. 






Richard Dodge, 


Robert Dodge, 


Paul Dodge. 




Barnabas Dodge, 


Matthew Fairfield, 


Joseph Knight. 




Thomas Cogswell, 


Moses Danton, 


Amos Cogswell, 




Timothy Corey, 


Thomas Cummings, 


Jonas Johnson. 




Samuel Sprague, 


Joseph Ciieever, 


William Oliver. 




John Baker, Jr., 


Joseph Pettingill, 


Mark Cressy. 




Thomas Mighill, 


Thomas Pike. 






Isaac Sherman, 


Caleb Robinson. 







LIST OF REGIMENTS IN THE BATTLE. 



403 





Gardner's regiment, 






Captains. 


Lieutenants. 


Ensigns. Nu 


tmber 


Thomas Downing, 


William Maynard. 






Phineas Cook, 


Josiah Warren, 


Aaron Richardson. 




Nathan Fuller, 


Nathan Smith, 


John George. 




Isaac Hall, 


Caleb Brooks, 


Samuel Cutter. 




Josiah Harris, 


Bartholomew Trow, 


Thomas Miller. 




Abner Craft, 


Josiah Swan, 


John Child. 




Abijah Child, 


Solomon Bowman, 


Jedediah Thayer. 




Benjamin Lock, 


Ebenezer Brattle, 


Stephen Frost. 




Moses Draper. 








Naylor Hatch. 


ward's regiment. 






Josiah Fay. 








Seth Washburn, 


Joseph Livermore, 


Loring Lincoln. 




Job Cashing, 


Ezra Beaman, 


Asa Rice. 




Daniel Barnes, 


William Morse, 


Paul Brigham. 




James Miller, 


Abel Perry, 


Aaron Abby. 




Luke Drury, 


Asaph Sherman, 


Jonas Brown. 




Jonas Hubbard, 


John Smith, 


William Gates. 




Samuel Wood, 


Timothy Brigham, 


Thomas Seaver. 




Moses Wheelock, 


Thomas Bond, 

brewer's regiment. 


Obadiah Mann. 




Isaac Gray, 


Thomas Willington, 


Wilson, 


59. 


Edward Blake, 


Abraham Tuckerman, 


John Eames, 


55, 


John Black, 


Benjamin Gates, 


John Patrick, 


59, 


Aaron Haynes, 


Elisha Brewer, 




53, 


Daniel Whiting, 


Obadiah Dewej', 




51. 


Benjamin BuUard, 


Aaron Gardner, 




45. 


Thaddeus Russell, 


Nathaniel Maynard, 


Nathaniel Reeves, 


53. 


Joseph Stebbins, 


nixon's regiment. 




22. 


Thomas Drury, 


William Maynard, 


Joseph Nixon. 




Samuel McCobb, 


Benjamin Pattee, 


John Riggs. 




Ebenezer Winship, 


William Warren, 


Richard Buckminister. 


David Moore, 


Mieah Goodenow, 


Jona. Hill. 




Micajah Gleason, 


James Kimball, 


William Ryan. 




Moses McFarland, 


David Bradley, 


Jacob Quimby. 




Alisha Brown, 


Daniel Taylor, 


Silas Mann. 






Silas Walker, 


Edward Richardson. 






John Heald, 


John Hartwell. 






woodbridge's regiment. 00 




Reuben Dickenson, 


Zaccheus Crocker, 


Daniel Shay, 


60. 


Noadiah Leonard, 


Josiah Smith, 


Samuel Gould, 


54. 



4U4 


APPENDIX. 






Captaitis. 


Lieutenatits. 


Ensigns. Number. 


Stephen Gearl, 


Aaron Rowley, 


Abner Pease, 


43. 


David Cowden, 






30. 


John Cowls, 






35. 


Ichabod Dexter, 


Ithamer Goodnough, 


John Mayo, 


52. 


John King, 






39. 


Seth Murray, 






50 


00 


gridley's regiment. 






Samuel Gridley, 


Wm. Smith, R. Woodward, D. Ingersol, 


49. 


Samuel R. Trevett, 


Jos. 0. Swasey, R. Gardner, Thomas Bowden 


1,37. 


John Callender, 


Wm. Perkins, David Allen, Samuel Treat, 


47. 




stark's regiment. 






Isaac Baldwin, 


John Hale, 


Stephen Hoyt. 




Elisha Woodbury, 


Thomas Hardy, 


Jona. Corlis. 




Samuel Richards, 


Moses Little, 


Jesse Carr. 




John Moore, 


Jonas McLaughlin, 


Nathaniel Boyd. 




Joshua Abbott, 


Samuel Atkinson, 


Abiel Chandler. 




Gordon Hutchins, 


Joseph Soper, 


Daniel Livermore. 




Aaron Kinsman, 


Ebenezer Eastman, 


Samuel Dearborn. 




Henry Dearborn, 


Amos Morrill, 


Michael Mc'Clary. 




Daniel Moore, 


Ebenezer Frye, 


John Moore. 




George Reid, 


Abraham Reid, 

reed's regiment. 


James Anderson. 




John Marcy, 


Isaac Farwell, 


James Taggart, 


48. 


Benjamin Mann, 


Benjamin Brewer, 


Samuel Pettingill, 


49. 


Josiah Crosby, 


Daniel Wilkins, 


Thomas Maxwell, 


44. 


William Walker, 


James Brown, 


William Roby, 


46. 


Philip Thomas, 


John Harper, 


Ezekiel Rand, 


46. 


Ezra Towne, 


Josiah Brown, 


John Harkness, 


52. 


Jona. Whitcomb, 


Elijah Clayes, 


Stephen Carter, 


59. 


Jacob Hinds, 


Isaac Stone, 


George Aldrich, 


54. 


Levi Spaulding, 


Joseph Bradford, 


Thomas Buffe, 


44. 


Hezekiah Hutchins, 


Amos Emerson, 


John Marsh, 


44. 



Brig. -Gen. I. Putnam, 
Lt.-Col. E. Storrs, 
Maj. John Durkee, 
Maj. Obadiah Johnson, 
Thos. Knowlton, Jr., 
James Clark, 
Ephraim Manning, 
Joseph Elliott, 
Ebenezer Mosely, 
Israel Putnam, Jr., 

John Chester, 
William Coit, 



PUTNAM S regiment. 

Jona. Kingsley, Thos. Grosvenor, Elijah Loomis. 

James Dana, Ebenezer Gray, Isaac Farewell. 

J. Huntingdon, Jacobus Delbit, Lemuel Bingham. 

Ephraim Lyon, Wells Clift, Isaac Hyde, Jr. 

Reuben Marcy, John Keyes, Daniel Allen, Jr. 

Daniel Tilden, Andrew Fitch, Thomas Bill. 

Stephen Lyon, Asa Morris, William Irissell. 

Benoni Cutter, Daniel Waters, Comfort Day. 

Steph. Brown, M. Bingham, Nath'l Wales. 

S. Robbins, Jr., Amos Avery, Caleb Stanley. 

spencer's regiment. 

Barnabas Dean, Steph. Goodrich, Charles Butler. 

Jedediah Hyde, James Day, Wm. Adams, Jr. 



RETURN OF THE AMERICAN ARMY. 



405 



SIEGE OF BOSTON. 





No. 1.- 


— Return of the 


American Army. 








General Return of 


the Army of the United Colonies., March 2 


, 1776 






Regiments. Fit for Duty. 


Total. 




Regiments. Fit for 


Duty. 


Total. 


1. 


Riflemen, 


591 


750 


15. 


Col. Patterson's, 


288 


413 


2. 


Col. Reed's, 


321 


407 


16. 


Sargent's, 


209 


428 


3. 


Learned's, 


386 


539 


17. 


Huntington's, 


356 


498 


4. 


Nixon's, 


315 


447 


18. 


Phinney's, 


285 


413 


5. 


Stark's, 


312 


379 


19. 


Webb's, 


399 


513 


6. 


Whitcomb's, 


260 


359 


20. 


Arnold's, 


325 


444 


7. 


Prescott's, 


313 


402 


21. 


Ward's, 


396 


485 


8. 


Poor's, 


354 


512 


22. 


Wyllys', 


336 


495 


9. 


Vamum's, 


292 


377 


23. 


Bayley's, 


427 


550 


10. 


Parsons', 


426 


509 


24. 


Greaton's, 


269 


359 


11. 


Hitchcock's, 


295 


348 


25. 


Bond's, 


393 


475 


12. 


Little's, 


354 


476 


26. 


Baldwin's, 


417 


498 


13. 


Reed's, 


399 


537 


27. 


Hutchinson's, 


452 


624 


14. 


Glover's, 




273 











Total fit for duty, 9170. Total of the regular army, 12,510. 
General Return of the Militia of Massachusetts, March 2, 1776. 

Regiments. Fit for Duty. Total. 

Col. L. Robinson's, 467 555 

Carey's, 654 749 

Smith's, 463 517 

J. Robinson's, 429 499 

Douglass', 437 610 

Total fit for duty, 4970. Total of the militia, 6018. 

Total of the regular army and militia fit for duty, 14,140. Total of the 

army, 18,528. A return of the regiment of artillery, commanded by Col. 

Knox, dated March 3, gives 635 men. 



Regiments. 

Col. Waldron's, 


Fitfor 


Duty. 
547 


Total 
655 


French's, 
Wolcott's, 




555 
467 


695 
573 


Wadsworth's, 




448 


548 


Whitney's, 




503 


617 



406 



APPENDIX. 



No. 2. — Returns of the Army during the Siege. 

Table exhibiting a Summary of the Returns of the Army under the Command 
of General Washington, during the Siege of Boston.^ 





ll 

S fe 

a 


•a 

c 
o 

s » 

|€ 
S ° 

g 




Rank a 


nd File. 


< 


c 2 
1 






1 

75 


fn 
_o 

O 


c 

£ 
8 

o 


1 


1775. 




















July 19, 


1,119 


1,768 


13,743 


1,108 


490 


376 


1,053 


16,770 


585 




July 29, 


1,117 


1,823 


13,899 


1,330 


690 


287 


692 


16,898 






August 5, 


1,178 


1,910 


13,735 


1,943 


750 


255 


1,011 


17,694 


586 




August 12, 


1,234 


2,023 


14,544 


2,131 


977 


187 


1,124 


18,963 






August 18, 


1,231 


2,007 


14,442 


2,218 


1,006 


220 


1,174 


19,060 






August 26, 


1,242 


2,018 


14,701 


2,179 


1,071 


225 


1,127 


19,303 


596 




Sept. 2, 


1,226 


2,028 


14,868 


2,221 


985 


262 


1,043 


19,379 






Sept. 9, 


1,303 


2,107 


14,766 


2,026 


988 


342 


1,410 19,532 






Sept. 23, 


1,225 


2,034 


14,330 


1,886 


931 


468 


1,750 19,365 


590 




Oct. 17, 


1,191 


1,988 


13,923 


1,476 


952 


746 


2,400 19,497 






Nov. 18, 


1,128 


1,925 


12,741 


1,472 


790 


1,012 


3,063 19,078 


579 




Nov. 25, 


1,068 


1,866 


12,065 


1,464 


805 


1,626 


2,990 18,950 






Dec. 30, 
1776. 
Jan. 8, 


1,088 


1,736 


11,752 


1,206 


542 


1,013 


2,273 16,786 


590 


3,231 


979 


1,150 


10,209 


705 


233 


1,044- 


1,318 13,509 






Jan. 21, 


861 


1,167 


9,424 


1,174 


194 


714 


1,171 12,677 






Jan. 28, 


850 


1,194 


9,799 


1,422 


245 


420 


1,248113,134 






Feb. 4, 


896 


992 


8,863!l,153 


270 


99 


1,233 11,618 






Feb. 18, 


1,245 


1,452 


13,396 1,687 


364 


49 


1,569117,065 


622 




Feb. 25. 


1,228 


1,515 


14,12312,056 


389 


63 


1,845; 18,276 




6,287 


March 2, 


1,217 


1,521 


14,140 2,398 


367 


49 


1,574118,528 


635 


6,869 


March 9, 


1,254 


1,535 


14,232 2,445 


330 


29 


1,374118,410 


640 


6,838 



No. 3. — Inventory of the Stores, Ordnance, and Vessels, left in 
Boston by the British. 

The following inventory was made by order of Thomas Mifflin, quarter- 
master-general of the continental army, March 18 and 19, 1776. 

A brigantine, about 120 tons burden, loaded with oil and pearl. 

A schooner, about 80 tons, scuttled, with 200 hogsheads of salt on board. 

150 hhds. of salt in a store. 100 bundles of iron hoops. 

Long Wiiarf. — 157 pack saddles. 123 water-casks. A brigantine, scut- 
tled, about 140 tons. A sloop, scuttled, about 70 tons. A schooner, scut- 
tled, about 40 tons. 1000 chaldrons of sea coals. 52 iron grates. General 

1 This table is copied from Sparks' Wrilhigs of Washington, vol. 3, p. 493. 



AKTICLES LEFT IN BOSTON. 407 

Gage's chariot taken out of the dock, broken. A quantity of cordage and 
old cable, broken. Five anchors. 

Green's Wharf. — About 200 blankets. Four and two thirds jars (large) 
of sweet oil. 

Hatch's Wharf. — Three cannon, double charged and spiked. 

Hancock's Wharf. — A new ship, about 300 tons, scuttled. About 1000 
bushels salt. 3000 blankets. 30 water-casks. 

Tudor's Wharf. — A ship, about 350 tons, scuttled. 

Dummet's Wharf. — 5000 bushels wheat in store. A sloop, about 60 tons, 
scuttled. A fishing-boat. 

Webb's Wharf. — A sloop, about 60 tons, scuttled. 

Fuller's Wharf. — About 500 bushels of salt. 

Fitch's Wharf. — A schooner, 70 tons, scuttled. 

B. M. General's Office. — About 1000 bushels sea coal, and one clock; 
also lumber. About 150 hogsheads of lime ; four barrels of flour ; 100 empty 
iron-bound casks, carried to Fort Hill by Gen. Putnam's order. Ten 24 
pound cannon cartridges. 

Tileston's Wharf. — 300 hogsheads of salt. Three brigantines : — one, 
150 tons ; one, 120 tons ; and one, 130 tons. The brig Washington, com- 
manded by Captain Martindale, with all her guns, in the dock. One and a 
half hogsheads of sugar. A quantity of pickets, fascines and gabions, in 
store. About 5000 feet of boards. 

Griffin's Wharf. — A number of iron grates. 

Hubbard's Wharf. — About 1500 rugs and blankets. 50 water-casks, 
irdh bound, carried to Fort Hill by Gen. Putnam's order. One cask of deck 
nails. About 200 cords of wood. About 200 chaldrons of sea coal. 

South Battery, or Laboratory. — 5? pieces of cannon, trunnions broken off 
and spiked. 600 feet of boards. About 30 iron-bound casks, carried to 
Fort Hill by order of Gen. Putnam. A number of ball and empty shells. 
A brigantine, 120 tons ; a schooner, 60 tons. 

Wheelwright's Wharf. — 14 anchors. Three and a half hogsheads of 
brimstone. 300 hogsheads of sea coal. One 13 inch mortar, with an iron 
bed ; a number of shells, carcasses, and cannon-shot, in the dock. 

Hall's Wharf, and in his possession. — 600 bushels of corn and oats ; 100 
sacks of bran ; 8 hhds. of molasses ; 100 empty iron-bound casks. Two 
schooners, about 60 tons each. One sloop, about 40 tons. Ten horses, 
teams and harness. 

Hutchinson's Wharf. — A new ship, about 350 tons, scuttled. Two brigs, 
about 120 tons each, scuttled. Two sloops, about 60 tons each, scuttled. 

Winnisimet. — A new ship, building, thrown off the stocks, 200 tons. 
About 100 bushels salt. Store pulled down. 

Peck's Wharf. — About 100 hhds. essence of spruce. 10 hhds. of beef. 
6 hhds. of molasses, not quite full. 5 bbls. of molasses. A sloop, about 50 
tons, two thirds full of molasses. 

At Mr. Lovell's. — General Gage's coach, a phaeton and harness com- 
plete. 20 iron pots and kettles. 



408 APPENDIX. 

Joy's Yard. — A parcel of lumber, tools and joists. 

Hill's Bakehouse. — 20 bbls. of flour. 

North and South Mills. — 10,000 bushels of wheat and flour, not bolted ; 
1500 bushels of bran. 

King's Brewery. — 13 empty bound butts; 14 hhds. spruce beer; two 
iron-tierced trucks. 

Town Granary. — 1000 bushels beans ; 100 bushels horse beans. 

Vincent's Stable. — 10 tons hay. 

Love's Lumber-yard, — 50,000 shingles; 35,000 feet of boards : 1000 clap- 
boards ; 20 hand-barrows. 

Henderson Inches' Store, near Beacon Hill. — About 6 tons of hay. 

Stable at the Ropewalks. — About 10 tons of hay ; 110 horses. 
By return this day, 

Boston, March 20, 1776. John G. Frazer, D. Q. M. General. 

The Commissary of Artillery, Ezekiel Cheever, in a return dated March 
22, 1776, gives an account of the ordnance stores left by the British. There 
were, at the 

North Battery. — Seven 12 pounders, two 9 pounders, and four 6 pound- 
ers — all useless. 

OnCopp'sHill. — Three 28 pounders, one 8 inch shell, one hundred and 
seventy-seven 28 pound shot, 273 wads, 2 hand-barrow levers, 2 drag ropes, 
half a side of leather. 

At West Boston. — Three 32 pounders, 39 shot, 154 wads, one 13 inch 
mortar, 1 large chain. • 

On Beacon Hill. — Two 12 pounders, 23 shot, 23 wads. 

Besides these, there were 82 cannon in different places, ten swivels in the 
Washington, a lot of shot and shells, and cannon- wheels. 

The assistant Quartermaster-general, John G. Frazer, employed two com- 
panies, of ten men each, to take out of the dock and harbor articles throvsTi 
over by the British. An inventory, dated May 10, names large quantities 
of anchors, cannon, gun-carriages, shot, shells and tools. There were two 
13 inch mortars, three hundred and ninety 24 pound shot, six hundred and 
forty-five 12 pound shot, eighty 6 pound shot, three hundred and fifty-eight 
32 pound shot, four hundred and two 18 pound shot, 271 grape shot, and 162 
shells. 

The same officer reported, April 14, 1776, the names of forty-five vessels 
remaining in the harbor after the British evacuated the town. 

Dr. John Warren, in a deposition read to the Massachusetts Council, 
April 9-, 1776, states that he found at the workhouse, used by the British as 
a hospital, particularly in one room used as a medicinal store-room, large 
quantities of medicine, in which were small quantities of white and yellow 
arsenic intermixed. And also that he was informed by Dr. Samuel Scott 
that he had found a large quantity of arsenic. 



FORTS AROUND BOSTON. 409 



No. 4. — Account of the Forts erected during the Siege. 

The works erected in Boston and around Boston, during the siege, have 
become so obliterated by time and improvement as to render it almost a hope- 
less work to endeavor to indicate their localities by existing landmarks. The 
following article, which appeared in Silliman's Journal in 1822, shows how 
difficult it was to trace them, even at that time. The map referred to in the 
article as Marshall's is merely a copy of the one in Gordon's History, which 
was luidoubtedly made from two others : Pelham's map of Boston and vicin- 
ity, for the country, and Page's plan of the environs and harbor of Boston, 
for the islands and harbor. 

On the Forts around Boston, which ivere erected during the War of Indepen- 
dence. By J. Finch, F.B.S., (Sfc. 
Every fort made use of to defend the heroes of the Revolutionary War has 
acquired a title to the respect, the gratitude, and the veneration of all friends 
to liberty, in every part of the world. In future ages, they will inquire 
where the fortifications are, which were thrown up around the town of Bos- 
ton, which held a British army besieged during eleven months, and finally 
compelled them to carry their arms and their warfare to other lands. Im- 
pelled by curiosity, let us visit these lines, which will be so celebrated in 
history — where the standards of liberty were unfurled, and freedom pro- 
claimed to the vast continent of America — where the first intrenchments 
were raised against the forces of Britain — and from which, as from a barrier 
of iron, their armies recoiled. There cannot be any nobler monuments than 
these on the earth ; if they do not yet boast 

" La Gloria di una remotissima antichita," 

every passing day, every hour, every moment, is conferring this quality upon 
them. 

Nearly half a century has elapsed since these lines were erected, and it is 
desirable to have some record by which posterity may know how much they 
have suffered, during that period, by the war of the elements, and by the 
hands of men. The first cause of destruction has been trifling, but the storms 
of a thousand years would not have achieved the injury which has been com- 
mitted by the industrious farmers. Wherever these works were an impedi- 
ment to cultivation, they have been levelled to the ground, and fortresses 
which were directed by a Washington, or built by a Putnam, or a Greene, 
have been destroyed, to give room for the production of Indian corn, or to 
afford a level pasture for cattle. It would redound to the high honor of the 
State of Massachusetts, if some plan were devised by which the forts which 
still remain could be saved from the oblivion which apparently menaces them. 

Annexed to Marshall's Life of Washington is amap of the country around 
Boston, in which the situation of the various forts and batteries is repre- 
sented, and a stranger will find it a guide to many of the positions ; but on 

35 



410 APPENDIX. 

an attentive examination he will perceive that the map is rather inaonurate 
in some of the details. 

1. At Breed'' s Hill, that hlood-stained field, the redouht thrown up by the 
Americans is nearly effaced ; scarcely the slightest trace of it remains ; but 
the intrenchment, which extended from the redoubt to the marsh, is still 
marked by a.glight elevation of the ground. The redoubt thrown up by the 
British on the summit of the hill may be easily distinguished. 

2. Bunker Hill. The remains of the British fort are visible ; the works 
must have been very strong, and occupied a large extent of ground ; they are 
on the summit and slope of the hill looking towards the peninsula. 

3. Ploughed Hill. The works upon this hill were commenced by the 
Americans on the night of August 26th, 1775, and received more fire from 
the British than any of the other forts ; in a few days more than three hun- 
dred shells were fired at these fortifications. A small part of the rampart 
remains, but the whole hill is surrounded by the mounds and fosse of the 
ancient fort, which has been nearly obliterated. 

4. Cobble or BarrelVs Hill was fortified, and occupied as a strong post, in 
the war of the Revolution, by General Putnam, and, in consequence of its 
strength, was called Putnam's impregnable fortress. Every fort which was 
defended by that general might be considered as impregnable, if daring cour- 
age and intrepidity could always resist superior force ; yet this title seems to 
have been more exclusively given to the one noticed above. It was com- 
menced on the night of November 22d ; and the activity of its fire is well 
known to those who have studied the details of the siege of Boston. This 
fort has been destroyed, but the position is easily identified. In Marshall's 
map, the intrenchment, which is placed between this hill and the creek, 
should be removed to the southern shore. 

5. Lechmere Point Redoubt, one hundred yards from West Boston Bridge, 
displays more science in its construction, and has a wider and deeper fosse, 
than most of the other fortifications. It was commenced on December 11th, 
1775, and it was several days before it was completed, during which time it 
was much exposed to the fire of the English in Boston. Two oj three sol- 
diers of the revolutionary army were killed at this redoubt, and the Prunus 
virginiana, with its red berries, marks the spot where they were probably 
interred. Upon one angle of the fort, where the cannon were pointed with 
most destructive effect, a church is now erecting ; and when I visited the 
spot, the carpenters were busily engaged in preparing the wood-work in one 
of the bastions. The glacis, the counterscarp, the embrasures, the covered 
way, and the batteries, are fast disappearing. Diggers of gravel on one 
side, and builders on the other, were busily employed in completing the 
destruction of the strongest battery erected by the army of America, and were 
thus achieving, without opposition, that which an enemy could not effect. 

A causeway made across the marsh, the covered way which crosses the 
brow of the hill, and the lines which flanked Willis' Creek, are still perfect, 
and may be traced with great facility. 



FORTS AROUND EOSTON. 411 

6. IMnlcr Hill Fort appears to have been the most extensive, and the 
intrenchments more numerous than any of the other positions of the 
American army. The fort on the hill is almost entirely destroyed ; only a 
small part of the rampart still remains perfect. 

A redoubt situated upon Ten Hill Farm, which commanded the navigation 
of the Mystic River, is complete, as are also some slight intrenchments near. 

A redoubt situated between Winter and Prospect Hill has been completely 
carried away, and a quarry has been opened on the spot.' In the general 
orders, issued at Cambridge, guards were directed to be stationed at White 
House Redoubt, and this, I believe, was the post intended. General Lee is 
said to have had his head-quarters in a farm-house immediately in the rear 
of this redoubt. 

7. Prospect Hill has two eminences, both of which were strongly fortified, 
and connected by a rampart and fosse. About two hundred yards are quite 
entire ; they are ornamented with the Aster, Solidago, Rosa, &c. ; and those 
who feel any curiosity about these lines will be much gratified by the view 
here afforded. The forts on these hills were destroyed only a few years ago, 
but their size can be distinctly seen. On the southern eminence a part of the 
fort is still entire, and the south-west face of the hill is divided into several 
platforms, of which I cannot exactly ascertain the use. There are also evi- 
dent marks of the dwellings of the soldiers. The extensive view from this 
hill, the walk on the ancient ramparts, and the sight of the various stations 
occupied by the American army, will render this hill, at a future period, a 
favorite resort. 

8. Forts marked No. 3, on Marshall's map, near the south-west of Prospect 
Hill, have some of their bastions entire, but the surface is cultivated, and 
part of the outline destroyed. 

9. The Cambridge Lines, situated upon Butler's Hill, appear to have 
consisted of six regular forts, connected by a strong intrenchment. The 
most northerly of these forts is perfect, with the exception of one of its angles 
destroyed by the road ; it appears jis if just quitted by the army of America ; 
its bastions are entire, the outline is perfect, and it seems a chtf d'ceuvre of 
the military art. The state of preservation in which it is fi)und, and the 
motives which led to its erection, all confer a high degree of interest upon 
this fortification. May it continue uninjured for a long period of years, with 
no other foe but the assaults of time ! 

A square fort may be seen near the southern extremity of these lines, in 
.fine preservation ; it is in a field within two hundred yards of the road to 
Cambridge. As it was near the head-quarters of the army, it must have 
been often visited by General Washington, and this circumstance alone would 
render it an object of interest ; but the proprietor appears to have wanted no 
inducement but his own mind to preserve this monument of times which are 
gone. The eastern rampart is lower than the others, and the gateway, with 
its bank of earth, still remains. 

The other forts and batteries of this line of defence, which constituted the 
firmest bulwark of the American army, are all levelled with the ground, 



412 APPENDIX. 

and the intrenchments which were raised and defended by warriors are now 
employed in the peaceful pursuits of agriculture. 

10. The Second Line of Defence may be traced on the College Green at 
Cambridge, but its proximity to the public halls may have produced some 
inconvenience, and it has been carefully destroyed. 

11. A Semi-circular Battery, with three embrasures, on the northern shore 
of Charles River, near its entrance into the bay, is in a perfect state of pres- 
ervation. It is rather above the level of the marsh, and those who would 
wish to see it should pass on the road to Cambridge, until they arrive at a 
cross-road, which leads to the bank of the river ; by following the course of 
the stream, they may arrive at this battery without crossing the marsh, whicli 
is its northern boundary and difficult to pass. Marshall places two batteries 
in this situation, but I could find only the one noticed above. 

12. BroohUne Fort, or, as it is called in the annals of the Revolution, the 
Fort on Sewall's Point, was very extensive, and would be still perfect, were 
it not for the road, which divides it into two nearly equal parts, with this 
exception, — the ramparts, and an irregular bastion, which commanded the 
entrance of Charles River, are entire. The fort was nearly quadrangular, 
and the fortifications stronger than many of the other poFJtjons of the 
American army. 

13. A Battery, on the southern shore of Muddy River, with three embra- 
sures, is only slightly injured. The ramparts and the fosse were adorned, 
when I saw them, with the beautiful leaves and the red fruit of the sumach, 
and with the dark-red foliage of the oak. 

14. A Redoubt, placed by Marshall to the westward of this position, could 
not be discovered, nor three others, placed on the map between Stony Brook 
and the forts at Roxbury : perhaps the researches were not sufficiently 
accurate. 

Two hundred yards north of the lower fort at Roxbury, near the spot on 
which the meeting-house now stands, was an intrenchment, which, I am 
informed by Gen. Sumner, was levelled njany years ago. 

15. Forts at Roxhury. If it is possible that any person should feel indiffer- 
ent about the fortresses which achieved the independence of the eastern states 
of America, a visit to these forts will immediately recall to his mind all 
those associations which are so intimately combined with that proud period 
of American history. The lower fort at Roxbury appears to have been the 
earliest erected, and by its elevation commanded the avenue to Boston over 
the peninsula, and prevented the advance of the English troops in that, 
direction. It is of the most irregular form ; the interior occupies about two 
acres of ground, and as the hill is bare of soil, the places may still be seen 
whence the earth was taken to form the ramparts. This fortification has not 
been at all injured, and the embrasures may still be noticed where the cannon 
were placed which fired upon the advanced lines of the enemy. 

On a higher eminence of the same hill is situated a quadrangular fort, 
built on the summit of the rock ; and being perhaps their first attempt at reg- 
ular fortification, it was considered by the militia of unparalleled strength, 



FORTS AROUND BOSTON. 413 

and excited great confidence in that wing of tlie army stationed at Rox- 
bury. 

16. The Eoxhury Lines, about three quarters of a mile in advance of the 
forts, and two hundred yards north of the town, are still to be seen on the 
eastern side of the peninsula, and may be distinguished by any person goino- 
by the nearest road to Dorchester, over Lamb's Dam. 

17. At this period it may be proper to mention the British fortifications. 
The lines situated upon the neck are almost as perfect at the present day as 
when first erected, with the exception of that part destroyed by the road. 
They may be seen to great advantage on the western side of the isthmus, 
about a quarter of a mile south of the green stores. There appear to have 
been two lines of intrench ments carried quite across the peninsula, and the 
fosse, which was filled at high water, converted Boston into an island. The 
mounds, ramparts and wide ditches, which remain, attest the strength of the 
original works. The small battery on the common, erected by the British, 
may perhaps remain for a long period of years, as a memorial of ancient 
times. 

18. The Dorchester Lines. Of these, some very slight traces may be 
distinguished. 

19. Forts on Dorchester Heights. We now hasten to the last forts, the 
erection of which terminated the contest in this portion of the eastern states 
of America. 

It is to be regretted that the intrenchments thrown up by the army of the 
Revolution, on the Heights of Dorchester, are almost entirely obliterated by 
the erection of two new forts in the late war. But some traces of the ancient 
works may be seen on both hills ; the old forts were constructed with more 
skill, and display more science, than the recent works, the ramparts of which 
are even now falling down; and we would gladly see them destroyed, if 
from their ruins the ancient works could reappear. 

20. A noble octagonal fort and two batteries, which may be seen in perfect 
preservation upon the promontory, were erected after the departure of the 
English from Boston, and do not require a place in the present essay. The 
fort is situated at the point ; one battery is in the rear of the House of Industry, 
whose inmates will probably soon destroy it, and the other upon a rising 
ground immediately below the Heights of Dorchester. 

21. At Nook Hill, near South Boston Bridge, may be seen the last breast- 
work which was thrown up by the forces of America, during this arduous 
contest. Its appearance, on the morning of March 17, 1776, induced the 
departure of the British troops from Boston in a few hours, and thus placed 
the seal to the independence of the New England States. But those who 
would wish to see this intrenchment must visit it soon. The enemy have 
attacked it on three sides, and arc proceeding by sap and by mine ; part of 
the fosse is already destroyed, and the rampart nods to its fall. 

If these fortresses should be regarded with indifference, let us consider 
35* 



414 



APPENDIX. 



that the siege of Boston was one of the most prominent features in the war 
of the Revolution. The forces of England were, in the commencement of 
the contest, besieged, and the plans for the independence of America were 
matured, under the shelter of these ramparts. 

In a military point of view it presents conspicuous features : an island, or 
rather a peninsula, besieged from the continent ; accomplished generals 
and brave and disciplined troops on one side, and undisciplined but numerous 
forces on the other. At the same time, the army of England did all that 
men in such a situation could attempt. If they had obtained possession of 
any part of the lines, by the sacrifice of an immense number of lives, still 
no advantage could have been gained by advancing into a country where 
every man was a foe, every stone wall a rampart, and every hill a fortress. 
When we examine the extent of the lines, (more than twelve miles,) the 
numerous forts covering every hill, redoubts and batteries erected upon every 
rising ground, ramparts and intrenchments defending every valley, we are 
surprised at the immensity of the works constructed, and the labor required 
to complete them. Nothing but the enthusiasm of liberty could have enabled 
the men of America to construct such works. In history they are equalled 
only by the lines and forts raised by Julius Caesar to surround the army of 
Pompey, of which the description in Lucan's Pharsalia will justly apply to 
the lines before Boston : 

Franguntur montes, planumque per ardua Cassar 

Ducit opus ; pandit fossas, turritaque summis 

Disponit castella jugis, magno que recessu 

Amplexus fines ; saltus nemorosaque tesqua 

Et silvas, vestaque feras indagine claudit. Lib. VI, 38 — 43. 

Or the relation of the same siege in Caesar De Belle Civili, Lib. 3, may 
be considered as more applicable. 

Should the inhabitants of New England, at some future day, take a pleas- 
ure in preserving the forts w-hich were erected by their ancestors, defended 
by their valor, and which they would have laid down their lives to maintain, 
the hills on which they are situated should be adorned with trees, shrubs, 
and the finest flowers. The laurel, planted on the spot where Warren fell, 
would be an emblem of unfading honor ; the white birch and pine might 
adorn Prospect Hill ; at Roxbury, the cedar and the oak should still retain 
their eminence ; and upon the Heights of Dorchester, we would plant the 
laurel, and the finest trees which adorn the forest, because there was achieved 
a glorious victory, without the sacrifice of life. 

Many centuries hence, if despotism without, or anarchy within, should 
cause the republican institutions of America to fade, then these fortresses 
ought to be destroyed, because they would be a constant reproach to the 
people ; but until that period, they should be preserved as the noblest monu- 
ments of liberty. 



INDEX. 



Abbot, John, masonic services by, 344. 

Abercrombie, Colonel, death of, 195, 

Adams, John, notices of, 21. Cited, 24. On 
clubs, 29. Extracts from diary of, 30. 
Cited, 33, 3.5, 36. On B. H. battle, 173. 
Alluded to, 214, 286, 318, 3S0. Letters to, 
395. 

Adams, Abigail, letters of cited, 38, 109, 171, 
207, 222, 267, 305, 

Adams, Charles Francis, 30, 395, 

Adams, Samuel, notices of, 21, 32, His ora- 
tory, 33, Letter of, 35. Anecdotes of. 60, 
71. On Prescott's valor at B. Hill, 166. 

Adams, Josiah, address of, 69. 366. 

Adams, Captain, sails in the Warren, 260. 

Addison, Captain, killed in B. H. battle, 196, 

Agnew, Colonel, com.mands on B. Hill, 280. 

Allen, James, poem of on B. H. battle, 377. 

Ailston, Washington, 343, 345. 

American Camp, descriptions of. 221, 274. 

Amory, Thomas, message by from Boston, 303. 

Amory, Jonathan, ditto, 304. 

Analectic Magazine, account of B. H. battle 
in, 378. 

Annual Register, cited, 126, 204, 283, 

Applelon. 5fathaniel, notice of, 22, 

Army, American, description of, 101, Position 
of. 117. Returns of, 118. Reinforced, 209 
Adopted by Congress, 214. Slate of, 217, 
Arrangetnent of, 219. Returns of, 220, 
In fevor of independence, 263. Weakness 
of, 284. Reinforced by militia. 290, Bar 
racks of, 291, Takes possession of Bos 
ton, 311. Marches for New York, 312, 
Returns of during the siege, 405, 406. 

Armed Vessels, debates on fitting out. 110 
256, Authorized, 260, Flag of, 261, Si-.c 
cess of, 269, 2S8, 308, 

Austin, Benjamin, notice of, 23, 

Austin, Samuel, 304, 317. 

Austin, William, oration of, 339, 377. 

Baldwin, Isaac, at Noddle's Island, 110, 

Baldwin, Loammi, 66, 73, 74, 178, 232, 343, 

Baldwin, Captain, service of as engineer, 212 

Bangs, Edward, diary of cited, 329, 

Bancroft, Ebenezer, cited. 158. Wounded, 177. 

Bancroft. George, 162, 

Barber. Nathaniel, notice of. 23. 

Barnes. Edward, at B. H. battle, 181, 182. 

Barracks, location of and troops in, 291, 

Barre. Colonel, strictures of, 200, 276, 321. 

Barrett, Nathan, 66, 67, 63, Deposition of, 367. 

Bartlett. Josiah, orations of, 338, 377. 

Beacon Hill, 18, aS2, British works on, 329, 

Belknap, Dr,, letters of cited, 254, 257, 263, 

Bell, Samuel, anecdote of, 49. 

Bernicre, Ensign, 51, 71. His narrative, 366. 

Beverly, skirmish at, 253. 

Bigelow, Jacob, 343, 

Bigelow, Timothy, 181. 



Bingham, Lieut., in B. H. battle, 189. 

BisViops, effect of the controversy about, 24, 

Blanchard, Luther, wounded at Concord, 69. 

Blockade in Boston, play of, 2S7, 238. 

Bond, William, 179, 268, 

Boston, Hutchinson's letter on, 3. Arrival of 
British troops at, 7, Removal of ammu- 
nition from, 15, Fortification of, 15, 16, 
Description of, 17 — JO. Tory view of, 40. 
Votes of, 49, Military of, 49. Removal 
from, ,55, 95. Agreement of with Gage, 
93. Violation of agreement, 96. Distress 
in, 207. Destruction of proposed, 210, 
Sickness in, 235. Tyranny in, 236. Peo 
pie liberated from, 237. Tories of, 238 
Prisoners in, 240. Fortification of, 252, 
Attack on proposed, 257. Tories of en 
list, 279. Suffering in, 280. Plundering 
in, 281. Deplorable stale of, 282. Con 
gress authorize tlie destruction of, 285, 
Council of war on, 286. Alarm in, 287. 
Bombardment of resolved upon, 291. Ar- 
rival of vessels at, 293. Amusements in, 
295. Cannonade of, 297. Anxiety for, 
303. Statement of selectmen of, 303. 
Cannonade of, 305. Plunder in, 307. 
Evacuation of, 311. Address of selectmen 
of, 316. Description of, 327— 330. Reflec- 
tions on the siege of, 332 — 335. 

Boston Neck, fortified. 15. Skirmishes at, 213, 
216, 224, Lines at, 252, 413. 

Boston Port Bill, passage of, 5, Execution of, 
6, 7, Mission of, 8, Severity of, 37. 

Bowdoin, James, notices of. 22, 23. At town 
meeting, 94. 

Bowman. Thaddeus, service at Lexington, 61. 

Boyd, William, 181. 

Bradford. Alden. history of B. H. battle by, 3S0. 

Brattle-street Church used for barracks, 328. 

Breed. Ebenezer, 349. 

Breed's Hill, 119. Why occupied, 123. Works 
on, 135, 197, 330, 410. First monument 
oa, 3-38. Description of, 339. 

Brewer, Jonathan, in B. H. battle, 182, 396. 

Bricket, James, service of, 175, 176, 194, 395. 

Bridse, John, 176, 

Bridge, Ebenezer, at B. Hill, 175, 268, 395. 

British Army, concentrates in Boston, 7. 
Spirit of, 43, Strength of, 46, Insults of, 
49. Detachment of, 51. March of to 
Lexington, 61. State of, 114. Attack of 
at Breed's Hill, 138. Sickness of, 235. 
Prepares for winter, 251. Suffering of, 
280. Relief of, 293. Critical situation of, 
301. Removalof from Boston, 309. Num- 
ber of, 311. 

Brooks, John, notices of, 72, 176, 177, 341. 

Brookline Fort, 412. 

Broushton, Nicholas, 260 272. 

Brown, Peter, letter of cited, 133, 373, 392. 

Brown, Abijah, 183. 



416 



INDEX. 



Brown, William, 253. 

Brown, John, killed at Lexington, 64. 

Brown, Captain, visit of to Concord, 51. 

Brown, Edward, bravery of in B. H. battle, 
189. 

Brown, Lieut., wounded at Bunker Hill, 175. 

Brown, Reuben, service of at Concord, 66. 

Brush, Crean, 217. Memorial of, 291. Com- 
mission to, 306. Plundering by, 307. 

Bruce, Major, ititerview with, 223. 

Buckminster, William, bravery and character 
of, 1S2. 

Buckingham, Joseph T., 347, 348, 349, 351, 353. 

Bunker Hill, works on recommended, 115. 
Resolve to occupy, 116. Description of, 
119. Detachment ordered to, 121. Why 
not fortified, 123. Works commenced on, 
129. British fortify, 203. Works on, 251. 
Parade on, 2.52. Alarm at, 237. Fortifi- 
cations on, 331, 410. 

Bunker Hill Battle, description of, 133—153. 
Character of, 155. Johnstone's eulogy on, 
155. Wilkinson's remarks on, 157. Com- 
mand in, 1.59 -166. American regi- 
ments engaged in, 175—192,401. Losses 
in, 193. British comments on, 196. Crit- 
icism on, 199. Webster's descriptions of, 
204. Prisoners taken at, 240. Anniver- 
saries of, 337. Review of the accounts of, 
372, 381. Account of by the Committee of 
Safely, 331. By General Gage. 336. By 
John Chester, 3S9. By Peter Brown, 392. 
By Samuel Gray. 393. By William Pres- 
cott, 395. In Rivington'a Gazette, 397. 
In London Chronicle, 398. 

Bunker Hill Monument, history of, 337. Or- 
igin of, 340. Progress of, 341. Sub- 
scriptior.s solicited for, 342. Form of 
adopted, 343. Laying the corner-stone of, 
343, 345. Completion of, 351. Cost of, 
353. Economy of the construction of, 
355. Description of, 356. 

Burbeck, William, 184. 

Burke, Edmund, cited on the British army, 
276, 321. 

Burgoyne, John, 52. Anecdote of, 114. On 
B. H. battle, 200. On burning of Charles- 
town, 203. Correspondence with Lee, 223. 
Notice of. 280, 2S1. Death of, 334. Let- 
ter of, 373. 

Buttrick, John, 65. At North Bridge, 63, 69. 

Caldwell. John, 186. 

Callender, John, 136, 137, 138. Trial of, 184, 
185. 

Cambridge, alarm in, 132. Works in, 106, 
211, 411. 

Gary, Major, good conduct of, 287, 288. 

Carnes, Edward, Jr., 351. 

Carter, Lieut., letters of cited, 212, 252, 254, 
268, 2S3. 

Caucuses, Boston, account of, 29. 

Cavendish, Lord, on evacuation of Boston, 321. 

Chadwick, Mr., engineer service of, 106. 

Chandler, Abiel, 186. 

Chapman, Lucinda, 350. 

Charlestown, removal of powder from, 13. 
Of cannon from, 15. Its eulogy of Bos- 
ton, 40. Events in on 19lh of April, 78, 
79. Threat to, 79, 80. Distre.ss of, 97. 
Ship ordered to fire on, 93. March of 
American army to, 107. Exchange of 
prisoners in, 111. Description of, 113. 
Burning of, 143, 201. State of, 208. 
Skirmishes at, 229, 230. Destruction of 
houses in, 281. Expedition to, 237. De- 
scription of, 330. 

Charlestown Artillery, celebration by, 338, 339. 



Charles River Bridge, opcnins of. 337. 

Chester, John, 100,112. Cited, 132, 141, 143. 
At Bunker Hill, 147, 188, 189. Letter of, 
374, 389. 

Child, David Lee, his review of Swett's His- 
tory, 379. 

Church, Benjamin, notices of, 22, 225. Cor- 
respondence of, 253. Trial of, 259, 360^ 

Clark, Jonas, his narrative cited, 57, SO, 365. 

Clark, Captain, letter of cited, 188. Bravery 
of, 189. 

Clark, John, cited on B. H. battle, 137, 374. 

CUnton, Henry, 52, 114. In B. H. battle, 148, 
149, 152, 199, 251, 280. Sails from Boston, 
292. Death of, 334. 

Clubs, Boston, account of. 29. J. Adams on, 30. 

Clymer. George, letter of cited, 21. 

Cobble Hill, 119. Fortified, 268. Work3on,410. 

Coburn, Captain, narrow escape of, 177. 

Cockran, William, deposition of, 335. 

Coffin, Charles, work of on B. H. battle, 350 

Coit, Captain, notices of, 100, 188, 139. 

Coit, Captain, sails in the Harrison. 160. 

Committees ofCorrespondence disapproved, 10. 

Committee ofCorrespondence, Boston, its ser- 
vice, 28. Names of, 29. Tory view of, 
32. Letter of, 52. 

Committee of Safety, Mass., 41. Circulars of, 
91. 'Letter of to Boston, 94. Names of, 
99. Letter of to Connecticut, 104. Re- 
port of, 115. Proceedings of, 129. Mem- 
bers of, 225. Its account of B. H. battle, 
331. 

Committeeof Supplies, 41. Purchases stores, 
42. Names of, 55. 

Concord, stores at, 42. Visit to, 51. Expe- 
dition to, 55, 56. Description of, 64. 
Alarm in, 65. British troops enter, 66. 
Destruction at, 67. Skirmish at, 69. Map 
of, 70. Minute-men gather at, 72. British 
retreat from, 73. Monument in, 82. 

Congress, Continental, adopts the army, 214. 
Declaration of, 226. Committee of, 256. 
Vote of, on Boston, 285. Letter of, 313. 
Medal of, 319. 

Connecticut, raises an army, 100. Flag of, 
103. Embassy of, 104. Troops of, 183, 273.' 

Conway, Gen., speech of on the evacuation, 
322. 

Cooper, William, notice of, 23, 52. 

Cooper, Doctor Samuel, notice of, 24, 239, 301. 

Cooke, Governor, of the committee of confer- 
ence, 253, 256. 

Copp's Hill, 18, 125, 131. British works on, 
329. 

Coverly, Nathaniel, notice of history of, 376. 

Crane, Major, bravery of, 224, 231. 

Crocker, Uriel, 349. 

Cudvvorth, Nathaniel, attacks the British, 73. 
Service of, 182. 

Gushing, Thomas, character of, 22. Letter 
of, 53. 

Gushing, Mrs., letter of cited, 36. 

Gushing, Captain, service of in B. H. battle, 
181. 

Gushing, Nathan, member of Committee of 
Safety, 99, 225. 

Danvers, minute-men of, 42, 77. Monument 
in, 83. 

Dartmouth. Lord, instructions of. 5, 9. 45. His 
view of Lexington battle, SS. Letter of, 
2.50. On the army, 277. Orders of, 292. 
His views of the patriots, 302. 

Darracotl, George, member of building com- 
mittee, 349, 351. 

Darracolt, Sarah, 3.50. 

Davis, Isaac, notice of, 68. Killed, 69. 



417 



Davis, Isaac P., 341. 

Dawes, William, sent to alarm the country, 58, 
59, 60. 

Dearborn, Henry, 134, 187. Cited on the re- 
doubt, 199. On B. H. battle, 378. His 
vindication, 379. 

Dearborn, H. A. S., 341. 

Derby, John, his voyage to England, 85, 87. 

De.xler, Franlvlin, 341. 

Devens, Richard, relation of, 57. Service of, 
58, 99. Cited, 201, 225. 

Ditson, Thomas, Jr. , insult to by the British, 50. 

Divines, Boston, politics of, 24. Sermons of, 25. 

Donation Committee, duties of, 28. Names, 
29, 37. 

Doolitlle, Amos, engravings of, 365. 

Dooiillle, Colonel, 106. 

Dow, Reuben, company of in B. H. battle, 186. 

Dowdle, Captain, on Charleslown Neck, 229. 

Downer, Elipltalet, combat of, 77. 

Dorchester Heights, on fortification of, 116, 
291. Occupation of, 298. Proposed at- 
tack on, 299. Gordon cited on, 300. On 
the neglect of, 325. Forts on, 414. 

Dorchester Neck, British expedition to, 289. 

Drake, S. G., 213. 

Draper's Gazette, .31. Extracts from, 239, 280. 

Dutton, Warren, 341. 

Durkee, John, in B. H. battle, 147, 188, 189. 

Dwight, Timothy, cited on the Concord expe- 
dition, 90. 

Edes, Peter, imprisoned in Boston, 236. 

Ellis, George E., 122, 166. Oration of, 381. 

Emerson, William, 65. Cited. 66, 69. De- 
scription by, 221. Account by, 365. 

Episcopacy, jealousy of in the colonies, 24. 

Essex Gazette cited, 226, 236, 239. 

Eustis, William, service of at B. H. battle, 194. 

Everett, Edward, cited, 64, 77, 89, 340. Efforts 
of, 342. Speech of, 348. Orations of, 366. 

Everett, Alexander H., account of B. H. battle 
by, 380. 

Faneuil Hall, 27, 33, 94, 282, 288, 328. 

Farwell, Capt., wounded in B. H. battle, 175. 

Faucett, Lieut., in B. H. battle, 175, 347. 

Febiger, Christian, in B. H. battle, 147, 178 
179. 

Fellows, John, his publication on Putnam, 381 

Flag, American, early devices on, 103. In B 
H. battle, 192. Device on, 226. On float 
ing batteries, 261. The pine-tree, 262, 
The union, 283. The Massachusetts, 284, 

Folsom, Nathaniel, 99, 211, 223. 

Fort Hill, 18. British works on, 329, 330. 

Ford, John, in B. H, battle, 176, 177. 

Foster, Rev. Mr., in Lexington battle, 72, 73. 

Foster, Isaac, 97. 

Foster, Gideon, address of, 8.3. 

Foster, Capt., 118. At B. H. battle, 152, 184. 

Fox, Joseph, 176. 

Franklin, Benjamin, arrival of in camp, 256. 

Freneau, Philip, his Voyage to Boston, 374. 

Frye, James, 175. Regiment of, 106, 233. 

Frye, Isaac, 187. 

Gage, Thomas, character of 5. Landing of, 
6. Forbids public meetings, 13. On Bos- 
ton mechanics, 26. On town meetings, 
33. On union, 40, 41. Policy of, 46. Of- 
ficers of, 51, 56. Sends troops to Concord, 
55. Agreement of with Boston. 93. Bad 
faith of, 96. Proclamation of, 113, 114. 
Anecdote of, 126. Calls council of war, 
127. Orders of 130. Military criticism 
on, 199. Thanks of 200. Threat of, 201. 
Proclamation of 20li. Letter of 234. Im- 
promptu on, 236. Treatment of prisoners 



by, 240. Views of, 216, Resolves to win^ 
ter in Boston, 247. Recall of 247. Ad 
dresses to, 248. Sails for England, 249. Re 
pulation of 250. Description of the army 
by, 277. His account of Lexington battle, 
365. Of B. H. battle, 373, 386 

Gardner, Henry, chosen treasurer of Mass 

Gardner, Thomas, 146. Wounded, 151 
Death and character of, 180. 

Garden, Major, cited relative to Major Small, 
172. 

Gates, Horatio, 214, 257, 300. 

Germaine, Lord, speech of, 322, Letter of, 324. 

Gerrish, Samuel, in B. H. battle, 143, 178, 179. 

Gerry, Elbridge, 224, 261. On efforts of Mas- 
sachusetts, 265. On the evacuation of Bos- 
ton, 320. 

Oilman, Israel, 187. 

Gill, John, imprisoned by Gage, 2.36. 

Glover, Colonel, orders to protect stores, 270. 

Gordon, William, cited, 52, 53, 160, 162, 201, 
270, 307. Account of Lexington battle, 
365. His history, 376. 

Gorham, Benjamin, 341. 

Gorham, Colonel, enlists loyalists, 239, 279. 

Grape Island, skirmish at, 108. 

Graves, Admiral, 47, 111, 240, 292. 

Gray, Samuel, letter of 212, 374, 393. 

Greaton, Major, expeditions of, 110, 225. 

Great Barrington, the courts opposed in, 10. 

Green, William, wounded in B. H. battle, 175. 

Greene, Nathaniel, arrives in camp, 100, 210, 
214. Notice of Franklin, 256. Recom- 
mends independence, 263, 284. Letter of, 
266. lb., 274. On the army, 276, 285. 

Greene, Charles G., 348. 

Greene, Ezra, 187. 

Greenleaf, Benjamin, 225. 

Grosvenor, Lieut., cited, 124. In B. H. battle, 
189. 

Gridlev, Richard, 98,. 103, 115, 123, 124, 183. 
His services, 184, 212. 

Gridley, Scarborough? notices of, 146, 183, 184, 
185. 

Griffin, Samuel, aid-de-camp to Lee, 216. 

Hadley. Samuel, killed at Lexington, 64. 

Hale, Nathan, 187. 

Hale, Sarah J., 350. 

Hancock, John, notice of, 57. Anecdote of, 60, 
225. Letter of on destroying Boston, 285. 

Hammond, Nathaniel, 349. 

Hardy, Daniel, 175. 

Harrison, Col., 256. In favor of burning Bos- 
ton, 257. 

Harris, Lord, cited, 156. Letter of, 220. 

Harris, Josiah. in B. H. battle, 146, 181. 

Harris, S. D., 341, 343. 

Harrington, Caleb, killed at Lexington, 64. 

Harrington, Jonathan, death of, 64. 

Hart, Jolin, 194. 

Hart, James, 181. 

Hartley, Mr., on evacuation of Boston, 321. 

Hastings, Walter, 194. 

Hastings, Benjamin, in B. H. battle, 183. 

Hayward, James, his heroism and death, 74. 

Heath, William, 42, 76, 91, 129, 138, 161, 162, 
214, 268, 271, 377. Letter of, 396. 

Henly. Maior, good conduct of, 287, 2.88. 

Hensliaw, William, 108. Report of, 115. 

Hewes, Shubael, 282. 

Hill, Henry, notice of, 23. 

Hodge, Robert, notice of history of, 376. 

Holmes, Almiran, hoisting apparatus of, 358. 

Holton, Samuel, 225. 

Hopkins, Stephen, 318. 

Hopkins, Admiral, sailing of fleet under, 283. 

Hosmer, Abner, killed at Concord, 69. 



9., 41.""^~\'^ 

, 1-9. V^ 



418 



INDEX. 



Howe, William. 52, Arrives in Boston, 114. 
Lands at Charlestovvn, 131. Speech of, 
137. Notices of, 139, 141, 145, 149, 157. 
Bravery of, 199. On Bunker Hill, 208. 
Note of, 241. Takes the command, 249. 
Character of, 249. Recommends evacua- 
tion, 250. Popularity of, 251. Proclama- 
tions of, 252. Instructions to, 277. Views 
of, 278. Enlists Boston loyalists, 279. 
Proclamation of, 279. Severe order of, 2S2. 
Views of, 293, 294, 298. Resolves upon 
an attack, 299. Critical situation of, 301. 
Resolves to evacuate Boston. 301. Diffi- 
culties of, 302. Threatens Boston, 303. 
Evacuates Boston, 309. Criticism on, 325. 

Hubley, history of, 377. 

Humphries, David, on B. H. battle, 163, 376. 

Huntington, Jedediah, letters of, 92, 233, 254. 

Hutchinson, Foster, 253. 

Hutchinson, Thomas, cited, 3, 10, 363. 

Inches, Henderson, notice of, 23. 
Independence proposed, 263, 284, 335. 
Indians, enlistment and warfare of, 212, 213. 

Jackson, Michael, 179. Encounter of, 181. 

Jeffries, David, notice of, 23. 

Jenkins, Joseph, 349. 

Johonnot, Peter, message from Boston by, 304. 

Johnstone, Governor, cited on B. H. battle, 155. 

Johnson, Obadiah, 188. 

Kettel, John, diary of, 213. Extract from, 232. 

Keyes, Lieut., in B. H. battle, 189. 

King, Daniel P., address of, 36G. 

King Solomon's Lodge, monument erected by, 
338. Compliment to, 343. 

Kittredge, Thomas, at B. H. battle, 175, 194. 

Knowlton, Thomas, 122. At B. H. battle, 134, 
136,151,189. Enterprise of, 287. Com- 
mended, 288. 

Knowles, Seth, 341. 

Knox, Henry, in B. H. battle, 49, 146, 212. 
Transports artillery from Crown Point, 295. 

Ladies' Fair, account of, 350. 

Lafayette, triumphal tour of, 342, 344. 

Lamb's Dam, works at, 242, 254, 298, 413. 

Langdon, President, prayer of, 122, 226. 

Langdon, John, letter of cited, 203. 

Lawrence, Amos, 346. Proposition of, 347. 
Donation of, 349, 353. 

Lawrence, Samuel, in B. H. battle, 347. 

Leach, John, imprisoned by Gage, 236. 

Learned, Ebenezer, 92, 304. Enters Boston, 310. 

Lechmere's Point, skirmish at, 267. Works 
at, 269, 270. Cannonade of, 271. Works 
at. 2S9, 410. 

Lee, Henry, cited on B. H. battle, 157, 161, 377. 

Lee, Wm., good conduct of in B. H. battle, 188. 

Lee, Charles, 36. Cited, 160, 162. Address to, 
215. Correspondence of, 223. Note of, 
228. Views of, 258. Ordered to New 
York, 292. Cited on B. H. battle, 375. 

Leighlon, Charles, 349, 351. 

Leslie, Colonel, expedition of to Salem, 47. 

Lexington, description of, 59. Skirmish at, 
61. Evidence of return fire at, 63. Skir- 
mish in, 74. Houses burnt in, 76. Killed 
and wounded at, 80. Loss of, 81. Anni- 
versary celebrations of, 82. 

Lexington Battle, character of, 83. EfTect of 
in the colonies, 84. Narrative of, 85. 
Efiect of, 86. British comments on, 89. 
Depositions relating to, 367. Authorities 
of, 365. 

Liberty Tree, 27. Destruction of, 237, 328. 

Light-house, burning of, 227, 2:50. 

Lindsey, Captain, fires on the British, 232. 



Linzee, Capt. , (of the Falcon,) 126. Sword of, 

168. 
Little, Moses, 136. In B. H. battle, 177. 
London Chronicle, article from, 398. 
Long Island, prisoners taken at, 225. 
Lothrop, Isaac, notice of letter of, 373. 
Loring, Joshua, moderator of meeting. 240. 
Loring, Joshua, Jr., appointed sole auctioneer, 

247. 
Lovell, James, notice of, 22. Imprisonment 

of, 236. 
Lowell, John, his defence of Putnam, 379. 
Lunenburg, account of the militia of, 43. 
Lunt, Captain, in B. H. battle, 136, 177. 
Lyman, Theodore, Jr., 341. 
Lynch, Thomas, arrives at Cambridge, 256. 

Manly, John, 261, 269, 272, 289, 308. 
Mansfield, John, in B. H. battle, 183. 
Martin, John, cited on B H. battle, 159, 162. 

Notice of, 202, 373. 
Marshall, Thomas. 304, 317. 
Marshfield, British expedition to, 46. 
Martindale, Captain, 260, 261. Captured, 269. 
Mason, David, 184, 
Massachusetts, politics of, 4. Acts altering 

charter of, 8. Prosperity of, 20. Policy 

of the patriots of, 45. Firmness of 53. 

Votes of relative to an army, 98. Patriotic 

efforts of, 264, 273. Massachusettensis 

cited, 31, 33. 
Massachusetts Charitable Mechanic Associa- 
tion, proposition to, 347. Vote of, 348. 

Money collected by, 349. 
Mason, Jonathan, notice of, 23. 
Maxwell, Capt., wounded in B. H. battle, 175. 
McClary, Andrew, 186. His character, 187. 
McFingal, poem of cited, 33. 48, 56. 
McClintock, Samuel, in B. H. battle, 186, 137. 
Mecklenburg Declaration of Independence, 84. 
Mechanics, Boston, service and patriotism 

of, 25. 
Merriam, Cfpsar, opposition of to Gage, 240. 
Middlesex County, its convention, 12. The 

people of, 13. 
Minute-men, discipline of, 42. Gathering of, 

67,71. Service of, 83. 
Miller, William T., letters of cited, 213, 229. 
Mitilm, Thomas, 216, 267, 300. 
Monroe, Robert, killed at Lexington, 64. 
Molineaux, William, character and death of 23. 
Moore, Willard, death and character of, 145,178. 
Morton, Perez, eulogy of on Warren, 337. 
Moullon, Blartha, 67. Petition of, 369. 
Mowatt, Capt., fleet under, sails from Boston 

253. 
Moylan, Colonel, letters of cited, 262, 270, 271, 

295. 
Mumford, Adjutant, killed, 234. 
Murray, James, notice of the history of, 375. 
Muzzy, Isaac, killed at Lexington, 64. 

Nancy, store-ship, capture of, 269. Articles 
in, 270. 

Newell, Timothy, 23, 304, 317, 328. 

Newell, Thomas, extracts from diary of, -363. 

New England, politics of, 1. Etforts of, 264. 
Jealousy of, 266. 

New Hampshire, raises an army, 99. Patriot- 
ism of, 273. 

Newspapers, Boston, character and service of, 
31. 

Nixon, John, good conduct of, 182, 183. 

Nook's Hill, importance of 305. Occupied, 309. 

North, Lord, cited on B. H. battle, 191. On 
evacuation of Boston, 321. 

Nortli Bridge, notice oi, 65. Retreat over, 67. 
Skirmish at, 69. 



INDEX. 



419 



North Church, demolition of, 282, 32S. 
Nofldle's Island, eiigagemenl at, 109. 
O'Brien, Jeremiah, captures the Margaretta, 

III. 
Old South Church, 27, 33. Desecration of. 32S. 
Oliver, Peter. 253. 
Orne, Azor, 55, 57, 61, 99, 225. 
Osgood, David, 186. 

Osgood, Samuel, aid to General Ward, 216. 
Otis, James, character of, 21. 
Otis, Colonel, at committee of conference, 256. 

Page, Lieut., notice of, 196. Plan of, 375. 

Palmer, Joseph, 99, 117, 225. 

Parris, Alexander, 345, 

Parker, Jonas, heroic death of, 63. 

Parlcer, John, 59, 61, 62, 73. 

Parker, Moses, death and character of, 176. 

Parsons, Samuel Holden, 100, 209. 

Patterson, Colonel, 132, 268. 

Payson, Dr., at Lexington battle, 75. 

Peabody, Stephen, 187. Intrepidity of, 188. 

Penny Ferry, house burnt at, 232. 

Percy, Lord, 7. Anecdote of, 58. Reinforces 
Colonel Smith, 75. His retreat, 76. Re- 
mark of on minute-men, 84. Notice of, 
89 299 334. 

Perkins, Capt., 'in ^ H. battle, 136, 177. 

Perkins, T. H., 340, 341, 343, »47. 

Phillips, William, notice of, 22. 

Phinney, Elias, history of cited, 59, 366. 

Pickering, Timothy, at Lexington battle, 78. 

Pitcairn, Major, detached to Concord, 61. 
Relation by, 62. Death and character of, 
195. 

Pigeon, John, ordered to establish a watch, 51. 

Pigot, General, 139, 140, 149, 199. 

Pitts, John, notice of, 22. Cited on B. H. bat- 
tle, 160, 162. 317. Letter of, 374. 

Ploughed Hill, fortification of, 233. Bombard- 
ment of, 242. Works on, 410. 

Pollard, Asa, killed at Breed's Hill, 126. 

Pomeroy, Seth, 103, 133, 136, 152. Service of 
in B. H. battle, 173, 214. 

Poor, Thomas, 175. 

Poor, Enoch, 99. Arrives at Medford, 209, 211. 

Porter, Asahel, killed at Lexington, 64. 

Powell, William, notice of, 23. 

Prescott, William, commander of a guard, 92. 
Notice of, 103. Orders to, 122. Anecdote 
of, 123. Anxiety of 125. Anecdotes of, 
126. Remarks of, 127. At Bunker Hill, 
140, 141, 142, 147, 149. His retreat, 150. 
At Cambridge, 153. His command, 166. 
His character, 167. Notice of, 15S, 159, 
223, His account of B. H, battle, 395. 

Prescott, William, (Judge,) his account of B. 
H, battle, 121, Cited, 123, 125, 142, 145, 
150, 1.53. On the question of command. 
162, 349, 353, 380. 

Prescott, Samuel, alarm in Concord by, 60. 

Prescott, Lieut., killed in B. H. battle, 175. 

Prescott, Catharine L., 350. 

Prescott, James, 91. 

Prince, Dr., anecdote of, 79. 

Prospect Hill, 115. Fortifications of, 210, 217, 
221. Barracks on, 291. Bombarded, 297. 
Works on, 411. 

Provincial Congress, convened, 41. Firmness 
of 54. Resolve of, 95. Assembles at Con- 
cord, 98. Letter of 106. Vote of against 
Gage, 107. Address of to Washington, 214. 

Putnam, Israel, 36. Arrives in camp, 92. 
Notice of, 103, 107. At Noddle's Island, 
109. At exchanse of prisoners, 112. Views 
of, 116. On Breed's Hill, 123, 128, 129, 
130, 132. At B. H. battle, 133, 134, 136, 
138, 140, 142, 143, 146, 152. Evidence 



relative to, 163. Letter of 165. Move- 
ments of in B. H. battle, 169. Fortifies 
Prospect Hill, 210, 214. Standard sent to, 
226. Fortifies Cobble Hill, 268. Christens 
.the "Congress," 270. Fortifies Lech- 
mere's Point, 271, 287. His command, 300. 
Takes possession of Boston, 310. 

Putnam, Daniel, cited, 143, 210. Letter of, 379. 

Putnam; Rufus, 212. 

Putnam, Jesse, 341. 

Quincy, Josiah, Jr., notice of, 22, 35. 

Reed, James, notices of, 99, 134, 136, 187. 
Reed, Joseph, cited, 169, 216. 228, 231, 2.39, 25R. 
Revere, Paul, notice of, 23. On clubs, 29. 

Alarms the country, 58, 60. Narrative of, 

366. 
Rhode Island raises an army, 100. 
Rivington's New York Gazette, extract from, 

47. Account of B. H. battle in, 397. 
Ripley, Ezra, history of 366. 
Robertson, General, application to, 95, 303. 
Robinson, Lemuel, 93, 110. 
Robinson, John. 68, 138, 175. 
Rockingham, Marquis of, speech of, 323, 
Rogers, Jacob, extract from the petition of, 371. 
Rowe, John, notice of, 23. 
Roxbury, cannonade of 1.38.' Fortification of, 

211. Description of 254. Works at, 413. 
Royal Fencible Americans, 239. 
Ruggles, Timothy, 46, 95, 97, 127, 279. 
Russell, James, Gage's letter to, 79, 338, 
Russell, N. P., services as treasurer, 341, 353. 
Russell, Jason, killed at West Cambridge, 76, 

Salem, meeting at forbidden, 12. British 
troops at, 47. 

Savage, James S., 351, 3.53, 3.54. 

Sawbridge, Mr., on B. H. battle, 191. 

Schuyler, Philip, 214, 287. 

Scollay, John, notice of, 23, 304, 317. 

Scammans, James, 146, 160, 183, 375. 

Selectmen, Boston, 27. Names of, 28. Mes- 
sage of, 303. Address of 316, 

Selman, Captain, sails in the Franklin, 260, 272. 

Sargent, Paul Dudley, 92, 118, 168, 220. 

Sever, William, 256. 

Sharpe, Gibbens, notice of, 23. 

Shattuck, Lemuel, history of cited, 65, 366. 

Shaw's Journal cited, 289. 

Sherwiu, Capt., killed in B. H. battle, 196. 

Shuldham, Admiral, 292, 299. 

Small, John, anecdotes of, 79, 148, 172. 

Smith, Gershom, in B. H. battle, 189. 

Smith, Wm., 66. Offers to attack the British, 68. 

Smith, Colonel, march of to Concord, 60. 

Soley, John, address of, 338. 358. 

Songs, Revolutionary, 39, 105, 243. 

Sparks, Jared, 121. Cited, 240, 293. 

Spencer, Joseph, 100, 214. 

Spendlove, Major, killed at B. H. battle, 195. 

Spooner, Walter, 256. 

Stacy, William, 18.3. 

Stamp Office, destruction of celebrated, 233. 

Stark, John, ordered to Chelsea, 92. 99. No- 
tice of 103. At Bunker Hill. 134, 136, 151, 
186, 372. 

Starr, William, 236. 

Stedman, history of cited, 76, 145, 377. 

Steele, Robert, drummer in B. H. battle, 178. 

Stewart. Gilbert, 343. 

Stiles, Ezra, diary of cited, 54, 62, 164, 373. 

Story, Joseph, 341, 348. 

Stone, W. W., 349. 

Storrs, Experience, 188. 

Sullivan, John, 214, 228. Fortifies Ploughed 
Hill. 234, 253, 257. Letter of, 273. 



420 



INDEX, 



Sullivan, William, 341. 
Sullivan, Richard, 341. 

Swell, Samuel, 121. Cited, 153, 181, 190,341, 
343. His history, 379. 

Tay, William, petition of on 19th of April, 368. 

Thatcher, Peter, cited, 159, 162. Oration of, 
301. His account of B. H. battle, .373, 385. 

Thatcher, James, cited, 160, J 62, 222, 380. 

Thompson, Bejij., Count Rumford, 185, 324. 

Thompson, Colonel, at Lechmere's Point, 267. 

Thompson, David, killed in Lexington battle, 
74. 

Thompson, William, in Lexington battle, 72. 

Thomas, John, 42. Notice of,92, 98. Manoeuvre 
of 107, 214. Occupies Dorchester Heights, 
297. 

Thomas, Isaiah, 32. Pamphlet of, 365. 

Tliornton, J. Wingate, 329. 

Thorndike, John P., 349, 351. 

Tii-knor, George, 340, 343. 

Tories, 32. Views of, 33, 53. Volunteer ser- 
vice of, 203. Surprise of, 301. Number 
of, 31 1. Conduct of, 95, 96. Seizure of 
recommended, 253. 

Town Meetings, Boston, 26. Gage on, 26. 

Townsend, David, service of in B. H. battle, 194. 

Trevett, S. R. , at B. H. battle, 118, 152, 184, 186. 

Trumbull, Col., cited, 172. Engraving of, 377. 

Trumbull, Governor, 245, 253, 375. 

Touro, Judah, donation of 349, 353. 

Tudor, William, cited, 161, 162. His state- 
ment, 379. Letter of, 396. 

Tudor, William, cited, 19. Notice of, 340, 341. 

Tupper, Major, 224. Expeditions of, 230, 242. 

Urquhart, James, town major, 237. 

Vose, Major, expedition of to Nantasket, 226. 
Voyage to Boston, poem of cited, 238. 

Wade, Captain, in B. H. battle, 136, 177. 

Wainwood, Mr., 258. 

Walker, Benjamin, in B. H. battle, 138, 177. 

Wales, Nalhl., on conference committee, 256. 

Wales, Abby L., 350. 

Ward, Artemas, 41. Takes command of the 
army, 91, 98. Notice of, 103, 116, 117. 
Views of, 128. Ordero of, 146. Regiment 
of, 181. Thanks of 190. Reinforced, 209, 
214, 310. Letter of, 396. 

Ward, Henry, 258. 

Ward, Jonatlian, in B. H. battle, 151, 181. 

Warner, Captain, in B. H. battle, 136, 177. 

Warren, James, 286. 

Warren, Susan P., 350. 

Warren, John, cited, 62. On Boston, 327. On 
fortifications, 329. On Charlestown, 330. 

Warren, John C, 62, 340, 341, 345, 346. 

Warren, Joseph, 17. Notice of, 21. On com- 
mencing hostilities, 40. On Provincial 
Congress, 42, 50. Letters of, 51, 53, 55. 
At Lexington battle, 76, 77. Eulogy on, 
77. Service of, 92. Letter of, 103. At 
Noddle's Island, 109, 133, 136. Killed, 151. 
Command attributed to, 163. Service of, 



170. Monument to, 337, 310. Eulogium 
on cited, 77, 144, 172. 

Washington, George, on British retreat, 78. 
On B. H. battle, 158. Commander-in- 
chief, 214. Reply of, 215. His descrip- 
tion of the lines, 216. Calls council 
of war, 213. Appearance of, 222. Ef- 
forts of, 223, Anxiety of, 231. Remon- 
strance of 240, Note of, 242, Applica- 
tions to for detachments, 245, Views of 
1775, 255, Orders Dr, Church arrested, 
2.53. Trials of, 266, Position of, 269, 
Views of the British designs, 270. Of the 
Connecticut troops, 273. Of the state of 
the army, 274, 285. Authorized to assault 
Boston, 285, Recommends an assault, 
286, Views of an assault, 290. Of his 
situation, 292, Resolve of to occupy Dor- 
cliester Heights, 296. Visit of to them, 
299. Negotiation with Howe, 304, Occu- 
pies Nook's Hill, 309, Leaves for New 
York, 312, Address to, 316, Reply of, 
317, Thanks of Congres.s to, 318, Medal 
in honor of, 319. Conduct of approved, 
326. 

Washburn, Captain, in B, H, battle, 151, 181. 

Waters, Josiah, 212, 

Watson, Abraham, 55, 99^225. 

Webb, Samuel, letter of on B. H. battle cited. 
189. 

Webster, Daniel, cited, 157. His character of 
B. H. battle, 204, 340. Address of, 345. 
Cited, 352, 353, 358. Article of, 379, 380, 
381, 

Welles, Benjamin, 341. 

Wells, Charles, 349, 351. 

Welsh, Thomas, notices of, 76, 78, 194. 

Wendell, Oliver, notice of 22, 317. 

West, Samuel, deciphers Church's letter, 258. 

West Cambridge, skirmishes at, 76, 77. Mon- 
ument in, 83. 

Whipple, Abraham, commands a cruiser, 260. 

Whipple, Christoplier, ditto, 260. 

Whitcomb, Asa, 91, 183. 

While, Benjamin, 99, 117, 225. 

Whitney, Jonathan, 92, 349, 

Whitney, Josiah, cited, 163, Sermon of 376. 

Whittemore, Samuel, in Lexington battle, 77. 

Wilkes, John, extracts from the speech of, 326. 

Wilkinson, General, cited on B. H, battle, 157. 
On the American works, 332, 378. 

Willard, Solomon, patriotic services of in 
building B. H. Monument, 353, 346, 349. 
354. 

Williams, William, letter of on B. H. battle, 
373 

Williams, Obadiah, 186. 

Wilson, Jonathan, killed in Lexington battle, 
74. 

Winter Hill, fortified, 211, 217, 228, 411. 

Woburn, militia of in Lexington battle, 73. 

Woodbridge, Benjamin R., 183, 267. 

Wood, Major, 141, 175, Good conduct of, 395 

Worcester, David, 214, 

Wyman, Isaac, 186. 

Wyman, Nathaniel, killed at Lexington, 74. 



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